Made available in DSpace on 2016-06-02T20:00:48Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 5052.pdf: 4854894 bytes, checksum: 1d6892bc78dc1e2add81a7801106b168 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-04-01 / Universidade Federal de Minas Gerais / This research purposed to identify, classify and analyze the technologies and raw materials used in low-income housing, as aid for the definition and implementation of a housing policy that can be incorporated sustainability principles and guidelines. The object of empirical study it's Guinea Bissau, in particular Bissau the main town of the country that is located in West Africa and it has one of the world's lowest Human Development Index HDI . Among the various dimensions that make up sustainability, it was decided to prioritize research in environmental and cultural dimensions, considering the country's social and environmental peculiarities. At the start, warned understanding deeply variables and their parameters that characterize a condition of greater sustainability, always focusing on the specific location. At the same mode, it was made a qualitatively and quantitative survey of technologies and materials usually employed in construction for housing, following, it was held a mutual comparison between those variables, parameters and the information collected about the technologies adopted. Together with the scientific aspect, this research aims also to contribute with technological guidelines for structuring a sustainable housing policy of social interest to Guinea Bissau. / Esta pesquisa se visou identificar, classificar e analisar as tecnologias e matérias-primas empregadas nas habitações populares, como subsídio para a definição e implementação de uma política habitacional que incorpore princípios e diretrizes da sustentabilidade. Tem como objeto empírico de estudo Guiné-Bissau, em especial, cidade de Bissau, capital da Guiné-Bissau, país situado na África Ocidental e que apresenta um dos IDH Índice de Desenvolvimento Humano mais baixo do mundo. Dentre as diversas dimensões que compõem a sustentabilidade, se optou a priorizar a pesquisa nas suas dimensões ambiental e cultural, considerando a peculiaridades socioambientais daquele país. Inicialmente, se preveniu aprofundar o entendimento das variáveis e dos respectivos parâmetros que caracterizem uma condição de maior sustentabilidade, sempre com foco no local específico. Paralelamente foi feito um levantamento quali-quantitativo das tecnologias e dos materiais usualmente empregados na construção civil de habitações, na sequência, se realizou cotejamento entre aquelas variáveis e parâmetros e as informações coletadas sobre as tecnologias adotadas. Em conjunto com o aspecto científico, essa pesquisa se propõe, também, a contribuir com diretrizes tecnológicas para estruturação de uma política habitacional sustentável de interesse social para Guiné-Bissau.

Ce travail de thèse propose une étude des nouvelles méthodes de classification, dites phylogénétiques, empruntées à la biologie dans le but de proposer une nouvelle classification linguistique. Les langues étudiées appartiennent à la famille « bantu », présentes au sein de la famille linguistique Niger-Congo, parlée en Afrique. De nombreux travaux ont été établis sur les langues bantu, montrant ainsi la complexité de cette famille linguistique. Notre étude se spécialise sur la zone « Nord-Ouest », qui comprend les pays suivants : Cameroun, Guinée Équatoriale, Gabon, Congo et République Démocratique du Congo. Ce travail présente une nouvelle classification de ces langues à travers l’étude du lexique. Nous avons ainsi constitué une base de données de 100 mots appartenant au vocabulaire de base pour les 207 langues retenues. Plusieurs arbres ont été générés par l’application des algorithmes Neighbor-Joining (Saitou et Nei, 1987) et Neighbor-Net (Bryant et Moulton, 2004). L’étude de la classification des langues du Nord-Ouest a permis de mieux comprendre les relations de proximité linguistiques qui existent entre les langues parlées dans cette région. De même, l’analyse de la classification a permis de proposer un schéma de migrations des langues bantu. / This dissertation is presenting a linguistic classification based on phylogenetic methods borrowed from biology. The sample of languages considered here belongs to the Bantu family, a linguistic sub branch of Niger-Congo languages spoken in Africa. Numerous publications have shown a complexity and the diversity of Bantu languages. Our study focus on the North-West region which includes the following countries: Cameroon, Equatorial Guinea, Gabon, Congo and Democratic Republic of Congo. This new classification is based on the comparison of lexical items. We have organized a database including 100 words from the basic vocabulary for 207 languages. Several tree representations were obtained by using Neighbor-Joining (Saitou and Nei, 1987) and Neighbor-Net (Bryant and Moulton, 2004) algorithms.This study allows us to get a better understanding of the linguistic proximity of these languages. It also provides a historical scenario for Bantu migrations.

L’étude part de la prémisse de l’analyse de la politique étrangère bissau-guinéenne en considérant le processus de la formation de l’État dans la période de la postindépendance, travers de leurs faiblesses (la dépendance) et de leurs potentiels (l’autonomie) par rapport au système mondial. Ainsi, l’étude s’insère dans le cadre temporel d’accumulation historique et institutionel de la Guinée-Bissau dans le système mondial contemporain (1973-2014).Notre hypothèse est que la politique étrangère bissau-guinéenne peut avoir résulté de deux facteurs: (a) des facteurs internes associés à l’instabilité politique et à la mauvaise gestion des ressources donnés; et (b) des facteurs externes liés à la mauvaise conduction de la politique étrangère et du financement externe, dans ses relations avec les organisations internationales. De ce fait, l’objectif de cette thèse de doctorat a été comprendre la politique étrangère de la Guinée-Bissau, en tenant compte le processusde la formation de l’État national, en considérant les crises multidimensionnelles et le rôle de deux organisations internationales – la Communauté des Pays de la Langue Portugaise (CPLP) et la Communauté Économique des États de l’Áfrique de l’Ouest (CÉDÉAO) – dans ses lignes directrices de politiques publiques, en obsérvant le degré d’influence de ces organisations internationales et le progrès atteint, ou non, au début du XXIème siècle. Dans le cadre de cette étude, nous avons choisi la période de la postindepéndance pour être étudiée, dans laquelle nous avons délimité trois phases différentes pour analyser la politique étrangère de la Guinée-Bissau, deux organisations internationales et ses impacts dans la politique intérieure; sont-elles: (a) phase du parti unique (1973-1993) – dont le but principal a été examiner si la politique étrangère a impacté, ou non, dans la faisabilité de l’État-nation bissau-guinéen et au projet de coopération internationale et à l’aide extérieure; (b) phase découlant de transition politique, d’exécution de la démocratie et de la première eléction jusqu’au coup politique (1994-1998), réformes politiques, constitutionnelles, économiques et son impact dans la politique étrangère; et (c) phase d’instabilité politique, économique et social au pays, coups et contrecoups (1998-2014) qui ont causé des impacts directs ou indirects dans la politique étrangère de la Guinée-Bissau, en considérant la dispute et le conflit idéologique des organisations qui sont objets de cette étude (CPLP et CÉDÉAO) et qui font part de la même. / O estudo parte da premissa de análise da política externa guineense levando em conta o processo de formação do Estado na pós-independência a partir de suas fragilidades (dependência) e de suas potencialidades (autonomia) em relação ao sistema mundial. Assim, o estudo se insere no marco temporal de acúmulo histórico e institucional da Guiné-Bissau no sistema mundial contemporâneo (1973-2014). A nossa hipótese é que apolítica externa guineense pode ter resultado de dois fatores: (a) fatores internos associados à instabilidade política e ao péssimo gerenciamento de recursos doados; e (b) fatores externos relacionados à má condução da política externa e do financiamento externo, na sua relação com organismos internacionais. Com isso, o objetivo dessa tese de doutoramento foi compreender a política externa da Guiné-Bissau, levando em conta o processo de formação do Estado nacional, tendo em conta as crises multidimensionais e o papel de dois organismos internacionais- Comunidade dos Países de Língua Portuguesa (CPLP) e Comunidade Econômica dos Estados da África Ocidental (CEDEAO)- nas suas diretrizes de políticas públicas, levando em consideração o grau de influência destas organizações internacionais e o progresso ou não alcançado no início do século XXI. Neste estudo, o período pós-independência foi o estudado, no qual delimitamos três períodos distintos para analisar a política externa da Guiné-Bissau, dois organismos internacionais e os seus impactos na política interna; são eles: (a) período de partido único (1973 a 1993) - cujo objetivo principal foi analisar se a política externa teve ou não impacto na viabilização do Estado-Nação guineense e o projeto de cooperação internacional e ajuda externa;(b) período decorrente de transição política, implementação da democracia e primeira eleição até o golpe político (1994-1998), reformas políticas, constitucionais, econômicas e o seu impacto na política externa; e (c) período de instabilidade política, econômica e social no país, golpes e contragolpes (1998 a 2014) que causaram impactos diretos ou indiretos na política externa da Guiné-Bissau, levando em consideração a disputa e o conflito ideológico dos organismos objetos deste estudo (CPLP e CEDEAO) que da mesma fazem parte. / The study starts from the premise of analysis of the Guinean foreign policy, taking into account the process of formation of the State in the post-independence, through its weaknesses (dependence) and its potentialities (autonomy) regarding the world system. Thus, the present study is inserted in the time frame of historical and institutional accumulation of Guinea-Bissau in the contemporary world system (1973-2014). Our hypothesis is that the Guinean foreign policy can result of two factors: (a) internal factors associated to the political instability and to the terrible management of donated resources, and (b) external factors related to the bad conduction of foreign policy and of external financing, in its relationship with international organisations. Thereby, the aim of this doctoral thesis was to understand the foreign policy of Guinea-Bissau, considering the process of formation of the national State, taking into consideration the multidimensional crises and the role of two international organisations (CPLP and ECOWAS) in its guidelines of public policies, considering the degree of influence of such international organisations and the progress, or not, reached at the beginning of the XXI century. Therefore, in this study, the period of post-independence was studied, in which we will delimitate three different periods to analyse the foreign policy of Guinea-Bissau, two international organisations and its impact on domestic politics. They are: a) period of a single party (from 1973 to 1993) - whose main purpose is to analyse if the foreign policy had, or not, the impact into the viability of the Guinean nation state and the project of international cooperation and foreign aid, b) period due to political transition, implementation of democracy and first election until the political coup (1994-1998), political, constitutional and economic reforms and its impact on foreign policy, and c) period of political, economic and social instability in the country, coups and anti-coups (from 1998 to 2014) that caused direct or indirect impacts, in the foreign policy of Guinea-Bissau, considering the dispute and the ideological conflict of the organisations object of this study (CPLP and ECOWAS) that the same is part.

INTRODUÇÃO: A importância da resposta mecânica do parênquima pulmonar na fisiopatologia da asma tem sido recentemente reconhecida. O óxido nítrico é um mediador que controla o tônus muscular liso das vias aéreas, porém este efeito no parênquima pulmonar periférico ainda não foi previamente investigado. Nossa hipótese é que a inibição crônica das óxido nítrico sintases por meio do tratamento com L-NAME (falso substrato para todas as óxido nítrico sintases) pode modular a mecânica do parênquima pulmonar, o recrutamento eosinofílico e o remodelamento da matriz extracelular em modelo de inflamação alérgica crônica pulmonar em cobaias. MÉTODOS: Os animais foram expostos a sete inalações com soro fisiológico ou com ovoalbumina em doses crescentes (1~5mg/ml - 4 semanas) e tratadas ou não com L-NAME (60 mg/kg/ por dia /por animal) na água de beber. Setenta e duas horas após a sétima inalação os animais foram anestesiados, exsanguinados e a mecânica oscilatória do parênquima pulmonar foi medida na condição pré e após desafio (0.1%). Utilizando a técnica de morfometria foram avaliadas a densidade de eosinófilos, o número de células nNOS e iNOS positivas, a densidade de actina, das fibras colágenas e das fibras elásticas bem como a proporção de volume de 8-iso-PGF2 no septo alveolar. RESULTADOS: Os animais que foram expostos à ovoalbumina apresentaram um aumento da resistência e da elastância tecidual (resposta basal e após desafio antigênico), na densidade de eosinófilos, no número de células nNOS e iNOS positivas, na densidade de fibras colágenas e de fibras elásticas bem como na expressão de 8-isoPGF2 no septo alveolar comparativamente aos grupos controles (p<0,05). O tratamento com L-NAME em animais expostos à ovoalbumina atenuou todas as respostas de mecânica do tecido pulmonar periférico (p<0, 01), reduziu o número de células nNOS e iNOS positivas (p<0.01), o conteúdo de fibras elásticas (p<0,001) e de 8-iso-PGF2 no septo alveolar (p<0,001). No entanto, este tratamento não afetou o número total de eosinófilos e o conteúdo de fibras colágenas. Este trabalho sugere que o óxido nítrico contribui para a constrição do parênquima pulmonar e para a deposição de fibras elásticas neste modelo. Estes efeitos foram associados à ativação de iNOS e nNOS em células do parênquima distal e aumento na via do estresse oxidativo / The importance of lung tissue mechanical responses in asthma pathophysiology has been recently recognized. Although nitric oxide (NO) is a mediator that controls smooth muscle tonus control in the airways, its effects on lung tissue responsiveness has not been previously investigated. We hypothesized that chronic nitric oxide synthase inhibition by L-NAME (false substrate for all nitric oxide synthases) treatment may modulate lung tissue mechanics, eosinophilic recruitment and extracellular matrix remodeling in a model of chronic pulmonary allergic inflammation. Guinea pigs were submitted to seven normal saline or ovalbumin exposures with increasing doses (1~5mg/mL-4weeks) and treated or not with L-NAME in drinking water. Seventy-two hours after the seventh inhalation the animals were anesthetized, exsanguinated, and oscillatory mechanics of lung tissue strips was performed in baseline condition and after ovalbumin challenge (0.1%). Using morphometry, we assessed the density of eosinophils, the number of iNOS and nNOS-positive cells, the density of actin, the collagen and elastic fibers content and the volume proportion of 8-iso-PGF2 in the alveolar septa. Ovalbumin-exposed animals presented an increase in baseline and maximal tissue resistance and elastance responses, eosinophil density, in the number of iNOS and nNOS positive cells, in the amount of collagen and elastic fibers and in the volume proportion of 8-iso-PGF2 in the alveolar septa compared to controls (p<0.05). L-NAME treatment in ovalbumin-exposed animals attenuated all lung tissue mechanical responses (p<0.01), reduced the number of iNOS and nNOS positive cells (p<0.01), elastic fiber content (p<0.001) and 8-isoPGF2 in the alveolar septa (p<0.001). However, this treatment did not affect the total number of eosinophils and collagen deposition. These data suggest that NO contributes to distal lung parenchyma constriction and to elastic fibers deposition in this model. These effects were associated to iNOS and nNOS activation in pulmonary parenchyma and with an increase in oxidative stress pathway activation

This thesis examines the correlation between economic growth and the prevalence of a number of institutions that according to a theory elaborated by economists Christer Gunnarsson and Mauricio Rojas are growth promoting. The economic development and the institutional quality of four African countries, namely Botswana, Zambia, Mozambique and Guinea-Bissau, is examined by comparing index scores for relevant institutional factors. The results show that some correlation between economic growth and the prevalence of the institutions examined can be confirmed, why the theory only gains moderate support. A minor attempt is also made to trace potential correlations between the level of economic equality and the institutions in question, but no correlation is found in this respect.

This dissertation explores the growing field of study around Maritime Security. While an increasingly common sub-heading in American naval strategy documents, maritime security operations are largely framed around individual threats (i.e. counter-piracy, counter-terrorism, counter-narcotics). Here, we endeavor to explore how a seemingly disparate set of transnational issues fit into a more coherent framework to give greater theoretical substance to the notion of Maritime Security as a distinct concept. In particular, we examine, as our research question, whether the Broken Windows theory, a criminological construct of social disorganization, provides the lens through which to theorize maritime security in the littorals. By extrapolating from criminology, this dissertation engages with a small but growing impulse in studies on insurgencies, terrorism, and piracy to look beyond classic theories of security to better understand phenomena of political violence. To evaluate our research question, we begin by identifying two critical components of the Broken Windows theory, multidimensionality and context specificity. Multidimensionality refers to the web of interrelated individuals, organizations, and infrastructure upon which crime operates. Context specificity refers to the powerful influence of an individual or community's environment on behavior. These two themes, as explored in this dissertation, are brought into stark relief through an application of the Broken Windows theory. Leveraging this understanding of the theory, we explore our research question by employing process-tracing and detailed descriptions across three case studies (one primary and two illustrative)—the Caribbean Basin, the Gulf of Guinea, and the Straits of Malacca and Singapore. In so doing, we demonstrate how applying the lens that Broken Windows provides yields new and interesting perspectives on maritime security. As a consequence, this dissertation offers an example of a theoretical framework that provides greater continuity to the missions or threats frequently binned under the heading of maritime security, but infrequently associated with one another in the literature.

No description available.

La Guinée, depuis son accession à l’indépendance en 1958, a été dirigée par des régimes autoritaires successifs et a traversé des périodes marquées par de graves victimisations dont les plus remarquables se sont produites entre 1958 et 1984, sous le règne d’Ahmed Sékou Touré, puis dernièrement en 2009, sous le règne du Capitaine Moussa Dadis Camara. Ces crimes contre l’humanité ont eu des impacts directs et indirects sur la vie des victimes, leurs familles, et proches. Ils ont causé des milliers de morts, provoqué l’exil d’innombrables individus et occasionné le viol de centaines de femmes (Human Rights Watch, 2011). Bien que l’État guinéen ait entrepris de nombreuses actions visant ostentatoirement à faire justice aux victimes de ces faits, ces dernières demeurent insatisfaites et persistent dans leur quête de justice. Ceci nous conduit à des questionnements : qu’est-ce que la justice pour les victimes de crimes contre l’humanité en Guinée ? Comment les victimes arrivent-elles à ce sentiment de justice ? Dans cette thèse, nous explorons le sentiment de justice de 31 victimes de crimes contre l’humanité commis en Guinée. Plus précisément, nous utilisons, comme cadre théorique la théorie de la justice pour examiner les perceptions et expériences de victimes par rapport à la justice afin de promouvoir la réconciliation et la paix durable. Les résultats indiquent que la justice a plusieurs dimensions, à savoir la justice distributive, la justice procédurale et la justice interactionnelle. Bien que la justice distributive (punition et réparation) soit évoquée plus rapidement dans le discours des victimes, la justice procédurale (neutralité des autorités, constance, etc.) et la justice interactionnelle (respect, information, etc.) ont toutes aussi leur importance aux yeux des victimes. Il existe plusieurs similarités entre les deux groupes de victimes étudiés, entre celles de 1958-1984 et celles de 2009, quant aux violences commises, à leurs conséquences et à la définition de la justice. Mais, ces deux groupes diffèrent sous plusieurs autres coutures, notamment par rapport aux types de violences, à la durée de la commission des crimes, à la méthode utilisée pour les commettre, à l’interchangeabilité des rôles victimes-bourreaux, à la durée des conséquences des crimes et à l’importance des éléments compris dans la définition de la justice. Certains éléments de la définition de la justice seraient plus importants que d’autres pour chaque groupe de victimes compte tenu du temps passé depuis la commission des crimes, du décès de la plupart des bourreaux, et de l’interchangeabilité des rôles bourreaux victimes. Cela dit, la justice dans son ensemble est une condition à la réconciliation. Toutefois, le manque de justice vécue par les victimes remet en question la réconciliation en Guinée. / Since its independence in 1958, Guinea has been ruled by authoritarian regimes that caused many victims of serious violations, the most notable dating from 1958 to 1984 under the reign of Ahmed Sékou Touré and recently in 2009 under the reign of Moussa Dadis Camara. The crimes against humanity in Guinea had direct and indirect impacts on the lives of the victims, their families, and their loved ones. They have left thousands of dead, they resulted in the exile of countless individuals and the rape and abuse of hundreds of women (Human Rights Watch, 2011). While some efforts have been made to address this violence, victims nevertheless persist in their demand for justice. This raises many questions: what is justice for the victims of crimes against humanity in Guinea? How do victims come to the sense of justice? In this paper, we explore the perceptions of justice of 31 victims of crimes against humanity in Guinea. More specifically, we use justice as a theoretical framework to examine perceptions and experiences of victims in relation to justice in order to promote reconciliation and lasting peace. The results indicate that justice has several dimensions, namely distributive justice, procedural justice and interactional justice. Although distributive justice (punishment and reparation) comes more quickly in victims’ discourse, procedural justice (neutrality of authorities, constancy, etc.) and interactional justice (respect, information, etc.) are equally important in the eyes of the victims. There are several similarities between the two groups of victims (1958–1984 and 2009) as regards the violence committed, their consequences, and the definition of justice. However, there are differences as well, particularly regarding the types of violence, the duration of the crimes, the method used to commit the crimes, the interchangeability of victim-offender roles, the duration of the consequences of crimes and the importance of the elements included in the definition of justice. Some elements included in the definition of justice would be more important than others for each group of victims given the time that has passed since the commission of crimes, the death of most perpetrators, and the interchangeability of victims perpetrators’ roles. That said, justice as a whole is a condition for reconciliation. However, the lack of justice experienced by the victims calls into question reconciliation in Guinea.

VOVES, Petr. Úloha Světové zdravotnické organizace v případu epidemie viru eboly na území západní Afriky v roce 2014. Praha, 2017. 95 s. Diplomová práce (Mgr.) Univerzita Karlova, Fakulta sociálních věd, Institut politologických studií. Katedra mezinárodních vztahů. Vedoucí diplomové práce PhDr. Irah Kučerová, Ph.D. Abstract The M.A. thesis deals with the World Health Organization's response to the outbreak of the ebola virus disease in Guinea, Liberia and Sierra Leone in 2014. The spread of the disease is mapped from its very beginning at the end of December 2013 until the creation of UNMEER in September 2014, which was the first international medical mission ever created by UN Security Council. The purpose of this thesis is to evaluate the particular problems, which limit WHO's role in a timely and effective response to the public health threats of international concern (PHEIC) under the reformed International Health Regulations (IHR). The response of WHO representatives to the spread of the disease is evaluated taking into account the available material and competence capacities of the organization as well as its previous practice in this field. The specific misconduct of WHO representatives is explained in the context of longstanding WHO's problems, which are mainly linked to the vertical fragmentation...

La décennie 1990 constitue pour bon nombre de pays d’Afrique subsaharienne – francophones notamment – une transition de régimes autoritaires vers des régimes démocratiques. C’est le cas de la Guinée où un processus démocratique s’est ouvert dès la moitié des années 1980, avec la chute du régime dirigiste d’Ahmed Sékou Touré. A l’inverse des démocraties libérales occidentales dont elle s’inspire, la démocratie conventionnelle adoptée en Guinée existe dans l’architecture juridico-institutionnelle mais ne fonctionne pas, dans les faits, sur la base d’institutions politiques et sociales qui transcendent les clivages ethniques et communautaires. L’ethnicité en est la matrice fondamentale. Elle se manifeste par l’hybridation de produits institutionnels d’import-export à des réalités locales spécifiques. L’Administration publique, les partis politiques, les organisations socio-culturelles s’appuient explicitement ou implicitement sur l’ethnicité dans leur rapport au politique. Plusieurs facteurs sont à la base de ce double phénomène d’ethnicisation du fait politique et de politisation du fait ethnique en Guinée. On peut l’attribuer aussi bien à la fragilité de l’Etat qui peine à assurer ses missions régaliennes – sécurité, justice, bien-être, etc. – qu’à l’insuffisance de l’ancrage des valeurs, normes et principes de la démocratie libérale dans la société guinéenne. A cela, il faut ajouter le rôle structurant de l’ethnie comme groupe social de mobilisation politique dans les représentations collectives. / For a good number of countries in sub-Saharan Africa – the French-speaking ones especially – the 1990s represented a transition from authoritarian regimes to democratic ones. This is the case in Guinea where a democratic process began in the mid-1980s, with the fall of the very strict regime of Ahmed Sékou Touré. In contrast to the Western liberal democracies on which it is based, the conventional democracy adopted in Guinea exists in the juridico-institutional layout but does not, in reality, function on the basis of political and social institutions that transcend the ethnic and community groups tensions. Ethnicity is the fundamental matrix. It is manifested by the hybridization of import-export institutional products with specific local realities. Public administration, political parties, socio-cultural organizations rely explicitly or implicitly on ethnicity in their relationship to politics. Several factors are at the root of this double phenomenon of ethnicization of the political fact and politicization of the ethnic fact in Guinea. One may attribute both to the fragility of the State which is struggling to ensure its sovereign missions - security, justice, well-being, etc. - and to the inadequacy of the anchoring of the values, norms and principles of liberal democracy in Guinean society. To this must be added the structuring role of ethnicity as a social group of political mobilization in collective representations.