Since the beginning of this century China has been expanding its influence in the South-East Asia region and beyond. It has introduced a new term to describe its pre-superpower status - a “peaceful development”. The PRC has been creating a new country brand for its legitimacy as a rising power - it underlines that it doesn’t want to interfere in any country’s internal matters, and relationship with China is mutually beneficial to all, who choose to cooperate with it. The brand-creation process reached its peak during the recent Olympic Games held in Beijing in August 2008. China showed its rich history and tradition, connected with high level of governmental and individual entrepreneurship, which has brought it to the position of the fastest growing economy in the world. The same brand creation strategy, as in the case of international strategy, has been used towards the Taiwanese in order to fulfill the big dream of “One China”- to reach the strategic goal of unification. Taiwan Strait has been considered as one of the potential trouble spots in the rivalry between the current (USA) and coming (PRC) superpowers. For this reason, researchers, political advisers and decision-makers need to keep a close eye on the events in the Strait. Currently the Taiwan – China relations seem to experience a détente, but as Taiwan is a democratic country and there are other than KMT players on the domestic political arena, next president might change his perspective and lead the Formosa to the collision course with the PRC and the PLA. Therefore the matters regarding bilateral relations of the ROC and the PRC need to be handled with a particular care in order not to cause an unnecessary military confrontation, most likely even the nuclear one. The general interest of this paper is to assess the influence of the rising interdependence between Taiwan and China on the Taiwanese people, and try to predict the future of Taiwan and the development of its relationship with the PRC. That is why this study wants to empirically examine China’s means to achieve its most wanted goal - incorporation (integration) of Taiwan and obtaining territorial integrity of the “Greater China” area.

一個國家的政府，無論其規模大小，必會具有地方性層次的思考；當一國追求在其週邊區域上更具影響力時，並成為區域的強權，則以地區性層次的考量來決定國家安全政策制定；而少數能在國際政治影響力的國家，其政府有其專屬的世界地緣政治觀，其是以全球的角度來制定其國家戰略。本文所研究的核心目的是兩岸關係中台灣的戰略價值。 　　二戰後國際局勢丕變，各國戰略利益縱橫交錯，不是單存的地緣關係，而是多從性質的政治、經濟和軍事利益的制約與聯合，因此地緣戰略在整個國家戰略中的地位日益重要。 　　台灣是亞洲地緣戰略的重要部分，在兩岸關係與各國的利益關係影響極大。正因為台灣處在這東亞第一島鏈的戰略要衝上，其戰略價值的重要性是不可言喻，就中國而言，掌控台灣，則中國海防無憂，失去台灣，則中國戰略縱深將縮數百公里，對其政治、經濟及軍事上均有深層的影響；另外，對美、日等東亞地區大國國家利益影響亦有一定的衝擊。總的來說「台海兩岸未來關係的重大變數，使得台灣問題變得不僅更難處理，甚至還會為東亞地區帶來動盪不安的局勢」。 學生試圖從兩岸關係的地緣的角度來分析台灣的政治、經濟及軍事的戰略價值，並探究在全球化的發展下，台灣將會面臨什麼樣的地緣戰略？為了台灣的國家安全、生存與利益，要如何作為？及台灣的戰略價值對兩岸關係中的另一個主角─中共未來發展會有什麼影響？則是個 人研究的規劃與方向。 / Regardless of its scale, a government must have the ability to process consideration on local issues when making different kinds of national strategies. When a country pursues its power on marginal areas to become regional authority, it usually makes its national security policies based on local considerations. For the very few nations that have certain power on international politics, their governments have their specific viewpoints of international geographic politics, which is that they make their national strategies based on international viewpoints. This study aims to discuss the core value of Taiwan in cross-Strait relations. After World War II, each country share strategic interests with different countries. Relations between countries are not confined to neighbors anymore. They have become multiple restrictions and alliance in terms of politics, economy, and military. Therefore, geographic strategies have become more and more important in a country’s national strategies. In terms of geographic strategy, Taiwan is an important part in Asia. It has a great influence on cross-Strait relations and the interests of different countries. Because Taiwan is located at the major juncture on the First Island Chain in East Asia, its importance and strategic values are of no doubt. To China, controlling Taiwan means no worries about treads from the Strait. However, losing Taiwan means that China’s strategic depth would be hundreds of miles shorter, which would cause great influences on its politics, economy, and military. Moreover, it would also cause great impacts on the interests of the United States and some powerful countries in East Asia like Japan. To sum up, the great variability in the relations between the two sides of the Strait has made Taiwan issue tougher to manage. It is even possible to cause instability in East Asia area. In this study, I attempt to analyze Taiwan’s strategic values in terms of politics, economy, and military from the angle of geographic relations of the two sides of the Strait, and to discuss the geographic strategies that Taiwan might face with the development of globalization. Specifically, I aim to discuss how Taiwan should react to all these challenges in order to ensure national security and interests, and what the effects are that the strategic values of Taiwan have on the future development of China.

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金門，一個不起眼的海中蕞爾小島，在歷史漫卷的偶然機遇裡，被捲入了台海兩岸對峙、自由與共產陣營的冷戰衝突中，一躍成為世界知名的「戰地」。隨著世界冷戰的結束、國內民主運動的蓬勃發展，1992年11月7日金門解除戒嚴，褪下戰地的角色。尤其是1990年9月12日兩岸紅十字會簽定的《金門協議》，2001年實施的「小三通」，不但開啟了金門的新機運，亦成為兩岸由對抗、對峙走向和解的重要試點。 因此，本論文將針對兩岸關係演變中金門戰略價值之變遷作為研究的核心目的，內容分為三個部分論述： 一、認知與瞭解金門從兩岸武力對抗及停火對峙階段、終止動員戡亂時期後1995與1996年台海危機事件，以及2008年馬英九總統就任後，各個不同時期金門在軍事上所扮演的角色與價值。 二、探討「小三通」施行後在兩岸關係演變的中介角色、「小三通」與金門經濟價值之連結與擴張，尤其是兩岸簽訂「經濟合作架構協議」(ECFA)之後，金門主要經濟價值的展望。 三、藉由早期的「戰地政務實驗」階段與金門政治建設的關係、兩岸簽訂《金門協議》所突顯的政治戰略價值，以及金門在兩岸政治發展過程的見證，探究金門之政治價值。 爰此，經由以上的分析與論證，說明了長期以來金門在國際、兩岸的變局中所扮演的不同角色，而金門角色的蜕變，也相對見證了時代的變遷，與一部千曲百折的中國現代史。 / Quemoy is an inconspicuous island. In the long history stream, it was involved into Cold War between Taiwan and Mainland China, and also became a world famous battlefield. After Cold War was over and Taiwan Democracy Movement was vigorous development. On 7th November, 1992, Quemoy removed martial law, left the role of war. Especially, the Red Cross between Taiwan and Mainland China signed “Quemoy Agreement” on 12th September, 1990; in 2001, the government executed the “mini-three links” not only changed destiny of Quemoy, but also from hostility to reconciliation. Hence, the research of Quemoy strategy value is divided into three parts as below: First, Knowing and realizing Quemoy militarily against between cross-strait and Cold War, after Period of mobilization for the suppression of Communist rebellion, cross-strait crisis 1995 and 1996, and after President Ma sworn in, each different period has different values and roles in Quemoy military history. Secondly, Research the role between cross-strait relations developing after the “Mini-Three Links” was executed. The Quemoy economic value linkage and expending from that kind of links, especially after the ECFA, the forecast of Quemoy economic value. Thirdly, According to “civil-military government” period and some relevant political constructions, “Quemoy Agreement” strategy and political value, and the evidence of cross-strait political development, the essay focuses on the political value of Quemoy. Above all, after the analyzing and certificating, shows the Quemoy different roles between international and cross-strait relations. By following the development of Quemoy value, it also presents the theatrically modern China history.

在2014年，向日葵運動是一個轉折點，台灣的政治發展。這是第一次在台灣的立法院被學生佔領的歷史。匈牙利社會學家卡爾·曼海姆的理論認為，不穩定的事件可能會導致新的政治世代的出現。本文試圖探討的向日葵運動是否能夠被視為一個政治產生的催化劑。報告還分析了政治價值觀和態度對那些參與研究的學生無論是否成為一個政治一代的宗旨兩岸關係。如果我們知道這些學生的政治行為，可以預見兩岸關係的未來。 / In 2014, the Sunflower Movement was a turning point for the political development of Taiwan. It was the first time in the history of Taiwan that the Legislative Yuan was occupied by students. The Hungarian sociologist Karl Mannheim theorized that destabilizing events can lead to the emergence of new political generations. This thesis attempts to examine whether or not the Sunflower Movement can be considered as a catalyst of a political generation. It also analyzes the political values and attitudes towards Cross-Strait relations of those involved with the aim of studying whether or not those students became a political generation. If we know the political behavior of these students, it is possible to foresee the future of Cross-Strait relations.

大陸實施經改、台灣開放探親後的兩岸關係，正朝著政治分立、經濟合作路徑邁進。隨著台商經營模式由中小企業為主的低技術傳統產業，走向資金與技術密集型高科技產業，台商間的互動型態也由早期的小群體或個體作戰模式，轉為依賴集體力量、透過組織形式爭取共同利益。於此情況下，獲兩岸政府直接、間接承認的台資企業協會理應有非常大的運作空間，發揮外與兩岸政府斡旋、內為台商提供服務之功能。因此目前的相關文獻，莫不期待台商積極投入台協，而台協則發揮極其關鍵的功能。本研究卻將對此觀點提出挑戰，基於台協所提供的制度性入會誘因，分析台協的組織能力。基於上述設計，此研究奠基於筆者月餘的田野調查，訪談對象遍及上海、昆山、無錫三地台商與台辦人員。研究結果相當程度否定了學界視為理所當然之「台商積極參與台協」假設。根據筆者的研究，台資企業協會在中共政權的「強國家」以及經濟社會的「韌網絡」雙向壓縮下，台協的角色與功能，已遭到相當程度的弱化。 / With the on-going post-Mao reforms, more and more Taiwanese businessmen (Taishang) seek business opportunities in mainland China. After almost fifteen years, these entrepreneurs have given up labor-intensive manufacturing and shifted to high-tech production. At the same time, they also feel constant needs to organize themselves, for reasons involving political capital, social capital and selective incentives. Most of these Taishang then create the Taiwanese Business Associations (TBAs) to serve their purpose. Although TBAs being founded one by one, our preliminary investigation suggests that most of them are in fact weak organizations. This research thus seeks to explain why those TBAs tend to be weak on the basis of the incentives they would provide for their members. After a month-long field research in Shanghai, Wuxi, and Kunshan, I find that these associations are bound to be weak organization mainly because of the “strong state” and “powerful networks.” The practices of the state hamper the functioning of TBAs while the operation of social networks creates an alternative organization with the functions of associations.

CHARLES UNIVERSITY FACULTY OF SOCIAL SCIENCES Institute of Political Studies Department of Geopolitical Studies Master's Thesis Unconventional power of small states: a comparative case study of Lithuania and Taiwan (ROC) Abstract: The hypotheses of the leading international relations theories, especially realism, face fundamental criticism for not explaining the behavior of some small states, who lack material power but play an effective and influential role in the international arena. To fill in this oversight, the contemporary discourse of small states challenges the resource-based understandings of power and seeks new avenues to explain how some small states succeed in "punching above their weight." Most recently, Dr. Tom Long (2017) synthesized previous academic researches and proposed that the small state's power can be best understood as originating in three categories: derivative, collective, and particular-intrinsic. This thesis aims to contribute to the argument that small states can possess unconventional power to advance their influence and achieve their national interests. It uses Dr. Tom Long's three categories of unconventional power, as a basis for the comparative case study of Taiwan and Lithuania - two small states that have notoriously challenge the notion of "how a small state should...

本研究的目的在於分析國家認同(身分)，對於中國和臺灣之間所謂「國與國」關係的影響。兩岸關係的和暖始於１９７０及１９８０年代末期開始的「自由化」與「民主化」過程，這提供了雙方交流的機會，特別是在１９８７年中華民國政府開放經貿和民間交流，如一般民眾赴大陸探親。更重要的是，當臺灣的一黨專政消逝後，臺灣人民以民主改革重塑了政治環境，而這種民主改革也使臺灣政治產生了新的變化。 本研究認為，就「自由化」與「民主化」的過程而言，不僅是甚於政權的移轉，而且也包括某些政治之外的因素改變了意識形態，最明顯的因素即是經濟。自從１９７９年兩岸的軍事衝突結束後，雖然雙方並未建立有效且特久的和平機制，但在此時期，兩岸都經歷了一些社會自由化及著重經濟發展的政策變化。本文將透過三個焦點問題以理解「自由化」、「民主化」與兩岸之間的關係： i.兩岸於１９７０年代後期及１９８０年代，在個別強人領導之下，國家認同（身分）的影響為何？ ii.這些發展在兩個中國實體的內部如何影響兩岸關係？ iii.未來兩岸如何調整政策以促進和暖的局勢？ 本文將採用溫特的社會建構論做為研究的理論框架，亦即建構主義中的三個Ｉ：認同（身分）、利益和制度。以社會建構論應用在兩岸關係上是有其意義的，同時也顧及了國際關係理論做為一種積累式學科的特殊性。根據社會建構論指出，國家認同（身分）是透過文化規則以塑造，如１９８０年代臺灣人民對於民主的認知，及１９７０年代之後中國自由化的過程，都是其政治文化的一部分。因此，國家認同（身分）在以利益為驅動的國際關係下，必須以「國與國」的關係所取代。本文將以１９７０－８０年代兩岸關係做為案列，解釋國家認同（身分）在「國與國」的關係中的使用。 / The purpose of this study is to examine the effect of the state identity in the state-to-state relations of mainland China and Taiwan. Following the ‘liberalization’ process on the mainland in the late 1970s and Taiwan’s ‘democratization’ of the 1980s, a thawing of relations between the PRC and the ROC was effected. The subsequent exchange between both sides of the Taiwan Strait has included such important changes as the ROC government’s lifting of travel and trade-related restrictions to mainland China in 1987. More importantly, when one-party rule was lifted the people of Taiwan were given the chance to shape the political landscape with the help of democratic reforms which gave a new substance to the political nature of the exchange. The focal point of this study will be the argument that the ‘democratization’ and the ‘liberalization’ processes on both sides is not only because of the regime change but also the ideological shift caused by a number of extra-political factors, most notably economic factors. Although no effective mechanism for long-lasting peace has been established in Cross-Strait Relations since the end of the militarized disputes between the PRC and the ROC in 1979, this period also witnessed a shift in policy towards social liberalization along with an increased emphasis on economic development on both sides of the Taiwan Strait. I will approach the relationship between ‘democratization’ or ‘liberalization’ and Cross-Strait Relations through three focal questions: i.How has it been the effect of state identity in the late 1970s and 1980s in China and in Taiwan under their respective leaderships? ii.How did these developments within the two Chinese entities affect relations across the Taiwan Strait? iii.How will both sides modify their policies in the future to create circumstances more conducive to reconciliation with the other side? I intend to use Wendt's Social Constructivist theory as the theoretical framework of the research on the basis of “3 I’s of Social Constructivism”, namely ‘Identity, Interest and Institution’. The application of Social Constructivism as an International Relations theory to Cross-Strait Relations aims to be relevant and persuasive considering the ad hoc –event driven– characteristic of International Relations as a discipline being accumulative. In Social Constructivism, state identities shape through the cultural norms, such as the Taiwanese perception of democracy as part of its own political culture in the early 1980s and the liberalization process of China from the late 1970s onwards. The state identity, therefore, makes room for the state-to-state relations under the International Relations driven by the national interest. The effect of the state identity in the state-to-state relations in the case study of Cross-Strait Relations, in the late 1970s and in the late 1980s respectively, will be comprehensively subjected to examination in my research.

In my master thesis I analyze the influence of Taiwan's democratization on Cross- Strait relations. The thesis is structurally divided into three main periods: the pre- democratization period, democratization period and the period since the first power alternation in Taiwan. The first chapter analyzes the emergence of the Cross-Strait issue, the period of the Japanese colonization, the Post-Second World War Period, the Chinese Civil War and Cold War period until second half 80s. It points out the main external and internal factors, which influenced the Cross- Strait relations development and also the development of both Chinese states. The subject of the second chapter is the Taiwan's democratization and its internal and external leverage. Based on A. Przeworski's Theory of Games I am comparing the Taiwan's democratization to the Tiananmen incident. At the end of the second chapter I am comparing political system and regime of both Chinese states and I am pointing out salience of Taiwan for China. The final chapter examines the period of the first power alternation in Taiwan and how it influenced the Cross- Strait relations. It analyzes the issue of Taiwanese identity and sovereignty. It points out the three most common sovereignty interpretations over Taiwan. This chapter also entails an analysis...