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The Global ETD Search service is a free service for researchers
to find electronic theses and dissertations. This service is
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Networked Digital Library of Theses and Dissertations.
Our metadata is collected from universities around the world. If you manage a university/consortium/country archive and want to be added, details can be found on the NDLTD website.
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Showing 181 to 190 of 206 (0.039 seconds)| 181 |
外援對性別平等的影響：以政變以後的宏都拉斯為例，2009-2014 / The Impact of Foreign Aid on Gender Equality: A Case Study of Honduras after the coup d'etat 2009-2014史美晴, Maryoriet Nicole Rosales Salgado Unknown Date (has links)
性別平等是指在公平的機會，責任和報銷提供給男性和女性的分佈。性別平等擁抱平等的待遇在教育，衛生和政治機會的男女，對於家庭，社區內獲得資源和服務，以及整個社會。
當婦女賦權，發展時，整個受益的社區和國家。在過去的十年中，性別平等已經成為在全球發展項目的執行中央的方面。無數的努力和策略，以滿足世界上最貧窮的婦女的需求已經實施。儘管國際組織的興趣和投資在肯定婦女的平等機會，還有幾個婦女不平等的惡果，尤其是在發展中國家。在洪都拉斯的婦女，特別是貧困和邊緣化的背景，暴露於無情的困難和更少的資源只為出生婦女。
本研究旨在分析在洪都拉斯性別平等在2009年政變後，外國援助的影響，側重於三個特定變量的教育，以小學和中學入學率，衛生檢測，以明確重點孕產婦死亡率和賦權外援的衝擊，由婦女在國家議會中所佔席位的比例測量。為了實現這一目標，特別是探究的方法主要是定性的基礎上，文獻分析和對國際的報告和數據的連續依賴。
關鍵詞：性別平等，洪都拉斯，教育，衛生，賦權，外援。 / Gender equality refers to justice in the distribution of opportunities, responsibilities, and reimbursements available to men and women. Gender equality embraces equal treatment of women and men in education, health and political opportunities, regarding access to resources and services within families, communities, and society at large.
When women are empowered, development occurs, benefiting entire communities and nations. In the past decade, gender equality has become a central aspect in the execution of development projects around the globe. Countless efforts and strategies have been implemented in order to meet the needs of the world’s poorest women. Despite the international organizations ́ interest and investment in affirming women’s equal opportunities, there are still several women suffering from the consequences of inequality, especially in developing countries. In Honduras women, specifically from poor and marginalized backgrounds, are exposed to relentless hardship and fewer resources just for being born as women.
This study seeks to analyze the impact foreign aid has on gender equality in Honduras after the coup d’etat in 2009, focusing on three specific variables education, measured by primary and secondary enrollment rates, health, with a clear focus on maternal mortality ratios and the impact of foreign aid on empowerment, measured by the proportion of seats held by women in the national parliament. To achieve this particular objective the method of inquiry is primarily qualitative, based on documental analysis and continuous reliance on international reports and data.
Key words: Gender Equality, Honduras, education, health, empowerment, foreign aid.
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A não-indiferença na política externa brasileira : a maneira de intervir da diplomacia Lula da SilvaAlles, Leonardo Miguel January 2011 (has links)
Esta dissertação analisa uma novidade introduzida na política externa brasileira pelo governo de Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva: a não-indiferença. Esta diretriz surgiu como contraponto ao princípio da não-intervenção, no entanto o governo não delimitou adequadamente como aplicá-la, tendo em vista que em contextos similares a diplomacia Lula tomou atitudes diferentes. Para isso, são estudados sete casos de atuação do Brasil com relação a outros países: Venezuela, Bolívia, Paraguai, Honduras, Cuba, Irã e Haiti. A hipótese que orientou este estudo é de que na busca por aumentar o perfil político do Brasil, representado pela candidatura a um assento permanente no Conselho de Segurança das Nações Unidas, o governo brasileiro exerceu um excessivo ativismo que exigiu esforços políticos (omitindo-se inclusive em questões sobre direitos humanos), financeiros e militares. A diplomacia da solidariedade surge nesse contexto como justificativa à mediação de crises, cooperação técnica e até mesmo à intervenção, da qual o engajamento brasileiro no Haiti seria o melhor exemplo devido a sua multidimensionalidade. / The present dissertation analyzes an innovation in Brazilian foreign policy introduced by the Lula da Silva administration: the non-indifference. This guideline emerged in opposition to the principle of non-intervention, however the government did not define it properly nor have created rules to enforce it, considering that Lula`s diplomacy had different approaches to similar situations. To find out more about this trend, it was chosen seven case studies in which Brazilian foreign policy had to cope with other countries, such as: Venezuela, Bolivia, Paraguay, Honduras, Cuba, Iran and Haiti. The hypothesis which has oriented this research addresses that in order to increase Brazil`s political profile, represented by the pursue for a permanent seat in the United Nations Security Council, the government has excessively raised its initiatives abroad which required political (neglecting human rights), financial and military efforts. The diplomacy of solidarity emerges as an argument to justify the Brazilian role in peace talks, cooperation measures and even intervention, which makes Haiti the best example due its multidimensionality.
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A não-indiferença na política externa brasileira : a maneira de intervir da diplomacia Lula da SilvaAlles, Leonardo Miguel January 2011 (has links)
Esta dissertação analisa uma novidade introduzida na política externa brasileira pelo governo de Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva: a não-indiferença. Esta diretriz surgiu como contraponto ao princípio da não-intervenção, no entanto o governo não delimitou adequadamente como aplicá-la, tendo em vista que em contextos similares a diplomacia Lula tomou atitudes diferentes. Para isso, são estudados sete casos de atuação do Brasil com relação a outros países: Venezuela, Bolívia, Paraguai, Honduras, Cuba, Irã e Haiti. A hipótese que orientou este estudo é de que na busca por aumentar o perfil político do Brasil, representado pela candidatura a um assento permanente no Conselho de Segurança das Nações Unidas, o governo brasileiro exerceu um excessivo ativismo que exigiu esforços políticos (omitindo-se inclusive em questões sobre direitos humanos), financeiros e militares. A diplomacia da solidariedade surge nesse contexto como justificativa à mediação de crises, cooperação técnica e até mesmo à intervenção, da qual o engajamento brasileiro no Haiti seria o melhor exemplo devido a sua multidimensionalidade. / The present dissertation analyzes an innovation in Brazilian foreign policy introduced by the Lula da Silva administration: the non-indifference. This guideline emerged in opposition to the principle of non-intervention, however the government did not define it properly nor have created rules to enforce it, considering that Lula`s diplomacy had different approaches to similar situations. To find out more about this trend, it was chosen seven case studies in which Brazilian foreign policy had to cope with other countries, such as: Venezuela, Bolivia, Paraguay, Honduras, Cuba, Iran and Haiti. The hypothesis which has oriented this research addresses that in order to increase Brazil`s political profile, represented by the pursue for a permanent seat in the United Nations Security Council, the government has excessively raised its initiatives abroad which required political (neglecting human rights), financial and military efforts. The diplomacy of solidarity emerges as an argument to justify the Brazilian role in peace talks, cooperation measures and even intervention, which makes Haiti the best example due its multidimensionality.
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A não-indiferença na política externa brasileira : a maneira de intervir da diplomacia Lula da SilvaAlles, Leonardo Miguel January 2011 (has links)
Esta dissertação analisa uma novidade introduzida na política externa brasileira pelo governo de Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva: a não-indiferença. Esta diretriz surgiu como contraponto ao princípio da não-intervenção, no entanto o governo não delimitou adequadamente como aplicá-la, tendo em vista que em contextos similares a diplomacia Lula tomou atitudes diferentes. Para isso, são estudados sete casos de atuação do Brasil com relação a outros países: Venezuela, Bolívia, Paraguai, Honduras, Cuba, Irã e Haiti. A hipótese que orientou este estudo é de que na busca por aumentar o perfil político do Brasil, representado pela candidatura a um assento permanente no Conselho de Segurança das Nações Unidas, o governo brasileiro exerceu um excessivo ativismo que exigiu esforços políticos (omitindo-se inclusive em questões sobre direitos humanos), financeiros e militares. A diplomacia da solidariedade surge nesse contexto como justificativa à mediação de crises, cooperação técnica e até mesmo à intervenção, da qual o engajamento brasileiro no Haiti seria o melhor exemplo devido a sua multidimensionalidade. / The present dissertation analyzes an innovation in Brazilian foreign policy introduced by the Lula da Silva administration: the non-indifference. This guideline emerged in opposition to the principle of non-intervention, however the government did not define it properly nor have created rules to enforce it, considering that Lula`s diplomacy had different approaches to similar situations. To find out more about this trend, it was chosen seven case studies in which Brazilian foreign policy had to cope with other countries, such as: Venezuela, Bolivia, Paraguay, Honduras, Cuba, Iran and Haiti. The hypothesis which has oriented this research addresses that in order to increase Brazil`s political profile, represented by the pursue for a permanent seat in the United Nations Security Council, the government has excessively raised its initiatives abroad which required political (neglecting human rights), financial and military efforts. The diplomacy of solidarity emerges as an argument to justify the Brazilian role in peace talks, cooperation measures and even intervention, which makes Haiti the best example due its multidimensionality.
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Helicobacter pylori Genetic Variation and Gastric DiseaseTavera, Gloria 28 August 2019 (has links)
No description available.
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Curso de español para estudientes del primer año de bachillerato, normal o comercio de la Republica de HondurasArita, Jose Gilberto 01 January 1974 (has links) (PDF)
No description available.
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Informe sobre la Sentencia de la Corte Interamericana de Derechos Humanos en relación con el caso de Vicky Hernández y otras vs. Honduras: Desmontando paradigmas cisnormativos en el Derecho Internacional de los Derechos HumanosAnaya Cortez, Karen Sofía 25 March 2022 (has links)
El presente Informe tiene como objetivo exponer y analizar algunos razonamientos de la
Corte Interamericana de Derechos Humanos en la resolución del caso Vicky Hernández y
otras vs. Honduras, la cual extiende su jurisprudencia en relación con la violencia por prejuicio
-desarrollada en el caso de Azul Rojas vs. Perú-, pero en esta ocasión referida a la identidad
y expresión de género. El caso es sumamente trascendental ya que es la primera vez que la
Corte se pronuncia sobre la aplicación de la Convención de Belém Do Pará para la protección
de mujeres trans. La Corte declaró a la República de Honduras como responsable de la
violación del derecho a la igualdad y no discriminación, derecho a la vida, derecho a la
integridad personal, derecho a una vida libre de violencia, derecho a la libertad personal, a
la vida privada, derecho al reconocimiento de la personalidad jurídica, al nombre, derecho a
la libertad de expresión, derecho a la protección judicial y a las garantías judiciales en
perjuicio de Vicky Hernández, así como la violación del derecho a la integridad personal de
sus familiares. Una de las principales líneas argumentativas de la Corte IDH se relaciona con
el estándar de debida diligencia reforzada exigida para la investigación y juzgamiento de la
violencia contra las mujeres trans. Asimismo, la Corte IDH ordenó reparaciones que, a
diferencia del caso de Azul Rojas Marín y otra contra Perú, responden al contexto de
discriminación estructural que posibilita la violencia hacia mujeres trans. Sin embargo, la
Corte no aplicó un enfoque interseccional en todo su análisis y los votos singulares de la
magistrada Odio y el juez Vio Grossi, constituyen una preocupación para el avance del
reconocimiento de derechos de las personas trans en la región, debido a su postura
esencialista y binaria sobre el sexo.
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Building Hope: A Community + Water Initiative, La Villa de San Francisco, HondurasMansfield, Christopher D 13 July 2016 (has links) (PDF)
It is my contention that through activating participatory design and community engagement strategies, in conjunction with innovative construction methods that address issues of resource scarcity, the standard of living and level of accessibility to critical resources in impoverished portions of Honduras can be drastically improved. The newly provided model of construction can be done it such a way that it is cost effective in its building method, and provides highly sought after scarce critical resources. This allows participants to allocate more of their finances towards other necessary resources they normally would not be able to acquire.
A new community center designed to address the issues of resource scarcity and job opportunities will stand as a first built model with the intent that the methods of construction and innovations employed will be replicated in further applications. The center will be innovative in its construction in such a way that it recognizes local building practices, and brings some new ideas to them allowing for a method of construction that is both improved and more affordable. The center will also take a fresh look at ways the community can address issues of food and water through architectural innovations. The intent is that the success of the center’s combined interventions will encourage local people to replicate the design ideas in their own residential applications. This will improve the quantity of resources available in the community and also start to build a new job market for installing the newly desirable systems.
Resource scarcity has wreaked havoc on the typical Honduran villages’ sense of community. Hondurans are in constant competition with their neighbors for scarce critical resources required to sustain life. These resources include, food, water, shelter, and employment opportunities. Violent conflict often arises within communities as individuals compete with their neighbors for the basic necessities required to sustain life.
While architecture alone cannot solve all the issues that contribute to the problem of violence, a new center with a program that builds community and provides needed resources stands to potentially curb neighborhood conflict and begin the community healing process. The center stands as not only a replicable model, but also as an immediate community element to bring neighbors back together physically in daily interactions and emotionally in the new resources being provided.
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The Chiefly Prelude to Mesoamerica / El alba de MesoaméricaClark, John E. 10 April 2018 (has links)
This article explores the beginnings of Mesoamerican civilization (meaning the origins of institutionalized, hereditary inequality, rank societies, and chiefdoms) during the Early Formative period (1900-100 BC). Before one can identify the processes of socio-political evolution it is first necessary to identify concrete examples of societies, and their attributes, which underwent this transformation. I outline data for six Mesoamerican cases of the shift from egalitarian societies to chiefdoms. Four of them are from the Tropical lowlands (Paso de la Amada, San Lorenzo, Puerto Escondido, and Cahal Pech), and two are from the Mexican Highlands (Tlapacoya and San José Mogote). / Este artículo trata acerca de los inicios de la civilización en Mesoamérica, es decir, los orígenes de la complejidad social, las desigualdades hereditarias institucionalizadas, las sociedades diferenciadas por rangos y las jefaturas durante el Periodo Formativo Temprano (c. 1900-100 a.C.). Antes de que se puedan discernir los procesos de evolución sociopolítica, primero es necesario identificar ejemplos concretos de sociedades, y sus atributos correspondientes, que experimentaron esa transformación. Aquí se resaltan los datos de seis casos del cambio de sociedades igualitarias a jefaturas de Mesoamérica: cuatro de tierras bajas tropicales (Paso de la Amada, San Lorenzo, Puerto Escondido y Cahal Pech) y dos de la sierra de México (Tlapacoya y San José Mogote).
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拉丁美洲之民主治理與公民社會賦權–以宏都拉斯為例 / Democratic Governance and Civil Society Empowerment in Latin America: The Case of Honduras歐玫楷, OSORIO, MONICA Unknown Date (has links)
本研究目的為擴大詳述目前與拉丁美洲相關的文獻，主要重點在於一些相同特性的國家，並可以普遍的將研究發現適用於其他地區。從拉丁美洲中的一般認知中，將宏都拉斯獨立選出，是考慮到能挑戰國家的負面印象，特別是關於2009年後所出現的政治危機。本研究檢視宏都拉斯民主化的過程，與國家和公民社會之間的正向互動。
拉丁美洲的一些主要國家因相同的要素而改變，也因此有很多重要的改變可以在這期間進行研究。因此在這研究中，發現有三個關鍵的要素可適用於相同歷史時間中的宏都拉斯與拉丁美洲一些主要的國家。本研究的重要性在於進一步了解，宏都拉斯公民社會在2009年之前與到2009年時危機發生之間的轉變。在此同時，也能發掘出民主治理的好處。
這三個關鍵的要素為:憲政工程、軍民關係與選舉，且這些要素在本研究中均有對宏都拉斯與其他拉丁美洲國家的公民社會賦權有所影響。另藉由自由之家(Freedom House)所提出的民主治理檢核表，來了解民主治理與公民社會賦權。
在拉丁美洲中此三個關鍵要素的變化，提供了建置良好的民主治理的可行性。然而，本研究也暗示了未來的相關研究，例如地方與區域性的治理，以及會產生直接影響的外部因素。研究發現也暗示了在宏都拉斯2009年政治危機之後透過了民主治理的好處，對公民社會賦權產生了正向的結果。
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