La sécurité du territoire du Gabon s'organise autour des enjeux qui s'enracinent moins dans son statut ancien de "petit cendrillon d'Afrique centrale" que dans les représentations du pouvoir politique, pour qui, le Gabon est un "petit Etat", nanti de ressources géostratégiques, qui attisent des convoitises, surtout des puissances extérieures. Des considérations géopolitiques, auxquelles s'ajoutent la situation problématique de ses frontières terrestres et maritimes et, surtout les nouvelles menaces, en tête desquelles l'immigration clandestine, et les menaces internes, notamment les nouvelles formes de criminalité, les conditions sociopolitiques, la pauvreté socioéconomique, les déviances sociales, sans oublié les difficultés liées à l'encadrement territorial. Des enjeux et des menaces internes et externes, au compte desquels s'organise le Gabon, aux fins de sa sécurité. La sécurité gabonaise, qui considère, ainsi, l'échelle locale (interne) et régionale (externe) du territoire du Gabon, s'enracine principalement dans l'œuvre des forces de police et des forces militaires, qui produisent la sécurité publique, la sécurité civile et surveillent le territoire tout en préparant sa défense opérationnelle, pendant que les pouvoirs publics recherchent l'amélioration des conditions sociopolitiques, la qualité vie socioéconomique et environnementale de la population. La sécurité gabonaise s'étend à l'extérieur, dans la coopération régionale, où le Gabon postule une sécurité politique, basée sur l'ordre régional et l'entente cordiale entre pouvoirs, une sécurité économique qui améliorerait ses dépendances alimentaires, une coopération policière par "l'entraide policière" et, éventuellement un rétablissement de l'ordre sur son territoire. Des actions, à côté desquelles le Gabon s'emploie à une diplomatie de paix dans la région pour éviter des impacts des conflits extérieurs sur son territoire. Plus à l'international, la relation avec la France reste cruciale. Le Gabon cherche à renforcer ses capacités militaires et un possible rétablissement de paix sur son territoire. Toute une organisation de sécurité intérieure et extérieure qui, jusque-là, n'a pas donné les résultats escomptés. L'action de la police reste obsolète et l'insécurité grandissante, la sécurité humaine est très faiblement promue, le pouvoir brillant plutôt dans l'autoritarisme et le phagocytose des opposants et réservant un traitement particuliers aux militaires. L'encadrement territorial ne permet pas un contrôle effectif. A l'extérieur, la sécurité coopérative n'a pas réduit les dépendances alimentaires et ne s'avère pas efficace contre les menaces externes tant en mer que sur terre. Le partenariat de défense avec la France semble être un instrument pour la stabilité du pouvoir que pour le renforcement des capacités militaires des forces armées gabonaise. Autant de difficultés qui permettent aisément d'affirmer que le territoire du Gabon n'est pas en sécurité. / Gabon‘s territory‘s security involves stakes rooted less in its old status of the “little Cinderella of Central Africa“ than in its geopolitical representations of the political power which views the country as a “small state” rich in geostrategic resources stirring up covetousness, above all from outside powers. Together with territorial issues, come up land and sea borders' problems, above all the new threats, in which illegal migration, internal threats -particularly the new forms of criminality- sociopolitical conditions, socioeconomic poverty, social matters as well as difficulties to control the territory, are at the top of the list. Internal and external threats and stakes around which Gabon organizes itself in order to establish security within its territory. The country takes into account local and regional levels of the territory, mainly relying on police and military forces which seek to set up public and civil security, oversee the territory while preparing its effective defense. Aside from this security initiative, the government endeavors to improve sociopolitical conditions, people's socioeconomic' standards of living, and the protection of the environment. Gabonese's security‘s issue goes beyond its borders, as part of a regional cooperation where Gabon negotiates the political peace based on regional order and entente cordial between political powers. An economic security which would improve food expenses, a police cooperation through “mutual judiciary assistance “and, possibly, the recovering of its territory‘s order. Moreover, Gabon's foreign policy is to maintain peace within the area to avoid its territory to be influenced by external conflicts. From the international point of view, Gabon together with France tries to reinforce its military forces and to make a possible peacemaking in the region. So far, this whole initiative hasn't met the country' expectations. The police ‘efforts are inefficient and there is more and more insecurity. The human dimension is relative; rather, the shining government's authoritarianism, the opposition and the military phagocytosis as well as the territory's control are inefficient. Outside, the foreign judiciary assistance fails to cut food expenses and to fend off of external threats whether on sea or land. The defense cooperation with France seems to be more effective in stabilizing the established power than in reinforcing the military forces. The Gabonese territory is not safe.Safety, Defense, Territory, Geopolitic, Gabon

Les réponses allemandes face aux crises qui traversent aujourd’hui l’Europe, incitent à se poser la question de la nature de la puissance allemande mais aussi de savoir comment l’Allemagne est perçue par ses voisins et perçoit son rôle en Europe centrale. Les hésitations de Berlin dans la conduite d’une politique étrangères décomplexée renvoient inévitablement à la nécessité de se pencher sur les mécanismes de sa conception, et ainsi observer quelles sont les limites institutionnelles à la formulation de ses objectifs de politique étrangère. Depuis les années 1990, c’est la synthèse des concepts de puissance civile et de puissance marchande qui aura permis à l’Allemagne d’établir un modèle alternatif au déterminisme hégémonique. L’unification allemande et l’effondrement de l’environnement de la guerre froide, même s’ils ont changé le contexte de sa politique étrangère, n’ont pas pour autant altérés ses contours. Au niveau international la puissance allemande reste contrainte par les institutions internationales et le cadre d’engagement multilatéral, et au niveau de la fédération, la politique étrangère dans sa conception et sa mise en œuvre, reste fortement dépendante des consensus politiques internes, mais également du poids de ses institutions et du respect de la Loi fondamentale. La politique étrangère de l’Allemagne unie, bien que souveraine depuis 1990, se trouve ainsi toujours conditionnée à la fois par l’influence des évolutions de son environnement international et par l’image qu’elle renvoie chez ses partenaires. / The German attitude towards crises across Europe today, is leading to question the nature of the German power, as well as understanding how Germany is perceived by its neighbors and how it perceives its own role in Central Europe. Germany’s hesitations to conduct an uninhibited foreign policy is leading inevitably to refer at the mechanisms of its conception, and then to observe what are the institutional boundaries in the formulation of its objectives. Since the 1990s, the synthesis between the civil power and the trade power concepts allowed united Germany to establish an alternative model to her old hegemonic determinism. Even if the German unification and the disappearance of the Cold War environment has changed the context of the german foreign Policy, it has not altered its form in Europe. On the international level, German power remains constrained by international institutions and the framework for a multilateral commitment. On the domestic level, the foreign Policy in its conception and its implementation, remains highly dependent on internal political consensus, but also on the power of the german institutions and the respect of its Basic Law. Despite being sovereign since the 1990s the german foreign Policy remains conditioned by the influence of the developments in the international environment as well as the influence of emotional developments within it’s national society and the way she is perceived by its european partners.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-15T19:43:34Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Joaquim Chagas Neto.pdf: 634999 bytes, checksum: f9c2b458b62f032ba9c608a5e2f5fc5d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-08-13 / The topic submitted in this work ran upon the question about Geopolitic s Cultural, the Convention about protection and promotion of the diversity and of the UNESCO s Cultural expression 2005, and consider the teoricals principles and interdisciplinary conceptions developeded in the Parameter National Curriculum of the Secondary Education PCNEM/MEC. A revision of th PCNEM s bibliografhy was made with the intention of studying the Parameter Curriculum proposal. The apresentated theories in eleboration of the interdisciplinary conception and the adequation for the Pedagogic Project and didatic organization for the Federal Instituto for Education of São Paulo. The therical fundamental interdisciplinary of the study of the subjet was chosen for the elaboration of the present study of the qualitative character was able to construtions of the project discipline as interdisciplinar approuch, and as a result, we found out, the developed Methodology articulate the contents of the commonnucleus, especially humanities departament. We present a debat about the cultural diverity, the globalization, sustainment, the economic defense. The cultural question as a premise or interdisciplinary developeded in the Convention-2005, has composed the curriculum matrix of the discipline project, before the reflexions unleashed in the classroom and the contents which had worked and lived in the daily experiences. The search was elaborated while developeded the premise and the purpose of the convention gathering the projets of the PCN M and Pedagogy Politic Project of the IFSP. / O estudo apresentado neste trabalho versa sobre a questão da Geopolítica da Cultura, a Convenção sobre a proteção e a promoção da Diversidade das Expressões Culturais da UNESCO 2005, e considera as fundamentações teóricas e conceituais da interdisciplinaridade desenvolvidas nos Parâmetros Curriculares Nacionais do Ensino Médio PCNEM/MEC. Realizou-se uma revisão bibliográfica dos PCNEM com a intenção de estudar a proposta curricular dos parâmetros, as teorias representativas na elaboração dos conceitos da interdisciplinaridade e adequação ao Projeto Pedagógico e a organização Didática do Instituto Federal de Educação, Ciência e Tecnologia de São Paulo IFSP. A fundamentação teórica interdisciplinar do estudo de caso foi a escolhida para a elaboração da relação sujeito-objeto do presente estudo, de caráter qualitativo que possibilitou a construção da disciplina projeto como caminho interdisciplinar e, conseqüentemente, verificamos que a metodologia desenvolvida articula os conteúdos do núcleo comum, especialmente da área das ciências humanas. Apresentamos um debate sobre as questões da diversidade cultural, da globalização, sustentabilidade, a dependência econômica, a questão cultural como premissa da interdisciplinaridade desenvolvida na reflexão da Convenção/2005, como a matriz curricular da disciplina projeto, diante das reflexões desencadeadas em sala de aula e dos conteúdos trabalhados e vivenciados nas experiências cotidianas. O projeto de pesquisa foi elaborado desenvolvendo a premissa e os propósitos da Convenção congregando os pressupostos dos PCNEM e do Projeto Político Pedagógico do IFSP.

Après 1966, l’inefficacité du système économique, politique et idéologique de la Fédération yougoslave amène la population à vivre une profonde crise morale, visible dans l’effondrement des idéaux titistes et dans l’incapacité des élites politiques à reconnaître leur échec dans la gestion de la société. Les dirigeants du système autogestionnaire ont toujours cru que les différents peuples qui composaient le pays pouvaient vivre en harmonie grâce à l’unité idéologique et au Parti. Pourtant, ces deux éléments sont plongés dans une crise profonde après la mort de Tito. À partir de 1980, les élites politiques et l’intelligentsia yougoslave jouent un rôle fondamental dans le processus de décomposition du pays, qui s’accélère avec l’explosion des conflits nationalistes, la disparition de la guerre froide et l’instauration de la nouvelle ère globale. / After 1966, the inefficiency of the economic, political and ideological system of the Yugoslav Federation brought the population to a deep moral crisis. This is visible in the collapse of the Tito’s ideals and in the inability of the political elites to recognize their failure in the management of the society. The leaders of the self-management system had always believed that the various people who made up the country could live in harmony thanks to ideological unity and Communist Party. However, these two elements were plunged into a deep crisis after the death of Tito. Beginning in 1980, the political elites and the Yugoslav intelligentsia played a fundamental role in the country’s decomposition process, which accelerated with the explosion of nationalist conflicts, the disappearance of the Cold War and the establishment of the new global era.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-06-02T20:38:29Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 6495.pdf: 1599825 bytes, checksum: 46334cc19f4f978d579fcb0db20a2867 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-10-01 / Financiadora de Estudos e Projetos / The selectivity concerning the access of indigenous students to Brazilian higher education have been due to the practices formed racially and the understanding of the political strategy of the education for the recognition of the otherness has appeased the definition of public policies of Affirmative Actions (AA) for groups historically considered subaltern. Affirmative action is often conceptualized as strategic mechanism when both racial tension and socio-economic inequality exist in order to counter the effects of a colonial history of discrimination and disadvantaging that has left huge silences and deformations in the historical narratives about indigenous people and their knowledge, philosophies, bodies and cultures. Therefore, we also can think about affirmative action in its epistemological dimension. A post-colonial reading of affirmative action policies in Brazilian universities focused on indigenous people provided the basis for our analysis. We argue that AA policies have a potential force to produce epistemological disruptions in university contexts. The goal of this research is both to analyze and to describe sociologically the experiences of indigenous students from different ethnic groups in the context of Affirmative Action Policies Program at Federal University of São Carlos. This study ends presenting discussions on how we can epistemologically rethink AA policies in Brazilian universities, especially regarding to indigenous people. / O presente trabalho debruça-se sobre a política de ação afirmativa para acesso ao ensino superior no Brasil, num cenário em que diferentes argumentos que a justifica se encontram e se tensionam. Numa perspectiva de analítica pós-colonial buscamos discutir a crescente presença dos povos indígenas nas universidades, tendo em vista que o pós-colonial constrói sua crítica ao modo como o conhecimento científico tem sido produzido e posto em circulação. Observamos que, no geral, as universidades públicas brasileiras operam em função de concepções e representações forjadas nas relações coloniais, de modo que em seus espaços, formas de produção, validação, aplicação e circulação de conhecimentos ainda são definidas a partir de uma matriz epistemológica ocidental, eurocentrada, racializada. Ao considerar o racismo inscrito nas matrizes das ciências e o fato de que houve e há hierarquização dos conhecimentos, a crítica póscolonial leva a cabo o exercício epistemológico de desfamiliarização das experiências antes racializadas e de desconstrução do vocabulário colonial a partir do qual elas têm sido nomeadas, conhecidas e inscritas nos imaginários. Nesse sentido, temos nos perguntado se as presenças indígenas podem provocar algum tipo de deslocamento (epistemológico, metodológico, cultural, político) no contexto da universidade. Mais especificamente, as presenças indígenas nas universidades podem constituir-se em possibilidade de deslocar o espaço-tempo dos signos, deslocar os contextos de significação? Podem constituir-se como possibilidade de produção de novos sentidos e de novos arranjos das diferenças? Tendem a provocar mudanças na própria institucionalização dos programas de ação afirmativa das universidades? A experiência em curso na Universidade Federal de São Carlos nos tem permitido conceber a política de ação afirmativa como estratégia que pode possibilitar deslocamentos nas representações acerca da diferença e, em alguma medida, levar a desarranjos epistemológicos.

Submitted by André Luis Bezerra Cavalcanti Godoi (andregodoi@gmail.com) on 2015-12-21T15:13:10Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação André Godoi - Vr. FINAL.pdf: 839344 bytes, checksum: 5338c15d8ed8e915a396829878889a33 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Janete de Oliveira Feitosa (janete.feitosa@fgv.br) on 2016-01-06T13:17:18Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação André Godoi - Vr. FINAL.pdf: 839344 bytes, checksum: 5338c15d8ed8e915a396829878889a33 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Marcia Bacha (marcia.bacha@fgv.br) on 2016-01-06T16:33:20Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação André Godoi - Vr. FINAL.pdf: 839344 bytes, checksum: 5338c15d8ed8e915a396829878889a33 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-01-06T16:33:34Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação André Godoi - Vr. FINAL.pdf: 839344 bytes, checksum: 5338c15d8ed8e915a396829878889a33 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-11-30 / This work contemplates the mismatch between the extraordinary expansion of the strategic management (SM) field and the rising critique to its incapacity to deal with the neoliberal globalization crises. The critical analisys begins showing how the universalization of americanism is followed by the universalization of management and strategic management. After that, explores how the neoliberal market and nonmarket discourses reproduce simplist discourses that contribute to legitimize the global actuation of the corporation. At last, it deals with the preference for the great modern corporation, marginalizing other organizational formats of relevance specially for emergent economies. The resulting integrative framework is then applied to a selection of SM scientific articles, that allowed the identification of five themes: geopolitics of knowledge, scientific empiricism, simplified conceptions of markets and institutions, corporative governance and capitalism. The exploration of the connection of SM knowledge and the neoliberal economic and geopolitic ordainment show how the field can have relevance to society, and also promotes the approximation of the mainstream with critical perpectives. / Este trabalho contempla o descasamento entre a extraordinária expansão do campo do gestão estratégica (GE) e as crescentes críticas à incapacidade de lidar com as crises da globalização neoliberal. A análise crítica mostra como a universalização do americanismo é acompanhada pela universalização do management e do strategic management. Em seguida, explora como os discursos neoliberais de mercado e não-mercado reproduzem discursos simplistas que contribuem para a legitimação da atuação das corporações em escala global. Por fim, é tratada a preferência pela grande corporação moderna, por meio da marginalização de outros formatos organizacionais de grande relevância principalmente para economias emergentes. O framework integrativo resultante é então aplicado a uma seleção de artigos científicos de GE que permitiu a identificação de cinco temas: geopolítica do conhecimento, empiricismo cientificista, concepções simplificadas de mercado e instituições, governança corporativa e capitalismo. A exploração da conexão entre o conhecimento em GE e o ordenamento econômico e geopolítico do neoliberalismo mostra como o campo pode ter relevância para a sociedade, além de promover a aproximação do mainstream com as perspectivas críticas.

Submitted by Erika Demachki (erikademachki@gmail.com) on 2018-08-27T20:34:03Z No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Bruna Angélica Gonçalves - 2018.pdf: 3830069 bytes, checksum: 6a2d1781962b8ac785496cf47065d379 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Erika Demachki (erikademachki@gmail.com) on 2018-08-27T20:34:31Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Bruna Angélica Gonçalves - 2018.pdf: 3830069 bytes, checksum: 6a2d1781962b8ac785496cf47065d379 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-27T20:34:31Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Bruna Angélica Gonçalves - 2018.pdf: 3830069 bytes, checksum: 6a2d1781962b8ac785496cf47065d379 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-06-04 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / The literacy theme is constitute by extreme complexity and disagreement with regard to the discussions related to this theme. More than just a phenomenon related to the uses of writing, it constitutes as the main element of the trajectories of individuals, revealing the rich meanings that can be attributed to the most diverse uses of language. Thus, like all that is social in nature, literacies are permeated with the dynamics of power relations, being subject to hierarchies depending on where and by whom they are produced and / or analyzed. Bearing all this in mind and based on discussions so far raised in the literature of literacies, this research aims to describe the current state of the art studies of literacies developed outside the school agency; as well as compare perspectives developed in these studies with social literacy proposals and evaluate the impact of social literacy approaches in the studies described. To that end, the theoretical basis remains in the field of current critical studies on literacy from sociocultural perspectives, among them (STREET, 2003, 2014, TERRA, 2013) in interlocution with decolonial studies (SANTOS & MENESES, 2009; QUIJANO , MIGNOLO, 2003, 2014, NASCIMENTO, 2014) and critical studies of Modernity (MAKONI & PENNYCOOK, 2007). The concept of bibliographic research serves as a reference in that it has been made the survey of the references already published, in order to know, in a general way, what has already been studied on the subject (FONSECA, 2002). The corpus of the research, composed of 142 articles published in Portuguese between 1997 and 2016, was generated from searches in the Scielo and Capes’ Periodics Portal in the month of March 2017 taking as reference a pre-established criterion according to the objectives of the research. The discussions about the literacies were then less anchored to the very fields in which they are developed, and much more linked to already crystallized and hegemonic discourses. As shown, the theoretical framework in these last two decades has not changed much, and new discussions are not being highlighted. We continue to speak of literacies from geopolitically marked places as institutional spaces described by hegemonic voices. About literacies much remains to be discussed. Two decades of studies in Brazil have not been able to capture the complexity that surrounds this subject. We must construct our perceptions about the uses of language by people, forgetting simplistic conceptions, starting with the understanding of literacies, starting from the trajectories of the subjects by which they are produced. / O tema letramento se constitui de extremas complexidade e divergências no que diz respeito às discussões a ele relacionadas. Mais do que apenas um fenômeno relacionado aos usos da escrita, ele se constitui como elemento principal das trajetórias dos indivíduos, revelando a riqueza significados que podem ser atribuídos aos mais diversos usos de linguagem. Assim, como tudo que é de natureza social, os letramentos são permeados acompanham a dinâmica das relações de poder, estando sujeitos a hierarquizações a depender de onde e por quem são produzidos e/ou analisados. Tendo tudo isso em vista e partindo de discussões até então suscitadas na literatura dos letramentos, esta pesquisa objetiva descrever o estado da arte atual dos estudos sobre letramentos desenvolvidas fora da agência escola; bem como comparar perspectivas desenvolvidas nestes estudos com propostas de letramento social e avaliar o impacto das abordagens de letramento social nos estudos descritos. Para tanto, o embasamento teórico se mantem no campo dos atuais estudos críticos sobre os letramentos a partir de perspectivas socioculturais, dentre eles (STREET, 2003, 2014; TERRA, 2013) em interlocução com os estudos decoloniais (SANTOS & MENESES, 2009; QUIJANO, 2009; MIGNOLO, 2003, 2014; NASCIMENTO, 2014) e estudos críticos à Modernidade (MAKONI & PENNYCOOK, 2007). O conceito de pesquisa bibliográfica serve como referência na medida em que foi feito o levantamento das referências já publicadas, a fim de conhecer, de forma geral, o que já se estudou sobre o assunto (FONSECA, 2002). O corpus da pesquisa, composto por 142 artigos publicados em português entre os anos de 1997 a 2016, foi gerado a partir de buscas no Scielo e Portal de Periódicos da Capes no mês de março de 2017 tomando como referência critérios préestabelecidos de acordo com os objetivos da pesquisa. As discussões sobre os letramentos se mostraram então menos ancoradas aos próprios campos nas quais são desenvolvidas, e muito mais vinculadas a discursos já cristalizados e hegemônicos. Como mostrado, o quadro teórico nessas duas últimas décadas não mudou muito, e novas discussões não estão sendo evidenciadas. Continua-se falando dos letramentos a partir de lugares geopoliticamente marcados enquanto espaços institucionais descritos por vozes hegemônicas. Sobre letramentos ainda há muito a ser discutido. Duas décadas de estudos no Brasil ainda não foram capazes de captar a complexidade que envolve tal assunto. Há de se construir nossas percepções a respeito dos usos de linguagem pelas pessoas, esquecendo concepções simplistas, partindo para a compreensão dos letramentos a partir realmente das trajetórias dos sujeitos pelos quais eles são produzidos.

The main objective of this dissertation is to research the interconnectivity of energy security of the European Union and its relations with Russia. Achieving this goal entails an analysis of the current situation in the EU energy security in the context of its import dependence on Russian energy sources and an outline of the future development of strategic partnership between the EU and Russia in the energy field. The dissertation is divided into five logically arranged chapters. The first chapter provides the theoretical background, the concept of the energy security and methodological researching tools. The second chapter provides an overview of the current state of the global and the European energy industries as a basis for the evaluation of the energy security. The second chapter is also focused on the EU legislative framework concerning energy system. The third chapter deals with analysis of the energy security of the individual sectors and levels of the energy system by determining risk factors and measures to limit their impact. The fourth chapter examines the energy sector of Russia in terms of its impact on the EU energy security. The final fifth chapter outlines scenarios for the future of the EU energy security in the context of relations with Russia.

Des années 1960 jusqu’à la fin de la guerre froide, voire au-delà, l’influence voire la prépondérance de la France sur les territoires francophones d’Afrique noire est presque totale. Cependant, en ce XXIème siècle naissant, la compétition mondiale dans la recherche de nouveaux débouchés et de la sécurisation de l’approvisionnement énergétique amène inexorablement les grandes puissances à entrer en ‘‘conflit d’intérêts’’ par la pénétration réciproque des « arrière-cours ». Ceci est particulièrement vrai pour la France qui voit des pays tels que les Etats-Unis, la Chine, l’Inde, le Brésil, la Turquie, les pays du Golfe, etc., faire une entrée fracassante dans une région géographique qu’elle considère depuis longtemps comme sa « chasse gardée » compte tenu des liens historique, linguistique et politique. Ces nouveaux défis et enjeux pour la politique africaine de la France se mesurent désormais, à l’aune des transformations à l’œuvre sur la scène internationale avec la mondialisation et l’émergence de nouvelles puissances du Sud. Les défis et les enjeux sont importants pour l’action extérieure de la France et sa place dans le monde, compte tenu de la concurrence féroce des nouveaux acteurs et des changements des sociétés africaines en cours. Néanmoins elle possède encore des atouts économiques, diplomatiques et stratégiques susceptibles de lui permettre d’élaborer, grâce à l’espace culturel francophone, un projet original, ambitieux et porteur d’espoir. Pour ce faire, il faudra répondre aux deux interrogations suivantes : Comment réformer cette politique traditionnelle basée sur des relations étroites et privilégiées avec les dirigeants africains sans toutefois compromettre les avantages comparatifs de la France sur place? Quelle stratégie politique mettre en œuvre pour identifier les véritables intérêts communs des Français et des Africains francophones, en tenant compte des opportunités et des menaces, et les développer dans un partenariat mutuellement bénéfique ? / From 1960s to the end of the cold war, even beyond, the influence even the supremacy of France in the French-speaking territories in Sub-Saharan Africa is almost total. However, in this 21st century, the world competition in the research of new markets and the security of the energy supply leads inexorably the great powers to enter in “conflict of interests” by the mutual penetration of the “back-yards”. This is particularly true for France which has countries such as the United States, China, India, Brazil, Turkey, the Gulf Arab States, etc., to make a dramatic entrance in a geographical area where she judged it for a long time as her “exclusive domain” considering the historical, linguistic and political links. These new challenges and issues for the African policy of France are measured from now on, in the light of the transformations at work in the world with the globalization and the emergence of new powers of the South. The challenges and the issues are important for the external action of France and its place in the World, considering the fierce competition between new stakeholders and the ongoing African society changes. Nevertheless it still has economic, diplomatic and strategic assets which enable him to elaborate, thanks to the francophone cultural center, an original project, ambitious and promising. With this aim in mind, it will be necessary to answer to the two following questions: How to reform this traditional policy based on close and privileged relationships with African leaders without compromising, however, the comparative advantages of France on the spot? Which political strategy has to be implemented in order to identify the real common interests of the French and the French-speaking Africans, by taking into account the opportunities and threats, and to develop them in a mutually beneficial partnership?