I den här uppsatsen vill jag genom en idéanalys söka nå en djupare förståelse för EU:s syn på utveckling. Med utgångspunkt i EU:s bistånds- och jordbrukspolitik vill jag undersöka hur det kommer sig att EU, som ligger i framkant när det gäller handel med utvecklingsländer samt framlyfter frihandel och ekonomisk integration som nyckeln till global utveckling, samtidigt tillåter olika typer av ekonomiska subventioner i syfte att skydda det europeiska jordbruket från internationell konkurrens. Hur kan dessa motsättningar inkorporeras i EU:s syn på global utveckling? Med hjälp av en idealtypsanalys, där neo-liberalism, merkantilism och postkolonialism används som teoretiskt ramverk, spåras de bakomliggande idéerna i EU:s bistånds- respektive jordbrukspolitik. Genom att karakterisera vilket teoretiskt ideal som ligger till grund för EU:s politiska mål kan dessa sedan kopplas till en viss typ av idé. I analysens resultat konstateras att samtliga av de tre teoretiska idealtyperna kan spåras inom de båda politikområdena, men förekomsten varierar i grad och utsträckning. Avslutningsvis diskuteras om, och i så fall hur, vi kan tolka EU:s syn på utveckling utifrån analysens resultat. / In this essay I seek a deeper understanding of the EU's vision of development. Based on the EU aid and agricultural policies, I want to examine how it is possible that the EU, which is the major trading partner for many developing countries and also stresses free trade and economic integration as the key to global development, on the other hand allows different types of financial subsidies in order to protect the EU agricultural market from international competition. How can these contradictions be incorporated in the EU's approach to global development? With the help of an ideal type analysis, where neo-liberalism, mercantilism and postcolonialism are used as a theoretical framework, the underlying ideas of the EU's development and agricultural policies are going to be characterized. By characterizing which theoretical ideal that is the basis for the political objectives of the EU policies, these can then be associated with a certain type of idea. The result of the analysis shows that all three theoretical ideal types can be detected in the two policies, but the incidence varies in degree and extent. In my concluding discussion, we will see if, and how, we can interpret the EU's vision of development based on the result of the analysis.

Syftet med denna studie var att undersöka vilka föreställningar kring socialsekreterare som svensk dagspress reproducerar. Det empiriska materialet för studien består av 120 artiklar publicerade i morgontidningarna Dagens Nyheter och Svenska Dagbladet mellan år 2015 och 2016. Metoden för studien är kvalitativ idé- och innehållsanalys och det analytiska ramverket som används är format av idéer och dimensioner som framkommit ur tidigare forskning. Analysen utgår i huvudsak från fyra idealtyper av socialsekreterare som media beskriver. I resultatet framgår det att socialsekreterare i huvudsak framställs som offer i sin yrkesroll på grund av problem i system och struktur. Beskrivningar av socialsekreterare som hjälpsamma och inkompetenta är i många fall relaterade till rollen som offer. Föreställningen om socialsekreterare som ovilliga och elaka förekommer i mindre utsträckning än andra roller och är begränsad till specifika områden av den mediala rapporteringen. / The aim of this study was to give understanding to the representations of social workers in the daily press in Sweden. The empirical material of this study consists of 120 articles published in the morning newspapers Dagens Nyheter and Svenska Dagbladet in the years of 2015 and 2016. The method used were qualitative analysis of ideas and content analysis and the analytical framework used is based on ideas about social workers that has been identified in previous research. The analysis is based mainly on four ideas of social workers as the media describes the profession. From the results it appears that socials workers are mainly described as victims due to systematic and structural shortages. The descriptions of social workers as helpers and incompetent are often linked to the description of them as victims. The description of social workers as cruel and malicious are fewer than the other categories and are limited to specific areas presented in the news.

<p>Försvarsmaktens slutrapport från perspektivplaneringen 2007 innehåller ett avsnitt vilket avhandlar strategiskt samarbete med andra stater. Flera områden, vilka berör Försvarsmaktens operativa förmåga, identifieras som lämpliga för samarbete med de nordiska länderna. I detta sammanhang uttrycker Försvarsmakten ett bibehållande av nationell strategisk handlingsfrihet trots att uppbyggnaden av den operativa förmågan föreslås delas mellan olika länder. Uppsatsens problem och syfte tar sitt avstamp i ovan beskrivna sammanhang. Detta sker genom att undersöka vad begreppet handlingsfrihet kan sägas betyda när det uttrycks i sammanhang av mellanstatligt samarbete. Resultatet av begreppsanalysen visar att handlingsfrihet i den aktuella kontexten innefattar en för aktören inre kamp kring mål och medel samt en kamp mot de begränsningar traditioner och lagar ger. Vidare innehåller begreppet en yttre kamp syftande till att optimera åtgärder för att undersöka motståndarens intention</p> / <p>The Armed Forces’ final report from the perspective planning in 2007 contains a section which deals with strategic cooperation with other states. Several areas, which affect the Armed Forces operational capability, are identified as suitable for collaboration with the Nordic countries. In this context, the Armed Forces express maintenance of national strategic freedom of action, while building the operational capacity would be allocated between different countries. The essay’s problem and objective takes its starting point in the context described above. This is done by examining what freedom of action can be said to mean when it is expressed in the context of intergovernmental cooperation. The result of the conceptual analysis shows that freedom of action in the current context includes an internal struggle about means and ends, and a struggle against the limitations provided by traditions and laws. The result also makes the notion of an external struggle that is aimed at optimizing measures to investigate the opponent's intentions.</p>

Försvarsmaktens slutrapport från perspektivplaneringen 2007 innehåller ett avsnitt vilket avhandlar strategiskt samarbete med andra stater. Flera områden, vilka berör Försvarsmaktens operativa förmåga, identifieras som lämpliga för samarbete med de nordiska länderna. I detta sammanhang uttrycker Försvarsmakten ett bibehållande av nationell strategisk handlingsfrihet trots att uppbyggnaden av den operativa förmågan föreslås delas mellan olika länder. Uppsatsens problem och syfte tar sitt avstamp i ovan beskrivna sammanhang. Detta sker genom att undersöka vad begreppet handlingsfrihet kan sägas betyda när det uttrycks i sammanhang av mellanstatligt samarbete. Resultatet av begreppsanalysen visar att handlingsfrihet i den aktuella kontexten innefattar en för aktören inre kamp kring mål och medel samt en kamp mot de begränsningar traditioner och lagar ger. Vidare innehåller begreppet en yttre kamp syftande till att optimera åtgärder för att undersöka motståndarens intention / The Armed Forces’ final report from the perspective planning in 2007 contains a section which deals with strategic cooperation with other states. Several areas, which affect the Armed Forces operational capability, are identified as suitable for collaboration with the Nordic countries. In this context, the Armed Forces express maintenance of national strategic freedom of action, while building the operational capacity would be allocated between different countries. The essay’s problem and objective takes its starting point in the context described above. This is done by examining what freedom of action can be said to mean when it is expressed in the context of intergovernmental cooperation. The result of the conceptual analysis shows that freedom of action in the current context includes an internal struggle about means and ends, and a struggle against the limitations provided by traditions and laws. The result also makes the notion of an external struggle that is aimed at optimizing measures to investigate the opponent's intentions.

ABSTRACT Essay in political science, C-level by Cecilia Holmberg Spring semester 2006, Tutor: Arne Larsson - Ideological similarities between the Swedish Socialdemocratic and the Swedish conservative party - An idealanalysis of different political issues The purpose of this essay is to examine wheater the political ideologies have lost their importance in the Swedish political system. The study will focus on the ideological similarities or differences between the two largest parties in Sweden, the socialdemocratic and the conservative party. Therefore, the main research question is:  Are there any ideological similarities or differences between the socialdemocratic and the conservative party? To be able to answer this question, I have used Herbert Tingsten’s idealanalysis. This type of analysis examines how someone, in this case a political party, describes reality. The analysis also examines what the different parties’ values and goals are and what actions they recommend to achieve that particular value and goal. This will grant a good perspective of the two parties opinons in different issues. The reason why I have choosen different issues instead of different programs, are that the issues are more concrete and therefore easier to examine. They are also recommended by Tingsten, he means that the parties have the same values and goals, there are only in the actions that there is a difference between the parties. These differences are easier differentiated when the actions are studied in the issues. The issues that this essay is going to explore are labour-market, education, treatment and criminality. The conclusion of this essay is that there are ideological similarities between the socialdemocratic and the conservative party in these issues. It seems that both the socialdemocratic and the conservative party have similar goals and values. However, they recommend different actions to acchieve these goals and values.

I den kurdiska delen i Irak finns det två stora partier som alltid har varit i konflikt med varandra men som kan träffas under samma tak som socialdemokraterna i Sverige med socialismen som ideologi. Syftet med denna undersökning är att testa ideologier för de politiska partierna som jag granskar, nämligen Kurdistan Parti Demokrati (KDP) samt Patriotiska Unionen i Kurdistan (PUK). I denna undersökning har jag använt mig av respektive partiprogram som material. Detta för att kunna komma fram till deras ideologiska grund samt att utforska deras likheter och skillnader. Teori som används i denna undersökning är det olika kriterierna för ideologin. De kriterier som en ideologi måste ha svar på är förklaring, värdering, identifikation, program, människans natur och frihet. Genom att ha analyserat KDPs och PUKs partiprogram med teorin som glasögon har jag kommit fram till att dessa två politiska partier har mer likheter än skillnader. Båda partierna förklarar sig under den socialistiska ideologin. De skillnader som kan återfinnas är att KDP kan även röra sig åt konservatismen och nationalismen till viss grad.

Regionalization has become a catchphrase in European countries during the last twenty years with the establishment of the European Union. An ideational development has occurred during time towards emphasing more politicially powerful regions with the idea of new regionalism. Sweden represents a deviant case study, where regions historically have been politically weak and where Sweden has been characterized as a strong unitary state. The aim of this paper is to analyze the political debate in the Swedish parliament concerning the implementation of a stronger regional level (storregioner) during 2007-2010 and to determine if the debate can be characterized as a case of depoliticalization. The theory of depoliticalization have been introduced by Richard Katz and Peter Mair to explain why political parties through external pressure from europeanisation and globalization tend to become more consensual with similar political agendas, leading to a diminished the lef-right scale. This external pressure is argued to also constrain the ability to shape policies on a national level. Political parties are argued in this context to seek to delegate political issues and areas to other political arenas. Three clearly specified questions have been used to qualitatively analyze how the political parties argue concerning the issue of regionalization. The theoretical framework in this paper is based on two conflicting core ideas of regional politics, depoliticalization based on new regionalism and politicalization based on old regionalism to analyze the political debate. Depoliticalization emphasizes technocratic ideas and a minimized state, and where politicalization emphasizes the idea of a strong and active state in regional politics.  The findings in this study suggest that the political debate concerning regionalization can not be seen as a case of depoliticalization, where the rhetoric of the parties differs in two of the three questions. But the political parties share to a high degree a similar argumentation why a regional reform is necessary through technocratic arguments and by pointing to a weakening state pressured by europeanization in need of reform.

The purpose of this study is to describe, analyse and compare the use of the concept creativity in 1996- and 2009 culture propositions. Various aspects of creativity have been investigated using the methods of idea analysis and conceptual history. The result is presented on the basis of three issues that concern: what linguistic space creativity is given as a word; who is considered creative and; what function creativity has in cultural policy. Creativity has clearly gone from being a descriptive word to standing as its own concept in noun form, but in the sense of artistic renewal, the term is very present in both propositions. Most people are considered as having creative potential, but young adults and professional artists are the most prominent groups in the material. Artistic renewal is increasingly motivated by market interests, although other softer values are represented.

During the first part of the twentieth century the Swedish Moderate party described themselves as a classical conservative party. During the later part of the century the party started to adopt a more prominent liberal mindset and by 1978 the Moderate party described themselves combining the liberal and conservative tradition. Within the academia there is a difference of opinion when it comes to the relationship between liberalism and conservatism within the Moderate party. This study aims to shine new light on this debate by using a new model of analysis. By constructing typical ideas of the liberal and conservative tradition and using these ideas to analyse the party’s political programs this study describes the relationship between liberalism and conservatism between 1956 to 1993. The study shows that there has been a substantial ideological shift during the time period analysed. In 1956 the typical conservative ideas where the centerpiece of the party ́s ideological viewpoints but in 1993 this focus had shifted completely and the party had at this point adopted and centered its ideological viewpoints around the ideas of classical liberalism. The conservative ideas have not been replace and the conservative idea of preserving old institutions and norms is a constant in the party ́s ideology during the whole time period.

The problem area of the study concerns the Swedish arms export to the United Arab Emirates and if this goes against Swedish legislation regarding weapons export as a rule with the guidelines for human rights and non-armed conflicts, which are also established in law from 2018. These guidelines can be considered important for Swedish foreign policy, with the goal to depict Sweden as a nation that protects human rights, seeks world peace and democratic ideals, which has led to this study that wants to investigate the arms exports to the United Arab Emirates during 2019. The primary goal has been to investigate if these correspond to the Swedish regulations for weapons export as well as how the new Swedish legislation took form and how the discourse around it developed. The study is situated around the theoretic discussion if actors generally are guided by norms (logic of appropriateness) or self-interest (logic of consequences) together with rational choice, and which of these Sweden might have reasoned about when they chose to approve of the exports. The results showed that the Swedish legislation had a loophole that made it possible for earlier approved licence applications to receive sequential deliveries, even though the new legislation made it mandatory to make a new licence application for these as well. / Uppsatsens problemområde behandlar den svenska krigsmaterielexporten till Förenade Arabemiraten och om denna går emot den svenska lagstiftningen för krigsmaterielexport i regel med riktlinjerna för mänskliga rättigheter och icke-väpnade konflikter, vilka också är fastställda i lag från och med 2018. Då dessa kriterier kan anses vara viktiga för Sveriges utlandspolitik, i syfte att skildra Sverige som ett land som värnar om mänskliga rättigheter, världsfred och demokratiska ideal så har denna uppsats velat undersöka krigsmaterielexporten till Förenade Arabemiraten under 2019. Det primära syftet har varit att undersöka om dessa överensstämmer med det svenska regelverket för krigsmaterielexport samt hur den nya svenska lagstiftningen tog form och hur diskursen formats runt denne. Studien är situerad runt den teoretiska diskussionen om aktörer generellt styrs av normer (logic of appropriateness) eller egenintresse (logic of consequences) tillsammans med rational choice och vilken av dessa Sverige kan ha resonerat kring när de valt att godkänna exporten. Resultatet har visat att den svenska lagstiftningen har ett kryphål som öppnar upp för följdleveranser till tidigare godkända tillståndsprövningar, dock ska det enligt ny lagstiftning alltid göras nya prövningar på även dessa.