This master thesis explores how the use of relatively new conceptual compositions such as "virtue signaling" and "social justice warriors" can alter and/or change the original connotations of "virtue" and "social justice". The study proposes that these compositions can become carriers of ideological structures. Further, it examines what effects these compositions have on the public debate. Using quantitative and qualitative digital text analysis on a selection of articles in Swedish alternative and mainstream media, the thesis finds the new compositions of the words "virtue" and "social justice" to be essentially contested concepts and that they have migrated from alternative media into the mainstream media. The thesis concludes that 1) the new compositions are carriers of the prevailing ideology in alternative media and that 2) the polemic and locked positions in the debate about virtue signaling calls for a discussion about language and its use.

No description available.

[pt] O trabalho analisa a fragilidade dos mecanismos de accountability apresentados pelo Novo Banco de Desenvolvimento (NDB) em seu Ordenamento Socioambiental, Environmental and Social Framework (ESF), principalmente no que tange o acesso à informação e a participação da sociedade civil. Essa falta de accountability é um dos potenciais problemas advindos do modelo de sistemas nacionais avançados pelo ESF. A ausência no ESF de um mecanismo robusto que garanta a transparência e o controle socioambiental dos projetos da instituição, unido com a promoção do uso dos sistemas nacionais, pode dificultar a participação de membros da sociedade civil organizada e de comunidades potencialmente afetadas de importantes partes do processo. Após uma análise dos mecanismos de accountability no ESF do Banco Mundial, o trabalho argumenta que ocorreria um race to the bottom dos padrões de proteção socioambientais de ambos Banco Mundial e NDB, devido a uma competição no setor de financiamento para o desenvolvimento. / [en] This paper analyzes the fragility of the accountability mechanisms in the Environmental and Social Framework (ESF) of the New Development Bank (NDB). Two accountability elements were highlighted: access to information and civil society participation.t is argued in the paper that one potential problem derived from the use of the country systems, supported by the ESF, is an absence of oversight. The lack of a robust accountability mechanism, which guarantees transparency and strong environmental and social protection in the NDB s projects, coupled with the use of country systems, may hamper the participation of affected peoples during the entire process. After a comparative analysis of the World Bank s ESF, it is suggested that a development financing competition of sorts might be occurring, leading towards a race to the bottom in the environmental and social protection standards in both the World Bank and the NDB.

Includes bibliographical references (leaves 135-150) / It is increasingly becoming apparent that elections, as component parts of democratic processes, do not always guarantee a smooth transfer of power and stable democratic cultures in many contemporary polities. Whenever election outcomes are disputed, Governments of National Unity (GNU) are presented as strategic conflict prevention and resolution models. Yet, the GNU’s ability to nurture democracy in situations where it remains weak or non-existent is extremely limited. This dissertation therefore uses Zimbabwe’s case study to examine how its recent internal political turmoil had overwhelming implications for its legitimacy and democracy. Through qualitative research, the study reveals that despite partially reconciling Zimbabwe’s political protagonists, the GNU neither permanently resolved the crisis nor addressed significant related issues; thus, creating a paradox of legitimacy for the country. The dissertation concludes with recommendations for further research on matters of legitimacy in power-sharing scenarios such as Zimbabwe’s. / Political Sciences / M.A. (International politics)

Cette étude se penche sur la façon dont le pouvoir politique se est imaginé et imagée dans le centre-ville de Nairobi. Il examine comment l'environnement bâti de la ville a transformé l'ubiquité en place-de-appartenance. Construit culture est considérée comme un outil (mais non exclusif) pour forger une relation entre la société et un contexte spatial donné; un support pour la société de «personnaliser» son espace. L'accent est mis bâtiments emblématiques situées dans l'espace central, public et symbolique et est en outre délimitée à leur style architectural. L'autorité politique, mais pas singulièrement responsables de l'identité collective, a été choisi comme point de départ, car sa contribution est décisive. Par conséquent, il est aussi un produit de la performance politique Nairobi est interrogé. Une exploration des connotations et les nuances des styles utilisés pour ériger ses bâtiments emblématiques possibles sont esquissées. Gouvernement colonial de Nairobi utilisé un style néo-classique. Kenyatta, le premier président indigène, se est éloigné de cette tradition néo-classique. Sa préférence était une déclaration stylisée-africaine. Et, en plus de choisir un style différent, il réorienté la dynamique spatiale dans City Square ainsi ré-articuler son identité. Pour un examen plus complet de Nairobi, elle est comparée à Dar es-Salaam (la capitale commerciale de la Tanzanie) voisin. Dar es Salaam dispose d'une plus grande variété dans les styles architecturaux: arabo-swahili, classique européenne avec des fonctionnalités omanais-arabes et les Sarrasins compositions décoratives. Pendant ce temps, la variété architecturale à Nairobi coloniale, où les Britanniques avaient plus de six décennies undisturbed- pour élaborer leur image, est carrément néo-classique. Présenté avec plus (ou moins) polarisée images coloniales, les présidents autochtones du Kenya et de la Tanzanie ont réagi différemment. L'image postcoloniale de Nairobi est ouvertement «africaine» peut-être une réponse au classicisme néo aussi manifeste des coloniaux. Dar es Salaam, d'autre part, est dépourvu de stridente de va-et-vient dans ses discours stylistiques. En conclusion, il semble que le plus fougueux du concours sous-jacente de posséder une ville, plus articuler son image spatiale; plus contesté un espace a été, le plus spectaculaire de l'image qu'il porte. Nairobi a connu un concours de propriété plus intense par rapport à Dar es-Salaam. Une concurrence intense nécessite un style architectural décisive tout pluralisme stylistique prospère où le concours est moins intense. Cela peut ne pas se applique à toutes les villes en Afrique, mais ce est la vue en gros plan, l'identité imagé dans l'espace central de Nairobi. / This study looks at how political power has imagined-and-imaged itself in Nairobi’s city centre. It examines how the city’s built environment has transformed ubiquity into place-of-belonging. Built culture is considered as a tool (though not an exclusive one) for forging a relation between society and a given spatial context; a medium for society to ‘personalise’ its space. The focus is iconic buildings sited in the central, public and symbolic space and is further delimited to their architectural style. Political authority, though not singularly responsible for collective identity, has been selected as the point of departure because its contribution is decisive. Therefore, it is as a product of political performance that Nairobi is interrogated. An exploration of possible connotations and nuances of the styles employed to erect its iconic buildings are sketched out. Nairobi’s colonial government used a neo classical style. Kenyatta, the first indigenous president, distanced himself from this neo-classical tradition. His preference was a stylised-African statement. And, in addition to selecting a different style he re-oriented the spatial dynamics in City Square thus re-articulating its identity. For a fuller scrutiny of Nairobi, it is compared to neighbouring Dar es Salaam (the commercial capital of Tanzania). Dar es Salaam features greater variety in architectural styles: Arab-Swahili, European classical with Omani-Arab features and the decorative saracenic compositions. Meanwhile, architectural variety in colonial Nairobi, where the British had over six decades–undisturbed– to craft their image, is bluntly neo-classical. Presented with more (or less) polarised colonial images, the indigenous presidents of Kenya and Tanzania reacted differently. Nairobi’s postcolonial image is overtly ‘african’ perhaps as a response to the equally overt neo classicism of the colonials. Dar es Salaam, on the other hand, is devoid of strident back-and-forth in its stylistic discourses. In conclusion, it appears the more spirited the underlying contest to own a city, the more articulate its spatial image; the more contested a space has been, the more spectacular the image it bears. Nairobi has experienced a more intense ownership contest compared to Dar es Salaam. Intense competition necessitates a decisive architectural style while stylistic pluralism thrives where the contest is less intense. This may not apply to all the cities in Africa but it is the close-up view, the imaged identity in Nairobi’s central space.

This thesis brings together two responses to the question ‘how can the law extend the timeframe for environmentally relevant decision-making?’ The first response is drawn from the context of institutional investment, and addresses the timeframe and breadth of environmental considerations in pension fund investment decision-making. The second response is related to the context of public environmental decision-making by legislators, the judiciary, and administrators. Three themes underlie and bind the thesis: the challenges to decision-making posed by the particular temporal and spatial characteristics of environmental problems, the existence and effects of short-termism in a variety of contexts, and the legal notion of the trust as a means for analysing and addressing problems of a long-term or intergenerational nature. These themes are borne out in each of the four substantive chapters. Chapter III sets out to demonstrate the theoretical potential of pension funds to drive the reduction of firms’ environmental impact, and, focusing particularly on the notion of fiduciary duty, explores the barriers that stand in their way. Chapter IV provides a practical application of the theoretical recommendations outlined in its predecessor. It provides a framework outlining how pension funds might implement a longer term, more sustainable approach to investing. The second half of the thesis, operating in the context of public environmental decision-making, is centred upon a particularly poignant legal notion with respect to the environment and time: the concept of intergenerational equity. Just as the first half of the thesis deals with the timeframes relevant to investment decision-making by pension funds within the bounds of fiduciary duty, largely a private law affair with public implications, the second half of the thesis is concerned with the principle of intergenerational equity as a means for extending the decision-making timeframe of legislative, judicial and administrative decision-makers. As previous analyses of the concept of intergenerational equity provide little insight into its practical implications when applied to particular factual situation, Chapter V sets out the structure of the principle of intergenerational equity as revealed by case law. Chapter VI brings together the issues from the first three papers by conceptualising intergenerational equity in resource management as an issue of long-term investment. Long-term environmental decision-making faces many obstacles. Individual behavioural biases, short-term financial incentive structures, the myopic pressures of the electoral cycle and the tendency of the common law to reinforce the (often shorttermist) status quo all present significant barriers to the capacity of both private and public decision-makers to act in ways that favour the longer term interests of the environment. Nonetheless, this thesis argues that there is reason for hope: drawing upon the three themes that underlie all of the substantive Chapters, it articulates potential legislative changes and recommends the adoption of particular governance structures to overcome barriers to long-term environmental decision-making.

Nairobi compte près de 200 bidonvilles où vit 70% de sa population. La plupart des habitants manquent de sécurité foncière et subissent des menaces constantes d'expulsion forcée. Pourtant, nous en savons encore très peu sur la façon dont ces établissements se forment, se développent et se consolident dans des espaces urbains contestés et comment leurs habitants s'adaptent aux conditions d'incertitude. Une partie de la raison réside dans l'écart entre les théories de design et d'adaptation. Alors que la théorie du design se concentre principalement sur les processus cognitifs des professionnels (en négligeant les mécanismes d'adaptation adoptés par les habitants des bidonvilles), les transformations spatiales dans les taudis sont souvent abordées par la théorie de la résilience qui, de son côté, ne tient pas compte des processus de design. Quel est le rôle du design dans les processus d'adaptation liés à des espaces urbains contestés? Je réponds à cette question en explorant les relations entre le design et les capacités d'adaptation dans le Toi Market, le deuxième plus grand marché informel de Nairobi. J'étudie les régimes fonciers du marché et les pratiques de design des commerçants au moyen d’une étude de cas combinant des enquêtes longitudinales et transversales. Le parcours de recherche est abductif. Le cadre conceptuel de la recherche est basé sur une revue de la littérature sur le régime foncier et la théorie du design. Les concepts de rationalité limitée, d'incertitude et de mécanismes adaptatifs constituent la base du cadre théorique utilisé pour analyser les données empiriques. La méthodologie comprend l’observation participante, 59 entrevues avec les commerçants, des rencontres avec les leaders du marché, des techniques de cartographie et l'analyse de plus de 80 documents pertinents sur le marché. Les résultats montrent que le Toi Market a trois types de conditions foncières controversées et que les commerçants mènent des activités de design à trois niveaux: le design de développement, le design évolutif et le design de consolidation. Le design de développement consiste en des initiatives collectives d'adaptation suscitées par des mécanismes de survie. Ce type de design émerge en réaction aux interventions urbaines ordinaires. Il renforce le capital social et vise à améliorer la fonctionnalité du marché. Le design évolutif est mené par des sous-groupes communautaires en réponse aux principaux événements et aux forces externes. Il conduit à des changements sociaux et morphologiques à l’échelle urbaine et dépend des mécanismes de gouvernance et de contrôle. Le design de consolidation fait référence à des initiatives adaptatives dirigées par des individus et des groupes et menées en période de relative stabilité. Il renforce le développement économique et les réseaux, et cherche à atteindre la sécurité foncière. Il émerge principalement dans des niches vacantes, car les habitants des bidonvilles profitent des espaces vides et sous-utilisés. Ces trois niveaux de design génèrent ce que j'appelle ici les établissements multiniveaux. J’oppose ce concept à celui de « quartiers informels », un concept qui ne représente pas la façon dont les bidonvilles et les marchés fonctionnent et évoluent. Je rejette donc la dichotomie formelle/informelle qui persiste dans la littérature. La notion d’habitat multiniveaux reconnaît l'influence d’alliances changeantes et de multiples niveaux de gouvernance comme faisant partie intégrale des processus de design. Dans ces habitats, le design émerge comme un connecteur de capacités adaptatives. Les concepts d’habitats multiniveaux, de niche vacante et de design en tant que connecteur de capacités adaptatives peuvent aider des intervenants à développer des initiatives d’amélioration des bidonvilles qui répondent à l'approche de design adoptée par les habitants de bidonvilles. Ces initiatives peuvent reconnaître la présence d'alliances multiples qui parfois entravent – et d'autres qui favorisent – le changement désiré. Les pratiques de design communautaire peuvent également être adaptées pour équilibrer les objectifs collectifs et individuels. En comprenant ces concepts, les décideurs peuvent à la fois optimiser l'espace disponible en fonction des pratiques locales et prévoir la façon dont les modèles apparaîtront dans les espaces prévus. Enfin, j'encourage les chercheurs à explorer davantage la pensée et la pratique de design des habitants de bidonvilles et de les inclure dans la théorie du design. / Nairobi has nearly 200 slums where 70% of its population live. Most slum dwellers lack tenure security and suffer the constant threat of eviction. Yet, we still know very little about how these slums form, grow, and consolidate in contested urban spaces, and how their residents adapt to uncertainty. Part of the reason lies in the gap between design and adaptation theories. Whereas design theory focuses mainly on professionals’ cognitive processes (largely ignoring adaptation mechanisms adopted by slum dwellers), spatial transformations in slums are often addressed by resilience theory, which usually overlooks design processes. What is the role of design in adaptation processes in contested urban spaces? I answer this question by exploring the relationships between design and adaptive capacities in the Toi Market, the second largest informal market in Nairobi. I study the market’s tenure regimes and traders’ design practices through a case study that combines longitudinal and cross-section investigation. The research reasoning is abductive, made of iterative paths between conceptual frameworks and empirical results. It is largely based on a literature review on land tenure and design theory. The concepts of bounded rationality, uncertainty, and adaptive mechanisms constitute the basis of the theoretical framework used to analyse the empirical data. Methods include participant observation, 59 interviews with traders, meetings with market leaders, mapping techniques and the analysis of over 80 pertinent documents about the market. Results show that the Toi Market has three types of controversial tenure regimes and traders conduct design at three levels: development design, evolutionary design, and consolidation design. Development design consists of collective adaptive initiatives prompted by survival mechanisms. It strengthens social capital, emerges in reaction to ordinary urban interventions, and seeks to improve functionality. Evolutionary design is conducted by community sub-groups in response to major external forces and events. It leads to social and morphological changes at the urban scale and depends on governance and control mechanisms. Consolidation design refers to individual and group-led adaptive initiatives conducted during times of relative stability. It reinforces economic development and networks and seeks to achieve land tenure security. It emerges mainly in vacant niches, as slum-dwellers take advantage of empty, underused spaces. These three levels of design generate what I call here Multi-Level Settlements. I oppose this concept to “informal settlements” that fails to represent how slums and markets work and evolve. I thus reject the formal/informal dichotomy that persists in literature. The Multi-level concept recognises shifting alliances and multiple levels of governance as integral part of design processes. In it, design emerges as a connector of adaptive capacities. The concepts of Multi-Level Settlements, Vacant Niche and Design as a connector of adaptive capacities can help developing slum upgrading initiatives that meet the design approach naturally adopted by slum-dwellers. These initiatives can therefore acknowledge the presence of multiple alliances, which sometimes hinder—and others, foster—desired change. Community design practices can also be tailored to balance collective and individual objectives. By understanding these concepts, decision-makers can both optimize available space according to local practices and forecast how patterns will emerge in planned spaces. Finally, I encourage scholars and practitioners to further explore slum-dwellers’ design-thinking and practices to include them in mainstream design theory.