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Cette thèse s’intéresse au phénomène partisan depuis la tentative d’ouverture du champ politique en 1989 en Algérie. Elle tente de comprendre comment fonctionnent les partis politiques algériens, leur organisation structurelle, leur mission et leur rôle dans la compétition politique pour conquérir le pouvoir à travers les élections. Bien que l’ouverture au pluralisme (1989-1992) ait produit des opportunités politiques profitées notamment aux islamistes du FIS, l’interruption du processus électoral en 1992 a conduit à la refermeture du champ politique, et à une crise politique (après la dissolution du FIS) tournant au conflit armé (entre l’État et le FIS). L’échec de la transition démocratique s’explique par la nature du système politique algérien, qui est incompatible avec les partis. Cela réduit les partis à des appareils au profit du système politique notamment depuis l’arrivée d’Abdelaziz Bouteflika à la présidence (1999). Cette étude propose donc une analyse socio-politique des élections depuis 1989 en Algérie, qui a permis d’expliquer les comportements électoraux, l’engagement politique, les trajectoires des militants, et de saisir les représentations liées notamment à l’histoire de l’Algérie, la nature de son système politique, la socialisation, la famille, la région d’habitation, etc. L’étude des partis algériens combine trois niveaux d’analyse, d’abord au niveau macro, l’environnement des partis (culture politique, administration, mode de scrutin, enjeux politiques, etc.) constitue un obstacle à leur évolution démocratique. Au niveau micro et méso, l’analyse se situe au niveau de l’attitude et de comportement des citoyen, militants et électeurs, tout en s’intéressant à leur entourage familial, amical, et le rôle ambivalent (mobilisateur et démobilisateur) des partis. / This thesis deals with the partisan phenomenon since the attempt of opening the political field in 1989 in Algeria. It tries to understand the functioning of the Algerian political parties, their structural organization, their mission and their role in political competition in order to conquer power through elections. Although the openness to pluralism (1989-1992) produced political opportunities benefited particular by the FIS Islamists, the interruption of the electoral process in 1992 led to the re-closure of the political field and to a political crisis (after the dissolution of the FIS) leading to armed conflict (between the State and the FIS). The failure of the democratic transition is explained by the nature of the Algerian political system, which is incompatible with the parties. This reduces the parties to devices to the benefit of the political system, in particular since the arrival of Abdelaziz Bouteflika to the presidency (1999). This study therefore proposes a socio-political analysis of the elections since 1989 in Algeria, which made it possible to explain the electoral behavior, the political commitment, and the trajectories of the militants. It also permitted to grasp the representations linked in particular to the history of Algeria, the nature of its political system, socialization, the family, the region of residence, and so on. The study of the Algerian parties combines three levels of analysis: first at the macro level, the parties’ environment (including political culture, administration, electoral system, political stakes, etc.) constitutes an obstacle to their democratic evolution. At the micro- and meso-level, the analysis focuses on the attitudes and behavior of citizens, activists and voters, while taking into consideration their family, friends, and the ambivalent (mobilizing and demobilizing) role of parties.

This study investigated the perceptions of election stakeholders with regard to the management of the 2011 electoral processes in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). The involvement of civil society organizations, electoral experts and academia, including party agents as domestic observers and stakeholders in Congolese electoral processes, is crucial as they help electoral and participatory democracy to take root in the DRC. This study was underpinned by political trust, political support and neopatrimonial theories. Furthermore, a mixed methods research design was used in order to understand the perceptions of stakeholders on the management of the 2011 electoral processes in the DRC. The findings of the study showed that stakeholders‟ perceptions on the management of the 2011 electoral processes in the DRC were driven by both internal and external factors pertaining to the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) that have the potential to affect the electoral processes as well as the level of trust in the INEC and other institutions involved in the electoral processes. / Political Sciences / M.A. (Politics)

絕對多數候選人的票源並不是很均勻地分散在各地，反而都有一些表現在水準之上。本論文的焦點放在這些最強的地區。 首先正式定義候選人的「選舉地盤」以及兩個衡量地盤規模指標「強度」與「重要度」。以這些概念描述地盤與選區許多人文區位以及候選人個人特質的關係如何。結果發現最健全的地盤是由當選的男性國民黨籍候選人所建立的，且在農民偏多、教育程度偏低的地區。 接者，本論文探索地盤對政黨票源的影響如何。透過迴歸分析，可發現新黨候選人的地盤可說是強制配票策略的一個副產物。另外，本論文使用一個個案研究來討論國民黨責任區配票制度對地盤的影響力，發現地緣因素可能比配票制度還重要。再者，針對地盤是否增加政黨票源的問題，發現如果先控制所有黨籍候選人在全選區的表現後，候選人在其地盤確實會增加政黨的票源。 最後，本論文探討地盤在多次選舉的穩定性。首先建立兩個指標，即「守住值」與「增長值」，衡量兩次選舉地盤之間的穩定程度。以這兩個指標，發現一般候選人從一次選舉地盤到下次選舉地盤其實相當不穩定，兩次票源有頗大差異。接者，就再進一步探索何種地盤較穩定。一般地盤是由三部分所構成，即「盤心」、「盤邊」與「碎盤」。其中，盤心包含候選人故鄉，是地盤最穩定的一部分，最穩定的地盤都是大盤心型。最後，討論票源移轉的問題，許多政治力量，如家族、派系、黃復興黨部等等有無共享同一個票源。結果，可發現這些政治力量都有一個或大或小的「穩定地盤」，穩定地盤的票源都可以轉來轉去。 第一章 緒論 壹 研究動機與目的 貳 文獻檢閱 參 研究性質與方法 第二章 地盤及其特徵 壹 分析方法 貳 各種自變數對地盤單獨的影響 參 交互作用 肆 「一般」地盤的例子 伍 小結 第三章 政黨與地盤 壹 分析方法 貳 地盤為配票的副產物 參 國民黨候選人地盤為責任區 肆 政黨票源的增減與地盤的關係 伍 1995年高雄縣立法委員選舉 陸 小結 第四章 地盤的穩定性 壹 分析方法 貳 地盤的穩定程度：以尋求連任的候選人為例 參 地盤的結構 肆 地盤的分類 伍 票源的移轉 陸 小結 第五章 結論 壹 研究發現 貳 檢討與建議 / The support of the overwhelming candidates is not evenly spread over all areas. Instead, most candidates have certain areas in which they reap a number of votes well above the average for the whole district. These strongest areas are the focus of this thesis. We start by defining an "electoral base" as well as two indices to measure the scope of the base, "strength" and "importance." These concepts are used to describe the relationships between bases and several independent variables, including the demographic features of the electoral district and the particular attributes of the candidate. We find that bases are largest and most intense for winning, male, KMT candidates running in districts with high numbers of farmers and low overall education levels. The next section of the thesis deals with the relations between bases and political parties. Through regression analysis, we find that the bases of New Party candidates are actually just a by-product of the New Party's vote rationing system. We consider the possibility that KMT bases also result from the KMT's responsibility zone vote rationing system. However, a case study shows that localism seems to be more directly related to the bases that eventually take shape than the responsibility zone system. Next, we look into the question of whether bases increase a party's votes. We find that if the overall performance of the party's candidates in the entire electoral district is controlled, parties do get increased amounts of votes inside the bases of their candidates. In effect, bases do increase the number of votes the party gets. The final section of the thesis addresses the question of stability of bases over time. First, two indices, "defense" and "growth" are introduced to measure the stability of bases from one election to the next. We find that from the base of a candidate in one election to the base of the same candidate in the next election, there is a surprisingly large amount of instability; candidates' strongest areas in one election may not be their strongest areas in the next election. Faced with this finding, we look for the keys to stability. One key lies in the structure of the base. Most bases can be divided into three parts: "central areas," "adjacent areas," and "scattered areas." The central areas include the candidate's home town and are the most stable part of the base. The candidate's with the most stable bases tend to be those with large central areas. Finally, we look at the question of whether votes are transferable. Many different political forces are considered, including political families, local factions, and the KMT's military party branch. These forces all have a "core" of support which is stable and can be transferred among different candidates from the group.

地方民意代表，以繼續連任為目標，對於選區的經營及選民的個案服務無不全力以赴，做好選區經營選民服務，是再次爭取選民選票支持的重要關鍵；本文以第一屆新北市65位現任議員為研究對象，透過對全體議員的問卷調查和對10位議員的深入訪談，探知他們對於選區經營選民服務的看法和作為，藉以了解地方民意代表如何服務地方服務選民的參考依據。 依問卷填答資料統計顯示，新北市議員平均聘請助理數7.40人，平均設置之服務處數2.16處，每星期選民反應請託案件數平均19.88件，每星期紅白帖平均數29.06張；以每周工作70小時計，花在議會問政25.55小時，選民服務時間39.91小時，自己事業時間4.54小時。議員為民服務最重視的項目依序是：選民個案服務、爭取選區地方建設經費、議會質詢及監督行政機關。各類型選民反應或請託案最多的是糾紛調解，其次是爭取社團、里活動經費補助和地方小型建設建議案。各不同黨籍或新科/連任議員皆盡全力做好選區經營選民服務，所以比較各項數據沒有明顯差異。 深入訪談第一部分訪談選區經營具特色及代表性議員，請議員說明其選區經營選民服務的理念和實際做法，詢問其選區特性、選民結構及選舉競爭，並了解其依個人特質所建立的選舉資源網絡。第二部分訪談市府規劃欲興建殯葬專區之選區議員，做為選區經營案例之研究，了解議員以何管道探知選民反對意向，如何發動選民陳情抗爭，如何維護選區選民權益，及利用此一議題進行選區經營的思維與策略。 / The local elected representatives go to great lengths to manage their electoral districts and to provide the best service for their votes as their main goal is to continue in office, and the key to it is to gain the voters’ support. This study will focus on the case of the 65 councilmen of the first session in New Taipei City. Through a questionnaire survey and in-depth interviews with 10 of the councilmen, their viewpoints and behaviors related to their electoral district management and service are provided as to have reference to understand their ways of provided service. According to the statistical results of the questionnaire survey, the average number of assistant per New Taipei City councilman is 7.40 persons; the average number of service center is 2.16; the average number of cases of the voters for any request per week is 19.88; the average number of red/white envelopes per week is 29.06; they work 70 hours per week, for which 25.55 hours are spent in the parliament, 39.91 hours are dedicated for the voters and 4.54 hours are for their own business. The priority of tasks in importance are in the following order: voters’ cases, seeking for local infrastructure funds, questioning in the parliament, and supervision of the administrative offices. In regard to the type of the voters’ cases, the major issue consists of dispute resolution followed by the seeking of association or neighborhood subsidies and recommendations for minor establishments. The councilmen show no distinctive differences as all of them, regardless their political parties or seniority, are trying their best for good management and service for their electoral districts. As for the in-depth interview, the first part consists of the interviews with representative councilmen with features in their electoral district management. The interviewees are asked to provide their visions and practical executions for their electoral districts, and then explained the features of their electoral districts, the structure of the voters and the electoral competitions as to understand the online electoral resources established in accordance with their personal characteristics. The second part consist of interviews with the councilmen whose electrical districts contain planning funeral area by the city government as management case studies. Through the interviews, we are able to understand the councilmen’s channels to discover voters’ opposition, to mobilize voters for petition, to defend voters’ rights and to promote ideas and strategies for the electoral district management.

L’étude chronologique et thématique des votes frontistes lors des scrutins nationaux et intermédiaires dans quarante-six petites communes rurales de l’Ouest héraultais entre 1984 et 2014, complétée par un travail monographique sur cinq d’entre-elles a permis de mettre en évidence l’importance relativement restreinte de ces votes jusqu’en 2011, hormis dans un « noyau dur » de communes, précocement constitué, mais de faible importance démographique. L’arrivée de Marine Le Pen à la présidence du Front national coïncide avec une période de croissance continue des votes frontistes et avec leur généralisation à la quasi-totalité des communes ciblées, ce qui serait en faveur d’un réalignement électoral. Les transformations structurelles des communes, marquées par la baisse rapide du secteur agricole et la montée du salariat en lien avec le secteur des services, apparaissent comme l’un des facteurs favorables de cette croissance. Le FN, n’étant pas à ce jour un parti de gouvernement pour diverses raisons dont les principales sont le mode de scrutin uninominal à deux tours et le manque d’alliance, les succès électoraux qu’il obtient sont très largement basés sur la confiance dans des promesses. Cette donnée rend difficile de prévoir la pérennité à long terme d’une implantation, d’autant que les communes étudiées font actuellement l’objet de transformations administratives importantes avec le risque pour certaines de disparaître. / The chronological and thematic study of the votes supporting the National Front party during the national and intermediate ballots in forty six small rural districts on the west of the department of the Hérault, between 1984 and 2014, completed by a monographic work on five of them allowed to highlight the importance relatively restricted by these votes until 2011, except in a "hard core" of municipalities prematurely constituted but of weak demographic importance. The arrival of Marine Le Pen to the chair of the National Front coincides with a period of continuous growth of the votes supporting the National Front party and their generalization in almost all of the targeted municipalities which plead for an effective electoral realignment. The structural transformations of the municipalities, characterized by the fast reduction in the farming sector and the rise of the wage-earning in connection with the service sector, appear as one of the favorable factors of this growth. The FN, not being this day a party of government for various reasons, whose main clauses are the uninominal voting system in two ballots and the lack of alliances, the electoral successes which it obtains are very widely based on the confidence in promises. This fact makes difficult to plan the long-term sustainability of a setting-up, especially since studied districts even are at present the object of important administrative transformations with the risk for some to disappear. / El estudio cronológico y temático de los votos frontistes durante las elecciones nacionales y locales en cuarenta y seis pequeños municipios rurales del oeste del departamento de Hérault entre 1984 y 2014, completado con un trabajo monográfico sobre cinco de ellos, ha permitido poner de manifestio la importancia relativamente pequeña de estos votos hasta 2011, exceptó en un núcleo de comunas constituido temprana pero de menor importancia demográfica. Cón la llegada de Marine Le Pen a la presidencia del Fronte Nacional coincide un periodó de continuo crecimiento de los votos frontistes y de su generalización a la práctica totalidad de los municipios focales, lo que aboga por un reajuste electoral. Las transformaciónes estructurales de las comunas se caracterizan por el rapido descenso del sector agricola y el aumento del asalariado relacionado con los servicios, que aparecen comó unos de los factores favorables de este crecimiento. Hasta ahora, el FN no estando un partido de gobierno por diversas razones, cuyas principales son el modo de escrutinio uninominal a dos vueltas y la falta de alianza, sus éxitos electorales se debe en gran medida por la confianza en suas promesas. Este echo produce dificultades para pronosticar la viabilitad a largo plazo de su implantación. Tanto màs cuanto que los municipios estudiados estan actualmente objeto de importantes transformaciones administrativas, con un riesgo en algunos casos de desaparecer.

Submitted by Julia Guerreiro (juliamguerreiro@gmail.com) on 2017-09-05T20:38:02Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Tese - JG.pdf: 1555166 bytes, checksum: 7b6f1a336ae6f5132313851dce52f83e (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Pamela Beltran Tonsa (pamela.tonsa@fgv.br) on 2017-09-12T09:54:55Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Tese - JG.pdf: 1555166 bytes, checksum: 7b6f1a336ae6f5132313851dce52f83e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-09-12T12:39:20Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Tese - JG.pdf: 1555166 bytes, checksum: 7b6f1a336ae6f5132313851dce52f83e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-08-15 / This dissertation focuses on conciliating two apparently contradictory facts: a fall in electoral volatility and a high turnover rate in the Chamber of Deputies. We use the case of Brazil and explore the hypothesis that politicians will use the advantages resulting from the fall in electoral volatility rates in different ways, depending on the type of party to which they belong. It is assumed that the decrease in volatility is greater in more institutionalized parties and for the incumbents of these parties. Given that institutionalized parties are able to provide clearer information, which helps incumbents improve their electoral strategies, the reasons for their defeats – whether due to intraparty or interparty competition – will vary according to their party’s level of institutionalization. / Esta tese busca conciliar dois fatos aparentemente contraditórios: a queda na volatilidade eleitoral e a alta taxa de renovação na Câmara dos Deputados. Utilizamos o caso do Brasil e exploramos a possibilidade de que políticos irão se apropriar das vantagens resultantes de uma queda na volatilidade eleitoral de maneiras diferentes, dependendo do tipo de partido ao qual ele pertence. Assumimos que a queda na volatilidade é maior em partidos mais institucionalizados e para incumbentes destes partidos. Dado que partidos mais institucionalizados são capazes de prover informações mais claras para seus candidatos, o que ajuda incumbentes a melhorarem as suas estratégias eleitorais, as razões para as derrotas – seja por conta da competição dentro da lista partidária ou por conta da competição entre partidos – irão variar de acordo com o grau de institucionalização do partido.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-12-17T14:20:00Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 JeaneFAP_DISSERT.pdf: 1963588 bytes, checksum: 4115b3d2958e5435bf4e953a0ad4d87d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-09-30 / Coordena??o de Aperfei?oamento de Pessoal de N?vel Superior / In Brazil, the Free Political advertising time (HGPE) represents one of the main venues for the contest between political parties, revealing a tool that streamlines the electoral dispute and enables all sectors and social classes of important information about dispute over candidates. In HGPE, political groups have the opportunity to present their programs of government and discuss issues that relate to the demands of the population. This research sought to examine the role played by so-called "government programs" in the electoral race for governor of Rio Grande do Norte in 2006, which had as main candidates, two traditional characters of the political landscape in Natal: Wilma de Faria (PSB) and Garibaldi Alves Filho (PMDB). According to our analysis, discussion of government programs such candidates in HGPE had not meant to enlighten the voters about the political projects designed, not just the desire to build an image of seriousness and competence of candidates, but appeared as a means to meet the schedule imposed by the opponent and as a strategic resource to select a specific segment of the electorate. / No Brasil, o Hor?rio Gratuito de Propaganda Eleitoral (HGPE) representa um dos principais espa?os para a realiza??o da disputa entre os partidos pol?ticos, revelando-se um instrumento que dinamiza a disputa eleitoral e possibilita a todos os setores e classes sociais informa??es importantes sobre os candidatos em disputa. No HGPE, os grupos pol?ticos t?m a possibilidade de apresentarem seus programas de governo e debaterem assuntos que dizem respeito ?s demandas da popula??o. Esta pesquisa buscou analisar o papel desempenhado pelos chamados programas de governo na disputa eleitoral para o governo do Rio Grande do Norte em 2006, que teve como principais candidatos, dois personagens tradicionais do cen?rio pol?tico potiguar: Vilma de Faria (PSB) e Garibaldi Alves Filho (PMDB). De acordo com nossa an?lise, a discuss?o dos programas de governo desses candidatos no HGPE teve n?o a inten??o de esclarecer o eleitor sobre os projetos pol?ticos pensados, nem apenas o desejo de construir uma imagem de seriedade e compet?ncia dos candidatos, mas apareceu como um meio para responder ? agenda imposta pelo advers?rio e como um recurso estrat?gico para selecionar um segmento espec?fico do eleitorado.

The objective of this study is to investigate how the phenomenon called the strategic vote is manifested in the legislative elections in France and Sweden. In order to gain knowledge in this domain of study, recent studies and well-established theories within the political science have been observed. The theory of the psychological factor, composed by the French political scientist Maurice Duverger lays the basis of the theory of the strategic vote, which is the central theory for this thesis, mostly defined by Gary W. Cox in Making votes count: strategic coordination in the world’s electoral systems (1997). The main question of research is as follows: “How does the strategic vote manifest itself amongst the voters in the legislative elections of the proportional electoral Swedish system and the majority electoral French system?” The following questions are follow-up questions to complement the main one: “Which are the effects of the strategic vote?” “Which are the differences in the French and Swedish legislative elections that are revealed throughout the interviews?” and “Is the validity of votes under the influence of the phenomenon of the strategic vote questionable?” The method used to obtain answers to the questions above is qualitative interviews with two groups of respondents: one group of respondents of French nationality and another group with respondents of Swedish nationality. The results of the study show that strategic voting in France is mostly due to the two-ballot system that is applied in the French electoral system, where the second ballot is the source to most of the strategic voting in France. The Swedish voters, however, first and foremost vote strategically by reason of the electoral threshold of 4 % that is employed in the Swedish electoral system. The effects of the strategic voting in the concerning states, found in this study are identical: an overrepresentation of the bigger political parties and an underrepresentation of the smaller political parties. Differences in the legislative elections of the countries, France and Sweden, which were revealed during the interviews are differences in electoral participation due to the structure of elections on the various levels, such as municipal, regional and legislative and so forth. The third follow-up question, being of a more philosophical nature, lead to two positions: an idealist and a realist one. Through the results found in this study, the idealist position is the preferred position, in order to respect and achieve the democratic ideals on which the democratic states France and Sweden are based.

Qu'est-ce qu'une campagne électorale ? Entendue tantôt comme une période, parfois comme unecompétition ou encore comme un ensemble de techniques de sollicitation des suffrages, la notion de"campagne électorale" est difficile à circonscrire. Cette thèse se propose d’analyser comment semodifient les pratiques des agents, leurs interactions et les structures du jeu politique pour former cequi se présente et s’interprète comme étant une "campagne électorale". Il s'agit alors d'analyser uneconjoncture particulière du politique, coproduite par les agents de champs différents (notammentpolitique et journalistique). Cette conjoncture se décline pratiquement en un ensemble de jeuxélectoraux plus ou moins compétitifs en fonction des propriétés sociales et politiques des candidats etdes représentations qu’ils se font du jeu. Ces jeux déterminent en grande partie les mobilisationsélectorales menées, tant dans l’adaptation du programme électoral défendu, que dans les modesd’action mis en oeuvre. Au final, l'espace politique des conjonctures électorales s'analyse comme unensemble de configurations d'agents plus ou moins liées et imbriquées. Cette approcheconfigurationnelle des conjonctures électorales se fonde sur l'analyse empirique des campagnesélectorales législatives en France et en Grande-Bretagne et se concentre sur les candidats de quatrepartis politiques (Parti socialiste, Union pour un mouvement populaire, Parti travailliste et Particonservateur). / What is exactly an electoral campaign? Sometimes understood as a period, occasionally as acompetition or as a set of techniques to get out the vote, the notion of "electoral campaign" is hard toclarify. The core of this work is to analyse changes in the practices of social agents, in theirinteractions and in the structures of the political game that, in the end, form what looks like - and isinterpreted as- an "electoral campaign". Thus, a campaign is conceived as a particular politicalconjuncture constructed jointly by agents, belonging to different fields (notably the political and thejournalistic ones). This conjuncture presents itself as a set of electoral games, which are more or lesscompetitive according to the social and political properties of candidates and the representations theyhave concerning the game. These games largely determine how electoral mobilisations are carriedout, both regarding the adaptation of manifestos and the means of action implemented. Eventually, thepolicy space during electoral conjunctures can be analysed as a set of configurations of agents thatare more or less linked and intertwined together. The configurational approach of electoralconjunctures is based on the empirical analysis of parliamentary campaigns in France and GreatBritain and focuses on the candidates of four political parties (French Socialist Party, French Union fora Popular Movement, British Labour Party and British Conservative Party).