邊疆是國家領土的一部分，有邊疆便有邊疆政策。中國邊疆族支眾多，為適應邊疆地 位之重要、地形之特殊，環境之複雜，幾千年來，無論中華民族中任何一族系掌握中 原政權，均各有其治邊方針。 本論文旬在研究 國父與先總統 蔣公的邊疆政策思想，全文約八萬餘字，共分六章 十二節，各章要點如下﹕ 第一章 緒論，首先說明邊疆定義、特質及邊疆政策之意義。 第二、三、四章 國父「民族」、「民權」、「民生」主義邊疆政策思想。此三章之第一節簡略敘述「 民族」、「民權」、「民生」之要旨。其第二節仍蒐集國父三民主義及相關的言論、 著作中包含邊疆政策思想，以說明 國父對邊疆亦相當重視。 第五章 先總統 蔣公邊疆政策思想，蒐集 蔣公有關邊疆政策思想，並加以討論 蔣公將邊疆政策實施於蒙藏及台灣山地的成果。 第六章 結論。探討對當前邊疆應有的認識，及光復大陸後邊疆政策的原則。

《鼎峙春秋》是奉乾隆皇帝的命所創造的作品.本劇本,以元明以來流傳的三國演義故事為題材,僅在清代宮廷裡所演出的劇本。 清代極為崇拜關公,而關公到了《鼎峙春秋》呈顯出最完美的形象. 本論文將關公的一生分為七個時段來探討鼎峙春秋中的關公如何被描述, 其中發現本劇作家透過關公的一生突顯出忠義精神和善惡報應思想,以此教導民眾. 本論文雖然不足的地方很多,希望研究關公的學人有所幫助. / 《Ding Zhi Chun Qiu》 was made by the order of Qian Long the Emperor of the Ch'ing dynasty. It’s a play only performed at Court. And it’s about the story in the period of the Three Kingdoms which has been one of the people’s favorite subjects since Yuan-Ming Dynasty.The people of the Ch'ing dynasty were more devoted to worship Gwangong than any other times. Therefore, the Gwangong who is a main character of 《Ding Zhi Chun Qiu》 is described as the most perfect person whose image is handed down from generation after generation.This paper divided the life of GwanGong into 7 periods based on the important historical trace, and watched how GwanGong’s story was described in《Ding Zhi Chun Qiu》. I was able to find out that the writer had intention to enlighten the people by highlighting a loyalty spirit and right and wrong retribution thoughts through Gwangong in the process. Although this paper has some insufficient points, but I hope this paper would be helpful to those who study Gwangong.

鄉土文學作為一種文學類別，源出於作家們對前現代、傳統文化與土地關係的關懷。隨著時代變遷，鄉土文學被賦予更多的功能。不再只是再現吾人現代性精神危機的烏托邦救贖，也不單純只是對逝去的純美人情的哀悼，更不僅被當作現代性的對立面。從五四時期以來的鄉土文學至今，已然發展出全然不同的面貌，唯一不變的是，鄉土文學的核心價值依舊是以「人與土地」為主軸，從人與土地的關係出發，思考不同階段的社會轉型與文化衝擊。在持續的現代化與全球化的當下，鄉土文學必然受到衝擊，在現代化與高度資本主義的社會環境中，都市文學與大眾娛樂文化的雙重夾擊下，鄉土文學成為一種艱難的文類，在世代差異之下，鄉土文學必然喪失其影響力與活力。 此外，中國特殊的政治體制與其制度，使得鄉土文學產生不同的變化，轉型成為一種彈性的文類，將鄉土視為全球化的在地資本，再者，因中國快速的全面轉型，使得新舊文化被雜揉於同一時期。新與舊、現代與傳統、都市與鄉村就這樣被濃縮在同一時期裡。因此鄉土文學在中國，除了因疆域廣大，現代化程度的普及性仍有一定限度外，最重要的是，當今中國的中堅世代，都是歷經高度文化衝擊下的一員，在他們身上仍舊保留傳統文化的親歷性，也同樣對現代化的利弊具有深刻理解，作家們依循自己的生命經驗試圖理解當代中國與世界。 本研究先以中國當代文化語境與鄉土文學之發展脈絡為背景，再以三位50後作家韓少功、莫言、阿來之專章，討論其鄉土小說中的身分認同。此三位作家皆完整經歷中國當代劇烈的社會變遷，並循著自身的「鄉土經驗」，重新審視中國現代性如何擺盪在現代性與民族性之間，並展現其中的文化能動性，以多元的鄉土文體形式來界定主流政治。 自新時期以來，中國作家與主流政治共同自「鄉土」汲取文化動能，建構屬於自身獨特的話語形式（discourse）回應中國新時期的後革命論述。 / As a literary category, the native-soil literature was originated from the care that the writers had on the relationship between pre-modern, traditional culture and the land. With the changing times, the native-soil literature has been given more functions. It is no longer just to re represent the utopian salvation of our modern spiritual crisis, or just the mourning for the passed-by beautiful interpersonal affection, or only be viewed as the opposite of modernity. Since the May Fourth period, the native-soil literature has now developed a completely different appearance. The only constant is that the core value of the native-soil literature remains to be centered around the “people and the land”, rooting from the relationship between people and the land to think about the different stages of social transformation and cultural impact. Under the ongoing modernization and globalization, the native-soil literature is bound to be impacted. In the modern and highly capitalist social environment and under the double attacks of urban literature and mass entertainment culture, the native-soil literature has become a difficult genre. Due to the generation differences, the native-soil literature will inevitably lose its influence and vitality. In addition, the special political framework and system of China cause the native-soil literature to have different changes, transforming into a flexible genre and viewing the “native soil” as the globalized local capital. Moreover, due to rapid and comprehensive transformation of China, the old and new cultures were rubbed into the same period. The concepts of new and old, modern and traditional, and urban and rural were all condensed into the same period as well. Therefore, while the native-soil literature of China has been somewhat limited in terms of degree of modernization and popularity due to the vast territory, the most important thing is that the backbone generation in China today all went through high cultural impact, and they still retain the traditional cultural experiences while having deep understandings about the pros and cons of modernization. The writers try to understand the contemporary China and the world through their own life experiences. This study uses the development processes of Chinese contemporary cultural context and native-soil literature as background, and then discuss the identity identification within the native-soil novels through dedicated chapters of three writers who were born after 1950 – Han Shao-gong, Mo Yan and Alai. All three writers went through dramatic social changes of contemporary China, and with their “native-soil experiences”, they re-examined how China's modernity swung between the modernity and nationality, displayed the cultural motility therein, and defined the mainstream politics in the form of multivariate native-soil literature. Ever since the new era, writers and mainstream politics in China have all been drawing cultural energies from the “native-soil” to construct their own unique discourse forms, so as to respond to the post-Revolution discourse of China’s new era.

余惠冰 = The Hong Kong General Teaching Council : a policy discourse / Yu Wai Bing. / 呈交日期: 2000年8月. / 論文(哲學博士)--香港中文大學, 2001. / 參考文獻 (p. 257-271) / 中英文摘要. / Cheng jiao ri qi: 2000 nian 8 yue. / Available also through the Internet via Dissertations & theses @ Chinese University of Hong Kong. / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Mode of access: World Wide Web. / Yu Huibing = The Hong Kong General Teaching Council : a policy discourse / Yu Wai Bing. / Lun wen (Zhe xue bo shi)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 2001. / Can kao wen xian (p. 257-271) / Zhong Ying wen zhai yao.

國立西南聯合大學（簡稱「西南聯大」或「聯大」）是與抗戰相始終的大學。它以戰時教育聞名，成立於抗戰初期（1938 年），由國立北京大學、國立清華大學和私立南開大學聯合組成，抗戰結束後三校解散北歸（1946 年），各自復校。日本的入侵和國家的貧弱，聯大師生共有的民族情感，聯大民主自由的人文環境和「雲南王」龍雲對戰時民主力量的保護等因素，合力構成了聯大地下黨統戰工作的發展空間。這一發展空間與重要的歷史事件的時間點（如1941 年1 月「皖南事變」、1945 年8 月「抗戰勝利」和10 月「龍雲下台」）一起，構成了一個國共角逐的時空。 / 中共中央和南方局對地下黨組織統戰工作的重視和具體指導的時間恰是在聯大成立初期；在聯大中期，為適應局勢，爭取大多數「中間派師生」的支持，中共先後製定了「十六字」方針（即「蔭蔽精幹，長期埋伏，積蓄力量，以待時機」）和「三勤」（即「勤學」、「勤業」、「勤交友」）政策；在聯大後期，中共統戰的方針政策在實踐中得到檢驗，取得成效。 / 聯大地下黨的統戰工作是中共雲南省工作委員會（簡稱「雲南省工委」）統戰工作的重要組成部分。南方局和雲南省工委統戰工作的重點是介於國共兩黨間的「中間力量」。聯大地下黨統戰的人群以聯大師生為主，他們用知識份子所能接受的語言和交友方式對其做統戰工作，突出中共是眾望所歸的力量。一方面，地下黨人以「民族主義」和「愛國」來把如聯大教授等「中間力量」團結起來，通過組織集會探討時事以引發高級知識份子思考抗戰失利、貪污腐敗、物價飛漲、民不聊生的根源，由此孤立國民黨。另一方面，聯大地下黨人在品學兼優的基礎上，以「中間學生」的姿態出現，為聯大同學辦實事（如解決吃飯難問題），由此贏得了大多數「中間學生」的好感。如果說在雲南民主運動高潮到來前，聯大地下黨對「中間派師生」的統戰成效限於潛移默化的影響，那麼在1944-1946年民主運動高潮來臨時，其統戰成效已體現為促使「中間派師生」走出書齋，用文字和行動來爭取「民主與和平」，反抗國民黨當局的獨裁專制。 / 誠然，在四十年代中期，「中間力量」所認同的是介於美蘇政治體制間的「第三條道路」。因此，雲南省工委和聯大地下黨通過扛起「民族主義」和「新民主」的旗幟將聯大師生等「中間力量」凝聚在一起，在孤立國民黨的同時，促使「中間力量」放棄「第三條道路」，服膺於「新民主主義」的「革命」之路。無疑，毛澤東的話語吸引了愛國的知識份子群體，使其感到儘管中共提倡的「新民主」並非西方強調的「民主」，但卻是一條可行的救國之路，「中間力量」感到可參與其中，輔助中共並影響其決策，甚至共同決定中國未來發展的方向。的確，大多數的聯大師生等「中間力量」對於中共及其所提倡的「新民主」是有期待的。南方局、雲南省工委和聯大地下黨的統戰成效亦於此可見。 / 然而，本文也提及，在中共成為執政黨後，當「中間力量」對「革命」勝利發揮作用的歷史使命完成後，受西方教育理念影響的知識份子的「自由主義」與中共的「思想統整」間的弔詭性矛盾即被凸顯。因此，在中共建國後，對知識份子的思想改造不可避免，在這個靈魂改造的過程中，受沖擊的不僅僅是聯大師生 等「中間力量」，即使雲南省工委和聯大地下黨人亦不能幸免。 / 事實上，聯大地下黨對聯大師生等「中間力量」的統戰工作的深遠影響並未隨著聯大的解體和新中國的成立而結束。聯大地下黨人及其統戰對象聯大「中間派師生」，在經歷了新中國對知識份子的思想改造運動後，如何反思民族主義、革命與民主的關係亦值得作進一步的梳理和檢討。這是本文的一個後續研究方向。 / "The emergence of National South-west Associated University (hereafter abbreviated as NSAU) coincided roughly with the war of the Chinese resistance to Japanese aggression. Because of the Marco Polo Bridge (Lugou Qiao) incident on 7 July 1937 and the subsequent Japanese invasion of China, three renowned universities of north China, Peking University, Tsinghua University and Nankai University, were consolidated into one temporary university, National Changsha Temporary University (hereafter abbreviated as NCTU), by the Ministry of Education and relocated to Changsha in 1937. At the end of 1937, Nanjing fell, and Wuhan was in crisis, NCTU was forced to move again then to Yunnan province in 1938 and changed its name to NSAU. NSAU, known as an exemplar of wartime education in modern China history, is an important arena of the Chinese Communist Party’s (hereafter abbreviated as CCP) United Front activities between 1938-1946. A number of factors such as Japanese invasion, the country’s poverty and weakness, the sense of nationalism of the University’s teachers and students, the humanistic environment of democracy and freedom of the University, and the protection of the democratic forces by the “King of Yunnan” Long Yun during war times had combined to form a space for the development of the underground CCP's United Front activities in NSAU. / NSAU, known as an exemplar of wartime education in modern China history, is an important arena of the Chinese Communist Party’s (hereafter abbreviated as CCP) United Front activities between 1938-1946. A number of factors such as Japanese invasion, the country’s poverty and weakness, the sense of nationalism of the University’s teachers and students, the humanistic environment of democracy and freedom of the University, and the protection of the democratic forces by the “King of Yunnan” Long Yun during war times had combined to form a space for the development of the underground CCP's United Front activities in NSAU. / NSAU’s underground party’s United Front work was an important part of the Southern Bureau’s and the CCP Yunnan Work Committee's activities. The Southern Bureau was in charge of the underground party branches in Chiang Kai-shek’s districts. The United Front work of the Southern Bureau and the CCP Yunnan Work Committee focused on “the third force” or “the middle force”. In order to win the support of almost all intellectuals especially NSAU’s students and professors, Mao Zedong and Zhou Enlai separately formulated the Sixteen-Character Guideline of the CCP’s underground party work: Hiding Elites (yinbi jinggan), Long-term Ambushes (changqi maifu), Saving Force (jixu liliang) and Waiting for the Opportunity (yidai shiji) and the policy of the Three Diligences that refers to Working with Diligence, Studying with Diligence, and Making friends with Diligence. The policy of the Three Diligences was the concrete application of the Sixteen-Character Guideline, according to Zhou Enlai’s idea. / NSAU’s underground party undertook United Front work to influence “the middle force” by cultural activities, propaganda skills and the ways of making friends that were accepted by most of the intellectuals, and stressed that CCP could meet the expectations of the patriotic masses in China. On the one hand,the Communists united “the middle force” such as NSAU’s professors who adhered to nationalism and patriotism, and isolated the Nationalists by organizing rallies and discussing current events, and then led the senior intellectuals to believe that the root cause of the defeat in the anti-Japanese war, corruption, soaring prices and hardship suffered by people wasGuomindang, the Nationalist Party. On the other hand, NSAU’s underground party members, who excelled others in both morals and studies, solved practical problems for their classmates (such as the lack of food), thus winning most of their classmates’ support. / Admittedly “the middle force” was identified with “the third way” whose political stand was between the American and Soviet models in mid-1940s. But the CCP Yunnan Work Committee and NSAU’s underground party combined elements of “the middle force” such as NSAU’s students and professors to isolate the Guomindang, and prompted them to give up “the third way” and believe in the revolutionary way of New Democracy. / There is no doubt that Mao Zedong’s words moved the patriotic intellectuals and made them feel that although the New Democracy advocated by CCP was not Western democracy, it was a feasible way to save the country, and these intellectuals and democrats could participate in and influence the CCP’s decisions on the developmental direction of China in the future. Indeed, most of followers of “the middle force” such as NSAU’s teachers and students believed in both CCP and its New Democracy. In this sense, it is obvious that the United Front activities of the Southern Bureau, the CCP Yunnan Work Committee and NSAU’s underground party were highly effective. / This thesis also mentions that, however, after CCP became the ruling party and “the middle force” had completed its historical mission of being an important ally and follower of CCP in the revolutionary victory, the paradoxical contradiction between the liberal intellectuals influenced by Western value on the one side, and CCP, on the other, became notable. Therefore, a movement of thought reform for intellectuals had to be launched after the founding of the People's Republic of China. In this campaign to reform the soul, those purged were not only “the middle force” including NSAU’s students and professors, but even the CCP Yunnan Work Committee and NSAU’s underground party members. / In fact, the profound influence of NSAU’s underground party’s United Front work on “the middle force” did not end with the disbandment of NSAU and the establishment of new China. After the movement of thought reform for intellectuals, how the former NSAU’s underground party members and their targets of United Front work (i.e., the former NSAU’s teachers and students of “the middle force”) reflected upon the relations between nationalism, revolution and democracy is worth further examination and review. This will be one of the dimensions of a follow-up study of this dissertation. / 劉宇. / Thesis Ph.D. Chinese University of Hong Kong 2016. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 339-365). / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / Title from PDF title page (viewed on September 8, 2017). / Liu Yu . / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only.

羅欣欣. / 論文(哲學碩士) -- 香港中文大學硏究院藝術學部, 1998. / 附參考文獻. / 中英文摘要. / Luo Xinxin. / 序言 --- p.1 / 論文摘要 --- p.2 / 插圖目錄 --- p.5 / 緒論 --- p.14 / Chapter 第一章 --- 中共建國前的毛澤東繪畫圖像(1927-1949) / Chapter I. --- 毛澤東政治地位的確立 --- p.28 / Chapter II. --- 土地革命戰爭時期(1927-1937)：毛澤東繪畫圖像的起源 --- p.30 / Chapter III. --- 抗口戰爭時期(1937-1945)的毛澤東繪畫圖像發展 --- p.31 / Chapter 1 . --- 魯藝木刻工作團的成立1938 --- p.32 / Chapter 2. --- 晉西北木刻工廠1941 --- p.33 / Chapter 3. --- 《延安文藝座談會上的講話》1942 --- p.34 / Chapter 4. --- 赤色郵政 1944 --- p.40 / Chapter 5. --- 中共黨報 1945 --- p.41 / Chapter IV. --- 全國解放戰爭時期(1945-1949)的毛澤東繪畫圖像發展 --- p.43 / 小結 --- p.47 / Chapter 第二章 --- 中共建國後的毛澤東繪畫圖像(1949-1966) / Chapter I. --- 中華人民共和國成立初年的毛澤東繒畫圖像發展 --- p.53 / Chapter 1. --- 中華人民共和國的成立194 9 --- p.53 / Chapter a. --- 延安藝術傳統的毛澤東漫畫圖像 --- p.54 / Chapter b. --- 王朝聞的繪畫領袖像指示 --- p.56 / Chapter 2. --- 土地改革 1950-1952 --- p.59 / Chapter a. --- 新年畫創作運動 --- p.59 / Chapter 3. --- 建國初年的整黨整風1950-52 --- p.66 / Chapter a. --- 革命歷史畫創作計劃 --- p.67 / Chapter II. --- 中蘇親密外交下的毛澤東繪畫圖像發展 --- p.70 / Chapter 1. --- 全盤蘇化1950-55 --- p.70 / Chapter a. --- 蘇聯宣傳畫的影響 --- p.70 / Chapter b. --- 蘇聯油畫的影響 --- p.72 / Chapter c. --- 蘇聯領袖像選材的影響 --- p.74 / Chapter III. --- 中共社會經濟改革下的毛澤東繪畫圖像發展 --- p.76 / Chapter 1. --- 第一個五年計劃1953-1957 --- p.76 / Chapter a. --- 中國畫的改造 --- p.78 / Chapter b. --- 油畫民族化 --- p.81 / Chapter 2. --- 大躍進及人民公社運動1958-60 --- p.84 / Chapter 3. --- 社會主義教育運動1962-65 --- p.88 / Chapter a. --- 革命歷史繪畫運動 --- p.59 / 小結 --- p.91 / Chapter 第三章 --- 文革時期的毛澤東繪畫圖像(1966-1976) / Chapter I. --- 文化大革命發動的原因 --- p.105 / Chapter 1. --- 文化大革命序幕：海瑞罷官1965 --- p.105 / Chapter 2. --- 毛澤東個人崇拜 --- p.107 / Chapter II. --- 文革時期毛澤東繪畫圖像的發展 --- p.107 / Chapter 1. --- 紅衛兵運動1966 --- p.107 / Chapter a. --- 紅衛兵藝術 --- p.108 / Chapter b. --- 《毛澤東思想照亮安源工人革命運動展覽》 --- p.113 / Chapter c. --- 「紅、光、亮」的藝術手法 --- p.115 / Chapter 2. --- 工農兵領導下的文化大革命1969 --- p.117 / Chapter a. --- 工農兵繪畫運動 --- p.118 / Chapter 3. --- 毛澤東的親密戰友一林彪的叛變1971 --- p.124 / Chapter 4. --- 毛澤東的接班人一華國鋒1976 --- p.125 / 小結 --- p.126 / Chapter 第四章 --- 文革後及改革開放時期的毛澤東繪畫圖像(1976-1997) / Chapter I. --- 文革後的毛澤東繪畫圖像發展 --- p.132 / Chapter 1. --- 後文革時期的藝術1976-1978 --- p.132 / Chapter a. --- 《熱烈慶祝華國鋒同志任中央主席、中央軍委主席 、熱烈慶祝粉碎四人幫篡黨奪權陰謀的偉大勝 利全國美術作品展覽》 --- p.133 / Chapter b. --- 《慶祝中國人民解放軍建軍50周年美術作品展覽》 --- p.134 / Chapter c. --- 毛主席紀念堂的落成 --- p.136 / Chapter d. --- 《毛主席永遠活在我們心中´ؤ毛主席逝世一周 年美術作品展覽》 --- p.137 / Chapter 2. --- 傷痕藝術1978-1979 --- p.139 / Chapter 3. --- 星星美展1979-1980 --- p.140 / Chapter II. --- 改革開放時期的毛澤東繪畫圖像發展 --- p.141 / Chapter 1. --- 美術新思潮下的毛澤東圖像 --- p.141 / Chapter a. --- 後八九的中國新藝術一政治波普中的毛澤東圖像 --- p.143 / Chapter b. --- 毛澤東藝術圖像的拍賣熱潮 --- p.151 / Chapter 2. --- 宮方持續創作的毛澤東繪畫圖像 --- p.152 / 小結 --- p.156 / 結語 --- p.161 / 附錄一 ：1.中國藝術史中毛澤東書法圖像的社會文化意義 --- p.1-1 / 2.美術展覽中的毛澤東繪畫圖像畫目 --- p.1-6 / 附錄二：參考書目 --- p.2-1 / 附錄三：現代中國藝術史中毛澤東繪畫圖像畫目 --- p.3-1 / 附錄四：圖版 --- p.4-1

by Lam Yu-Kan, Wong Yik. / Thesis (M.B.A.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2003. / Includes bibliographical references (leaf 74). / ABSTRACT --- p.3 / TABLE OF CONTENTS --- p.5 / Chapter / Chapter 1. --- INTRODUCTION OF THE BANKING INDUSTRY IN HK --- p.6 / Chapter 2. --- BRIEF HISTORY AND CORPORATE STRATEGIES (WITH CHANGES OVER THE HISTORY) --- p.7 / Chapter 3. --- OPERATING AND FINANCIAL PERFORMANCE EVALUATION ..… --- p.16 / Chapter 4. --- LONG-TERM INVESTMENT POTENTIAL --- p.57 / Chapter 5. --- CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS --- p.68 / BIBLIOGRAPHY --- p.74

According to Mann, the state infrastructure power is "the institutional capacity of a central state, despotic or not, to penetrate its territories and logistically implement decisions." From the perspective of state-building, this paper investigates the change of the state infrastructure power from the Maoist time to the Post-Mao period with the case study of the Industrial and Commercial Administrative Office (ICAO) in Guang Zhou city. The paper illustrates the following three arguments. / First, different from the perspectives which focus on the change of the authoritarian or communist factors in China, the state-building studies give us fresh perspective to outline the change of the state infrastructure power from the Maoist time to the Post-Mao period. In the case study of the ICAO in Guang Zhou city, the state fell short of fiscal revenue to finance the ICAO. The self-supply funding system of the ICAO hindered the formalization of the ICAO and rendered the ICAO to pursue revenue increase, which led to the arbitrary charges of the market management fee and distorted the function of the ICAO. Since 1990s, the state tried to check the ICAO's orientation of pursuing revenue increase by launching reforms to change the funding system of the ICAO and promoting the institution-building of it. Despite the limitation of the reform measures, the state enhanced its agent-monitoring capacity under the circumstance of disappearance of political movement and ideological bindings. / Second, the state-building effort of the rulers, the shortage of the fiscal revenue and the path-dependence are three outstanding factors which influence the change of the state infrastructure power from the Maoist time to the Post-Mao era. In the case of ICAO, the rulers takes efforts to extend their power to penetrate the society and monitor their agents. In order to achieve the objective of market control, the rulers established the ICAO and tried to enhance the agent-monitoring capacity. The shortage of the fiscal revenue baffled the rulers efforts to widely set up ICAO and restricted the formalization of it. Furthermore, the path dependence impacts on the development of the state infrastructure power. When the self-supply funding system of the ICAO was established, new problems and resistance arose from the funding system prevent the rulers to reform it. / Third, the state infrastructure power influences the relationship between the state and society. The state infrastructure power not only shapes how the ICAO deals with different market subjects, it also works on the coping strategies different market subjects take to protect themselves from the investigation and penalty of the ICAO. By taking the social control capacity and agent-monitoring capacity of the state into consideration, we could better understand the interaction between the ICAO and different market subjects. / 黃冬婭. / Adviser: Shaoguang Wang. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 69-08, Section: A, page: 3299. / Submitted: October 2007. / Thesis (doctoral)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2008. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 217-229). / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Electronic reproduction. [Ann Arbor, MI] : ProQuest Information and Learning, [200-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / School code: 1307. / Huang Dongya.

In the post-World War II period, the population of poor and working-class Chinese New Yorkers––most of whom lived in Manhattan’s Chinatown––drastically increased in size and so too did the range of health problems they faced. This dissertation is the first in-depth historical study of Chinese Americans/New Yorkers’ postwar experiences with health education and activism. It documents the work of Chinese American grassroots activists and medical professionals to establish access to healthcare for Chinatown residents. By analyzing the transnational and cross-class dynamics of this movement, the dissertation challenges the long-standing assumption that the more well-to-do individuals of Chinese ancestry—especially recent professional immigrants from Taiwan and Hong Kong—had little interest in the wellbeing of their poorer counterparts. It also places Chinese New Yorker history alongside the better-known community control movements and health activism in Black and Latinx communities. The dissertation draws from research at 14 archives across the U.S., rare personal papers in Chinese and English, and interviews with over twenty Chinese American doctors and Chinatown activists. Before the mid-twentieth century, Chinese New Yorkers faced inequities in medical education and healthcare due to racially discriminatory policies and practices. From the 1940s to the 1960s, the end of Chinese exclusion and U.S. Cold War geopolitical interests in Asia allowed a select group of Chinese and Chinese American doctors and nurses to enter academic medicine and public health in the city. Chinese American public health nurses attracted public and private funding for much-needed social and health services in Chinatown by leveraging their transnational backgrounds and popular beliefs in the assimilation and integration of nonwhites. Meanwhile, the New York City-based American Bureau for Medical Aid to China and other American groups launched medical aid programs to help train medical personnel for the Nationalist Party and sustain its troops in their fight against the Chinese Communist Party. A subset of Chinese medical graduates from these programs drew from their hybrid credentials, contacts, and linguistic skills to obtain competitive jobs at hospitals and academic medical centers in New York and other American cities. Many of the transplanted Chinese medical graduates had intended to return to China after a short stint of advanced study in the U.S. But they decided to stay as a pragmatic response to political and social upheavals and constraints. Starting in the late 1960s, Chinatown’s rapidly expanding population, as well as the “maximum feasible participation” doctrine of President Lyndon Johnson’s War on Poverty initiative, made it strategic for the community watchdog agency, the Lower East Side Health Council-South, to court and include Chinatown residents in the fight for a better and new public hospital—Gouverneur Hospital. Inspired by the Civil Rights movement, workers’ struggles, and health radicalism in Black and Latinx communities, the Chinese American and Afro-Puerto Rican Health Council workers, Thomas Tam and Paul Ramos, implemented community programs and organized highly publicized and disruptive events, including a summer street health fair in Chinatown. Chinese New Yorkers of diverse migratory, class, age, and political backgrounds, including Chinese medical graduates who had the credentials and resources to serve their compatriots, played an integral role in these activities. In 1971, the cross-ethnic, cross-class coalition successfully demanded the opening and hiring of more bilingual personnel at the new Gouverneur. By the late 1970s, efforts led by Thomas Tam and Paul Ramos to bring the medical exam room into the Lower East Side became institutionalized in the form of the Chinatown and Betances Health Clinics. The clinics offered low-cost, comprehensive, and multilingual services, and encouraged professionals and youths of color to serve the community.

李紹宏. / "2006年8月" / 論文(哲學碩士)--香港中文大学, 2006. / 參考文獻(leaves 243-262). / "2006 nian 8 yue" / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / Li Shaohong. / Lun wen (zhe xue shuo shi)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 2006. / Can kao wen xian (leaves 243-262). / Chapter 第一章： --- 導言 --- p.1 / Chapter 1.1 --- 研究背景：香港政治文化與國民教育取向 --- p.2 / Chapter 1.2 --- 教師團體 --- p.7 / Chapter 1.2.1. --- 教協簡介 --- p.7 / Chapter 1.2.2 --- 教聯簡介 --- p.9 / Chapter 1.3 --- 過渡期的政治變化與國民教育的關係 --- p.11 / Chapter 1.4 --- 回歸前後的國民教育議題論爭 --- p.16 / Chapter 1.5 --- 研究意義 --- p.33 / Chapter 1.6 --- 章節安排 --- p.34 / Chapter 第二章： --- 硏究理論 --- p.36 / Chapter 2.1 --- 「民族主義」簡介 --- p.36 / Chapter 2.2 --- 「中國」分析-回應西方民族主義理論 --- p.39 / Chapter 2.2.1 --- 對「中國」的質疑 --- p.40 / Chapter 2.2.2 --- 杜贊奇與葛兆光等理論 --- p.42 / Chapter 2.2.3 --- 「文化中國」的認同 --- p.47 / Chapter 2.2.4 --- 小結 --- p.49 / Chapter 2.3 --- 身份認同 --- p.49 / Chapter 2.3.1 --- 有關「身份認同」 --- p.50 / Chapter 2.3.2 --- 有關「民族認同」 --- p.51 / Chapter 2.4 --- 中國民族主義：對外戰爭與「創傷記憶」的民族意識 --- p.54 / Chapter 2.5 --- 「創傷記憶」與「驕傲盛世」回憶的民族主義--中國人身份的回溯 --- p.58 / Chapter 第三章： --- 研究設計 --- p.64 / Chapter 3.1 --- 硏究問題 --- p.64 / Chapter 3.2 --- 硏究起點 --- p.65 / Chapter 3.3 --- 硏究對象 --- p.67 / Chapter 3.3.1 --- 《教協報》及《香港教育》簡介 --- p.67 / Chapter 3.3.2 --- 本硏究的選材及標記 --- p.67 / Chapter 3.4 --- 硏究方法 --- p.68 / Chapter 3.4.1 --- 質化研究法(Qualitative research) --- p.68 / Chapter 3.4.2 --- 符號學分析方法 --- p.69 / Chapter 第四章、 --- 神話的建立過程-對外仇恨的民族主義與國民教育（一） --- p.82 / Chapter 4.1 --- 引言 --- p.82 / Chapter 4.2 --- 教協 --- p.83 / Chapter 4.2.1 --- 反日愛國與符號分析 --- p.83 / Chapter 4.2.2 --- 反日與國民教育 --- p.89 / Chapter 4.3 --- 教聯 --- p.92 / Chapter 4.3.1 --- 反日愛國與符號分析 --- p.92 / Chapter 4.3.2 --- 反日與國民教育 --- p.94 / Chapter 4.4 --- 小結 --- p.96 / Chapter 第五章、 --- 神話的建立過程-對外仇恨的民族主義與國民教育(二） --- p.99 / Chapter 5.1 --- 引言 --- p.99 / Chapter 5.2 --- 教協 --- p.99 / Chapter 5.2.1 --- 反日愛國與符號分析 --- p.100 / Chapter 5.2.2 --- 反日與國民教育-理性神話 --- p.103 / Chapter 5.3 --- 教聯 --- p.107 / Chapter 5.3.1 --- 反日愛國與符號分析 --- p.107 / Chapter 5.3.2 --- 反曰與國民教育 --- p.108 / Chapter 5.4 --- 小結 --- p.109 / Chapter 第六章 --- 三個神話的確立 --- p.112 / Chapter 6.1 --- 文字及圖片分析 --- p.112 / Chapter 6.1.1 --- 系譜軸(Paradigm) --- p.112 / Chapter 6.1.2 --- 毗鄰軸(Syntagm) --- p.113 / Chapter 6.2 --- 歌曲及語言分析 --- p.118 / Chapter 6.2.1 --- 歌曲介紹 --- p.119 / Chapter 6.2.2 --- 符號分析 --- p.124 / Chapter 6.3 --- 三個神話的建立 --- p.130 / Chapter 6.3.1 --- 神話的建構過程 --- p.130 / Chapter 6.3.2 --- 神話的延伸 --- p.136 / Chapter 6.4 --- 小結 --- p.140 / Chapter 第七章： --- 血緣神話認同-八九民運 --- p.144 / Chapter 7.1 --- 引言 --- p.144 / Chapter 7.2. --- 教協愛國及民主想像 --- p.144 / Chapter 7.3. --- 教聯黨國不分的矛盾 --- p.157 / Chapter 7.3.1 --- 對中共的批評與隱晦 --- p.159 / Chapter 7.3.2 --- 「自我失語」與「失憶」的教聯六四歷史 --- p.164 / Chapter 7.3.3 --- 教導六四史的方法--客觀理性的歷史教育還是失憶教育？ --- p.166 / Chapter 第八章 --- 回蹄神話(一）教聯 --- p.174 / Chapter 8.1 --- 引言 --- p.174 / Chapter 8.2 --- 民族恥´辱ؤ道德與回歸 --- p.177 / Chapter 8.3 --- 奴化教育-救贖與回歸 --- p.186 / Chapter 第九章 --- 回歸神話（二)教協 --- p.201 / Chapter 9.1 --- 引言 --- p.201 / Chapter 9.2 --- 民族恥辱-道德與回歸 --- p.201 / Chapter 9.3 --- 回歸矛盾-血緣神話 --- p.205 / Chapter 9.4 --- 小結-教聯及教協回歸的取態 --- p.216 / Chapter 第十章 --- 結論 --- p.225 / Chapter 10.1 --- 總結--回應第一個問題 --- p.225 / Chapter 10.2 --- 後現代的質疑 --- p.226 / Chapter 10.3 --- 批判與國民教育-回應問題二 --- p.229 / Chapter 10.4 --- 研究的起點與啓示-民族身份的反思、教師的反省 --- p.233 / Chapter 10.5 --- 硏究的貢獻、限制與啓發 --- p.236 / Chapter 10.5.1 --- 硏究的貢獻及特色 --- p.237 / Chapter 10.5.2 --- 研究限制 --- p.237 / Chapter 10.5.3 --- 未及的討論 --- p.240 / Chapter 10.6 --- 後記 --- p.241 / 參考資料 --- p.243