「台灣問題」關係到中共未來國家戰略發展的核心，並涉及民族尊嚴的維護。所以中共無論基於區域博弈、國家安全、利益、發展維護等戰略需求，「台灣問題」勢將為中共必須面對的重要議題。自1978年以來，中共領導人受到內外在安全戰略因素影響，其統一戰略思維與策略運用，不斷的進行調整，逐漸由武力解放轉變為和平統一。當前中共國家戰略雖以「國家發展」為優先，但發生對主權原則的挑戰，勢被迫將統一問題提前解決。中共迄今不願承諾放棄武力主因，即基於國家安全戰略考量，以確保對台政策的靈活性與主動性。 基於整體情勢，中共體認「談判會比透過戰爭獲益更多」的戰略思維。當前中共對台策略係採取「政經分離、先經後政」柔性作為。依國際情勢、綜合國力及軍事能量而言，整體優勢明顯傾斜於中共，故未來兩岸關係發展情況，勢將大部份取決中共的戰略走向。更值得重視的是，中共確實有武力犯台能力與決心。 中共當前對台的經貿策略，無論基於全球化需求，或是中共所佔有的戰略優勢，對於台灣而言，乃勢之所趨，與其採取「抗衡」策略，不如運用擁有的籌碼，積極與之建立依存關係，進而在未來無可避免的政治談判中，爭取國家最大的利益與安全保障。 / The Taiwan issue sits at the center of China’s national security. It involves both China’s national dignity and national interests. Therefore, no matter in terms of its development projects, regional arrangements, or national security strategies, everything related to China’s national security has to do with the Taiwan issue. This is the reason why we have to address the cross-Strait situation from the angle of China’s national security concerns. Since 1978, under the constraint of China’s economic and security conditions, its leaders have been adjusting constantly its strategy to unify Taiwan: from military liberation gradually moving towards peaceful co-optation. As a result, China can reserve more energy for its economic catch-up. But still, according to the findings of this study, once sovereignty being threatened or challenged, China will consider the use of force without any delay. And, this is exactly why China has always been reluctant to denounce the use of force against Taiwan. For the moment, however, China prefers the unification through peaceful means and this lead to a strategy of “separation of politics and economy, with economy gong first and politics being last.” But, gradually, as Taiwan becomes more dependent on China economically and loses its advantages to China militarily, according to the findings of the research, China would gain more confidence over unifying Taiwan. Such confidence, if backed up by its physical strength, would very likely lead to a military confrontation across the Taiwan Strait. Facing such circumstance, more challenges against China’s determination of defend its sovereignty would add to the likelihood of the above-mentioned scenario. Thus, according to the findings of the study, Taiwan’s best strategy might probably be avoiding “balancing/confrontation” for now and at the same time making be best use of our economic advantages and bargaining chips to build up the economic and social interdependence across the Strait, which shall be the most reliable guarantee of Taiwan’s national security.

自1980年代末期以來，政府宣佈開放大陸探親，並逐步解除外匯管制等相關限制，兩岸之「經貿互動」於焉展開。台商到中國大陸投資二十餘年，由克服地域障礙、轉移企業資源，進而遂行經營管理的當地化，其融合速度快得驚人。現今，隨著08年「520」馬政府的上任，兩會協商、包機直航、兩岸開放大三通、陸客來台觀光…，「常居對岸」或「兩岸流動」的人數，亦隨之持續攀升，兩岸之間的互動更加日益密切。大陸台商面對因文化與生活習慣的差距所產生的生活適應問題，也成為台商赴大陸投資管理或台商個人生涯規劃上的重大考驗。過往，針對此主題之經驗研究如鳳毛麟角。因此，本研究聚焦於大陸台商生活層面當地化的情形，以及生活適應之現況，務其爬梳出具學術價值之研究論述。 本研究採取深度訪談的方式，以大陸台資企業負責人或高階幹部為訪談對象，對其生活適應及當地化的情況進行研究。雖然台商當地化的進展速度很快，但在其「安居落戶」方面，未來似乎仍充滿了變化，此乃今日極敏感、極富爭議的議題，值得台灣官方與學界高度關切。冀望透過本研究，使吾人對於「大陸台商生活層面當地化」問題，得到較完整、確切的廓清。 / The economy and trade between Taiwan and China has been continuously expanding since Taiwan Government allowed people on the island to visit their family relatives in China and gradually relieved some restrictions on Foreign Exchange Control Regulations in 1980s. It has been over 20 years since the first wave of Taiwan business people overwhelmingly entered China and started their own business. Demonstrated by their way of how to overcome any geographic barriers, how to successfully transfer desired business resources and how to localize and globalize their business, the acceleration speed of emerging in China for Taiwan business people these years has been so amazing. After President Ma’s taking office on May 20, 2008, never in the past six decades have relations between Taiwan and China been as good as they are today. Furthermore, with the help from affair negotiations between Strait Exchange Foundation (SEF) and Association for Relations Across the Taiwan Straits (ARATS), cross-straits direct charter flight(s), direct transportation across the Taiwan Strait and the increasing number of China tourists in Taiwan, the population of Taiwan business people nowadays in China (either they are permanent residents in China or frequent flyers between Taiwan and China) has been growing drastically. Due to the cultural difference in business and life style between Taiwan and China, it has also become a great challenge for most Taiwan business people to figure out how to live, work or do business in China. In the past, the research or study for “The localization of Taiwan business people’s life in China” has been very rare in Taiwan. My research and study here will primarily focus on the localization and adaptation analysis for Taiwan business people’s life in China. This research analysis provides a thorough overview of in-depth interviewing of Taiwan business owners or upper management executives for their localization process in China. Also, a list of further readings that provide you with more detailed information on conducting interviews is included in this paper. Despite the fast pace of the localization process of today’s Taiwan business people in China, it is believed that the ever-changing challenges of how to live and settle in China for them are still increasing. Some sensitive and controversial issues addressed in this paper will be definitely worth the close attention of government officials and academic scholars in Taiwan. Hopefully, this research paper will also provide us a complete understanding of how to help sweep away some barriers to the localization of Taiwan business people’s life in China.

The purpose of this thesis is to analyze changes and constants of the Cross-Strait relationship since 1949 on the basis of a constructivist framework of International Relations theory. After having introduced basic assumptions of rule-based constructivism, mainly following Nicholas Onuf, the thesis argues that the Cross-Strait relationship can be analyzed as a social construct that has mainly been governed by the “one China” rule, which is designed and influenced by speech acts performed by relevant agents in Taiwan, China, the US, as well as academia. A summary of the historic context of Cross-Strait relationship developments (1949-2000) which highlights the circumstances of the creation of the “one China” rule as well as gradual challenges to it, is followed by a comparison between the approaches of the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) and the Kuomintang (KMT) of constructing this relationship between 2000-2008 and 2008-2011, respectively. Due to the DPP's and KMT's very different ideologies, and their antithetic definitions of Taiwan's relationship to China, there were distinct variations in their performances of speech acts, that are analyzed in the context of three discursive examples and which, together with related practices, aimed either at weakening (DPP) or strengthening (KMT) the “one China” rule as a cornerstone for Taiwan's relationship to China. Despite attempts by Taiwanese agents during the two consecutive DPP administrations to break the “one China” rule, it remains an important aspect of the Cross-Strait relationship as it is sustained, to different degrees, by agents in China, the US and the current KMT government. However, due to their adjustments over time and the development of Taiwan's democratic system, a new “status quo” rule has steadily gained momentum. Therefore, the thesis argues, that it will be crucial to see how the preferences of the Taiwanese populace with respect to their home's relationship to China will evolve in the future and how the relevant agents will respond to these developments.

Since the Cold War ended with the collapse of the Soviet Union, China has become a nation that rises to strong power. While the USA, Japan, the EU and Russia marvel at China¡¦s progress and improvement, its neighboring countries in Asia were worried. They question whether the rise of China will bring about peaceful co-operation between nations or it will lead to potential threats. But China in 2005 claimed to take the path of peaceful development in order to improve the image of China. At the time the formation of the European Union, for its member countries to enjoy the advantage over import and export trade with each other, Asia also started a new union of its own, the ASEAN. Although there were negative impacts on China with Tiananmen Square Incident and poisonous milk incident, the Beijing 2008 Olympics games and the World Expo 2010 Shanghai have helped to improve the China¡¦s image which has brought the attention of the ASEAN. China signed the free trade agreement with the ASEAN in 2010 resulted in ASEAN Plus One. In addition, zero tariff trade agreement starting has further improved the development of China¡¦s economy. The Taiwanese government has signed the ECFA with China in June 2010 which relates to the development of the nation in the next ten years to a large extent. However, will ECFA really prevent the marginalization of Taiwan in the global economy or will Taiwan become more marginalized? Will China exploit the economy of Taiwan due to ECFA? Or will it help the Taiwanese economy to reach its peak? In this thesis, the theory of international relations will be examined at the global, international, local and individual levels and the analysis on the future development of the ASEAN and the Cross-strait political and economic relations of China and Taiwan from the perspectives of improving the image of China and ECFA will be carried out. The prediction of the future development of relations among the ASEAN, Mainland China and Taiwan will also be included in this research. Finally, suggestions will be provided in the conclusion for the leaders to make any future decisions on the issues discussed. It is unquestionable that most ¡§peaceful co-operation¡¨ between Taiwan and Mainland China has ever existed is happening today in the past 62 years of Cross-strait co-operation history. As such, it is hoped that the developments of both Mainland China and Taiwan can be sustained and they can co-operate to explore the resources of South East Asia.

以往諸多研究兩岸軍事互信機制（Military Confidence-Building Measures, MCBMs），始終糾結於兩岸主權之議題，於是陷入兩岸各自堅持「一中原則」或「九二共識」及「維持現狀」的「非此即彼」胡同中，甚而忽略此問題的癥結是兩岸共同的安全問題。因為兩岸「我執」的關係，於是化約成國家主權而不見，或犧牲全球或次國家社會及群體個人的共同安全利益，故本文主張超越國家主權的思維，以兩岸共同安全為前提，透由第三選擇之安全治理的格局，融入第三者美國或區域國家來共同推動兩岸軍事互信機制，方能突破僵局，共創兩岸安全、穩定與和平。 / Many studies in the past cross-strait Military Confience-Building Measures, always entangled in the issue of cross-strait sovereignty, then caught the two sides adhere to their "one China principle" or the "1992 consensus" and "status quo" in "either-or" alley, and even ignore this the crux of the problem is on both sides of common security problems. Because cross-strait "ego" relationship, so for about a country's sovereignty and not see, or at the expense of common security interests of the global or national community and groups of individuals, therefore we advocate supranational sovereignty of thinking, cross-strait common security as a precondition, through the pattern third choice of security governance, into the United States or other countries in the regin to jointly promote cross-strait Military Confience-Building Measures to break the deadlock and create a cross-strait security, stability and peace.

臺灣，與其它後共國家政治發展經驗極為相似的，在後冷戰時代屬於身份認同的衝突成為每一個解脫威權桎梏的國家皆經歷過的歷史，政治轉型中「被壓抑者的重返」所激起的社會矛盾成為政治學與社會學研究的主題。而在民主化眾聲喧嘩的後解嚴階段，每一種集體身份在言論市場中都獲得出賽的機會，能夠囊括最大多數人的國族身份認同成為文化、社會與政治力量爭論的焦點，而能夠使大部分民眾接受的國族自我意象就越有可能取得執政的可能性，因此，國族自我意象內涵的填充以及管理是每一個政黨每日都在進行的工作，掌握意識型態領導權者就掌握了決定國家未來方向的權力 臺灣在國際社會的特殊處境使得被壓抑者的重返過程中不只要面對過去的威權體制，即便掌握國家權力者也直接面對不放棄武力犯台以及在國際上擠壓臺灣生存空間的北京政權。如何面對海峽對岸國力與國際影響力迅速增長的大國，成為國內政治、社會與文化力量在界定我們是誰、我們要往何處去等集體身份與目標時，都無法迴避這個無所不在的中國因素。在台灣每一種國族自我意象的生成過程都無法迴避中國因素，臺北的中國/大陸政策的制定過程即國族身份政治投射其熱情與利益的訴求的過程，過去的研究已經花費相當多的資源在探討臺灣社會面的國族身份形成與動員，而未系統性地對國族身份認同政治與政策產出之間的關係進行探究。 有鑑於每一位總統都反映與代表了在社會中流行的國族我意象，作為某特定國族自我意象的代表，他根據國族自我意象而揭示的國家政治目的以及提昇集體尊嚴感的目標制訂與執行的中國/大陸政策。因此，本研究從執政者每日的言論進行系統性的分析，主要探究的是不同的國族自我意象變成具有官方身份的國族身份之後會如何形塑對中國的認知，本研究的焦點是中國威脅的認知，當中國威脅認知升高，臺北制訂緊縮性的中國/大陸政策的可能性就提高了。國族自我意象固然有其穩定性，但也具備流動性，國族自我意象是靈活還是僵固地就「中國威脅」進行協商，成為臺北制訂中國/大陸政策的依據，從而帶來緊張還是和緩的兩岸關係。 / Taiwan’s post-cold war national identity issue is quite similar to other post-communist countries. Free speech made national identity issues going public much easier as Marshall Law was lifted. The social conflict agitated by “The Return of the Repressed” during democratic transition era was not only make new social cleavage possible but also giving birth to new political landscape. Every fractions of national identity has the chance to win the game but only those who supported by most of the population could arouse societal attention and get more chances to win the election. The social engineering of contents and contestations of national identities is so important to those who dedicated to their political life. As George Orwell ever mentioned 66 years ago: “Who controls the past controls the future, who controls the present controls the past.” The Chineseness and Beijing who acclaimed PRC is the only legitimate country that represent China become very “significant other” to Taiwanese national identity formation from 1980s to now. Many scholars have been studied the nation-formation and state-building process but a few of them linking that processes and cross-strait and diplomatic policies made by Taipei altogether. This study is trying to fill this gap. As every president of the state is the symbol and entrepreneur of distinct national identity, getting at the root of state or national interest means digging out what elites’ identified as nation’s political purposes and international status of the state. This thesis focused on how national identity, the broadest collectively held idea in one country, brings about Taiwan’s state interest where Taipei’s China policy and its implications for cross-strait relations lied.

本研究主要動機在於兩岸關係的複雜與動態發展的特性，不能簡單的一言以蔽之，複雜在於中國的變化以及兩岸主權的特殊性。本文聚焦的重點在於，透過角色理論的爬梳，先探討中國角色型塑的過程。透過中國的歷史自我以及中國是天下觀底下培養出的他者投射，兩相結合整理中國的角色變化。尤其在中國邁入現代後賦予其「身分」與「地位」兩個自我概念，再試圖整理現代中國自我認知與他者投射後產出的角色。透過中國大陸的角色建構過程，分析中國在特定時間內的角色以及其特性。 其次，透過大小政治實體理論，以及中國自身的角色變化，觀察中國越南與中國朝鮮兩個不對稱理論的案例實踐中，中國作為大政治實體展現出的特性。中國在實踐中越關係以及中朝關係時，一方面受到自身角色的影響，另一方面受到不對稱關係交流中的限制，並不能無視小國意願的為所欲為。因此。透過中國與越南和朝鮮的關係實踐，可以對於中國在大小政治實體概念中，處理兩岸關係的啟示。 最後，整理不對稱理論中小國對於大國的可能選擇，以及中國大陸的角色變化，搭配兩岸關係三十年間的重要轉折點，將兩岸關係分為四個具有重要特性的時間段。希望藉此回答中國大陸自身在兩岸關係中的變與不變。

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The introduction of the Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement (ECFA) signed between China and Taiwan in 2010 has added a significantly important economic element to cross-strait relations. Little research has been done on cross-strait integration from an economic standpoint, and to analyze the potential for successful economic integration between the parties it is necessary to determine whether their political economies are compatible for integration. In this research comparative studies of the political economies of Taiwan and China are conducted with focuses on industrial orientation, market mechanisms, and the motivations driving major economic actors. This research focuses on Fujian and Guangdong, Taiwan’s closest economic partners on the mainland and the cornerstones of Beijing’s integration incentives, with a minor study conducted on Hong Kong-China integration due to similarities of economic integration mechanisms. This study uses models constructed by scholars on Chinese provincial protectionism and trade barriers to determine whether Taiwanese integration with the “Common China Market” will be mutually beneficial for the economies on both sides of the Taiwan Strait. Economic indicators, trade trends, and economic policy incentives indicate that integration under ECFA is amplifying trade asymmetries and is stalling real economic growth in Taiwan. Findings also show that trade liberalization has allowed major trade barrier and protectionism-creating phenomena that were once limited to the mainland to contribute to cross-strait competition regime among the economies studied. This research contributes to the fledgling body of academic research on cross-strait economic integration and its impact on the parties directly impacted by it. Implications of this study show that it would be beneficial for the speed of ECFA integration to be reigned in, and for Taiwan to use the trade agreement as a counter to pursue bilateral regional trade that can ensure its competitiveness.

對中國大陸及相關問題的研究，在面對中國大陸以政治、經濟與武力威脅，並不時主張對台擁有主權的台灣而言，實在很難脫離「顯學」的地位；也就是因為中國大陸的威脅一直存在著，兩岸關係與台灣的生存就不得不緊密結合在一起，所以對中國大陸問題的研究，以兩岸關係作為研究結果的呈現，就成為學者所熱中的項目之一。當前，兩岸關係的研究已到汗牛充棟的地步，但對兩岸關係理論的建立卻明顯不足，這個不足對於已有的兩岸關係研究成果，常構成諸多不周延之處，經常被學者提及。 現有兩岸關係的研究，雖有外交史途徑(the diplomatic history approach)、分裂國家途徑(the divided nation approach)、理性選擇途徑(the rational choice approach)、菁英衝突途徑(the elite conflict approach)及不對稱政治過程途徑(the asymmetrical political approach)等五大類，但卻沒有任何一類將台灣國家認同分作制度認同、文化認同及族群認同三個環節加以討論，並依此討論作為研究兩岸關係的途徑者，但明顯的卻是台灣的國家認同內涵變化，對於兩岸關係具有決定性的影響力，因此，本論文在假設中共對台「併吞」態度長期不變的情況下，集中探討台灣民眾由兩蔣時代經李登輝時代，到陳水扁時代的國家認同轉變，及其對兩岸的影響，並意圖建構以台灣國家認同變遷作為自變相，以兩岸關係作為應變相的兩岸關係研究途徑（approach），甚至進一步建立國家認同變遷對兩岸關係影響的理論，至少也應補充現有兩岸關係的各類理論，讓各家理論或研究途徑在解釋、描繪與預測兩岸關係過程中，多加考慮台灣民眾對國家認同的主流意向，使得兩岸關係的相關理論或途徑因而更加周延與完備。 「國家認同」（national Identity）的含意眾說紛紜，國內學者江宜樺教授主張國家認同應該以「族群認同」、「文化認同」及「制度認同」三個主要層面來討論，只有三個層面的綜合表現，才得以稱為完整的國家認同內涵，本文就是借用此三個環節，進行國家認同的討論，本文中更指：「族群認同」是以認同中國人或認同台灣人為討論主軸，「文化認同」則指台灣經由本土化的推動後，台灣人民對於台灣文化或中國傳統文化認同的區隔，「制度認同」是在討論台灣人民認同中華民國政治體制運作，或認同中華人民共和國政治體制運作的區別；由兩蔣時期、李登輝時期及陳水扁時期，台灣在此三個環節中的整體表現，構結出當時特有的國家認同表現，從中以縱向比較的方式，討論台灣國家認同的變遷情形，並就當時的國家認同情形與當時的兩岸關係作相對應的探討，以建立自兩蔣以降台灣國家認同變遷與兩岸關係變化的因果關係，再從因果關係的確立中，推論出現階段及往後兩岸關係，在台灣領導人有意引導國家認同變遷方向，及中共僵硬的對台政策相互衝撞下，兩岸關係的可能發展方向，提供在此領域的研究者另一種值得深思的面向與空間，讓兩岸關係的理論建構更加完備。 / Researches of Mainland China and relative inquires can hardly be separated from the position of “Explicit Learning” in Taiwan, while facing political, economical as well as military threats from Mainland China, in addition to the constant declaration of its sovereign right on Taiwan. Due to the threats from Mainland Chain remain unchanged, cross-strait relations and the existence of Taiwan can’t help but tightly link together. Thus, presentations of research results concerning cross-strait relations have become one of the popular research topics for scholars. At present, numerous researches of cross-strait relations have been carried out, yet the establishment of cross-strait relations theory is somehow obviously inadequate. Such insufficiency often results in a variety of negligence to the outcome of existed cross-strait relations researches and it is frequently brought up by scholars. Although present researches on cross-strait relations are categorized into five approaches; the diplomatic history approach, the divided nation approach, the rational choice approach, the elite conflict approach and the asymmetrical political approach. Nevertheless, there is none to categorize Taiwan national identity into three key aspects which are systematic identity, cultural identity and ethnic identity for further discussion, and nor is it discussed accordingly to include it as an approach of researching cross-strait relations. However, it is clearly that the connotation change of Taiwan’s national identity has decisive influence on cross-strait relations. As a result, this dissertation is based on the assumption that China’s attitude of swallowing up Taiwan by military force remains unchanged in the long run and concentrates on the discussion of national identity alteration of the Taiwan people starting from the era of Chiang Kai-Sheik and his son Chiang Ching-Kuo, via the era of Lee Teng-Hui to the era of Chen Shui-Bian , and its influence on Mainland China and Taiwan. It also means to build a research approach on cross-strait relations in this dissertation by setting the change of Taiwan‘s national identity as the independent variable and cross-strait relations as the dependent variable. It further establishes a theory of the influence of national identity alternation on cross-strait relations. Therefore, this dissertation at least provides additional information to assorted theories of cross-strait relations and allows scholars to take the main-stream national identity of the Taiwan People into deeper consideration while they are in the process of explaining, describing and predicting cross-strait relations; hence, it makes the related theories or approaches of cross-strait relations sounder and more complete. The meaning of national identity is rather confusing. Professor Chiang Yi-Hua thinks that national identity ought to be discussed from three aspects of ethnic identity, cultural identity and systematic identity. Without a combined performance of these three aspects complete national identity connotation can’t be existed. This research uses these three aspects to make discussions on national identity. In the research it clearly points out “national identity” is discussed mainly on identifying the Chinese or identifying Taiwan people and “cultural identity” means the identity division of the Taiwan people towards Taiwan culture or Chinese traditional culture after the movement of localization. “Systematic identity” is to discuss the identity difference of the Taiwan people in the political system operations of the Republic of China or People’s Republic of China. Taiwan’s overall performance of these three aspects, from the era of Chiang, Kai-Sheik and Chiang Ching-Kuo, via the era of Lee Teng-Hui to the era of Chen Shui-Bian, created a specific national identity performance during those periods. Vertical comparison was applied to discuss the change of Taiwan’s national identity. Mutual discussions on national identity and cross-strait relations during that period are also completed to launch cause-result connection between Taiwan’s national identity and change of cross-strait relations since the two Chiang era, afterwards, present and future cross-strait relations are inferred from the certainty of cause-result connection and possible development of cross-strait relations under the impacts of Taiwan leader who intends to induce the alternation direction of national identity and Mainland China’s stiff Taiwan policy. It is to present another thinking path and space to researchers who are involved in this field and allow the theory structure of cross-strait relations better equipped.