Centerpartiet, som är ett av Sveriges riksdagspartier, har länge profilerat sig som liberala och samarbetat i politikens borgerliga allians. Från 2010 har det politiska läget i Sverige genomgått stora politiska förändringar vilket gjort att Centerpartiet idag verkar i den ’breda mitten’ och profilerar sig med en ‘mittenidentitet’. Huruvida denna turbulenta tid påverkat partiets ideologiska förändringar har därför undersökts i denna studie. Syftet som ligger till grund för studien är att studera ideologisk förändring för Centerpartiet under en politiskt turbulent tid. Den teoretiska ansatsen utgår från Marie Demkers teori om ideologisk förändring samt tre idealtyper av ideologierna konservatism, socialliberalism samt nyliberalism. Den valda metoden är kvalitativ ideologianalys, med detta menas att utvalda valmanifest kommer att läsas och innehållet kommer att tolkas och kategoriseras utifrån ett analysverktyg. I det aktuella fallet är analysverktyget en tabell som utgår från de ovan nämnda idealtyper kombinerat med definitionen av begreppen frihet, människosyn, ekonomiskt system, individ/samhälle och offentligt/privat. Valmanifesten läses i sin helhet och innehållet kategoriseras in i tabellen för att kartlägga ideologin. Genom att analysera resultatet kan en slutsats om eventuell ideologisk förändring dras. I studiens fall visade resultatet att Centerpartiet inte har genomgått någon ideologisk förändring, partiet har bedrivit en socialliberal politik från 2010 till 2022.

This thesis aims to examine the relationship between ideological and affective polarisation and how it is affected by block-crossing cooperation at the local political level. Ideological and affective polarisation is measured in municipalities where block-crossing cooperation prevails, as well as municipalities where traditional block cooperation rules. The method that is used to measure the polarization is a mixed method with a questionnaire survey, directed to politicians in municipalities with different cooperation patterns. Further on, the answers have been qualitatively interpreted and the levels of polarization were converted into a number that represented the mean value of polarization in each municipality. The results indicate that block-crossing cooperation leads to lower levels of polarization, both ideological and affective, with an emphasis on the latter. On the contrary, traditional block political cooperations receive a significantly higher level of affective polarisation. The results can be supported by previous research as well as the theoretical framework. For instance, theories and research fields about social identity, group polarization and political psychology can explain the phenomenon of in-groups and out-groups that can reinforce affective polarization.This research has provided deeper knowledge and understanding of polarization and incentives for cooperation in Swedish politics with a focus on the local level. The thesis contributes to the existing research field of polarization. Hence, it opens for further research about polarization and deliberation, both at the municipality level as this thesis emphasizes, but also in the broader political realm.

This master’s thesis attends to a debate in the Swedish daily press concerning the public library which arose after the Swedish Moderate Party’s publication of their cultural political document Kulturen 2.0. This document contains a number of standpoints, of which three directly concern the public library: charges on book loans, libraries on contract and politically balanced purchase policy. In all, 28 articles are examined by means of an idea and ideological analysis. The purpose is to find out what is behind the conflicts surrounding attitudes about the public library's mission and activity in an era of needs for change. On the basis of Douglas Raber’s account of three ideological strategies - social, conservative and populist - that constitutes the theoretical framework, the ideologies behind the ideas that stand out in the debate are to be identified. Four main conclusions are deduced from twelve preliminary inferences: (A) the combination of the social and the conservative strategy by the critics in the debate; (B) the conflict between critics' position according to (A) and populist strategy by advocates of the Moderate Party’s suggestions; (C) and (D) treats intrinsic dilemmas in the Moderate Party’s idea systems, there social respectively conservative strategy stands against populist strategy. Dilemmas concern either inconsistencies between different levels or on a metaphysical level with their fundamental principles contradicting each other. Factors influencing the results are constituted of various contents ascribed to certain central concepts such as education, access and democracy. This associates the statement ”the public library as the cornerstone of democracy” with alternate meanings. / Uppsatsnivå: D

Formål: Læring og udvikling i arbejdslivet betragtes alment som positivt for individet når de beskrives i de dominerende læringsteorier. Denne artikel retter et kritisk blik på dette område ved at belyse og udforske vilkår og krav om udvikling, som møder ansatte i en vidensintensiv virksomhed.   Studiets design, metode og tilgang: Artiklen er baseret på kvalitativt design med åbne metoder, indeholdende interviews af både ansatte og ledelse, indsamling af skriftlige materialer samt deltagelse i virksomhedens konferencer. Analyserne er foretaget ud fra en naturalistisk tilgang.   Resultat: Det fremkommer, at den centrale styring her, udgøres af en strategi baseret på et normativt og ideologisk ideal om at være udviklingsorienteret, som de ansatte ikke blot må acceptere, men selv være en aktiv del af. Artiklen diskuterer afslutningsvis om en sådan strategi kun kan være gældende i særlige typer af organisationer, eller om hvorvidt strategien kan ses i en bredere del af arbejdslivet.   Originalitet og værdi: Gennem en analyse af læringsprocesser, identitetsudvikling og anvendte ledelsesstrategier, argumenteres der i denne artikel for, at læring og udviklingsprocesser kan forstås som vigtig del af kontrollen over ansatte i post-bureaukratiske organisationer.

”The new labour party? A study of the labor-market policy ideas of the Moderata samlingspartiet and their ideological change” Thesis in Political Science (C-level) at Karlstad University by Jenny Ljung, Fall 2006 Tutor: Susan Marton The labour-market policy of the Swedish Moderaterna may have undergone changes in the liberal ideology. During the election the year 1991 Moderaterna focused upon questions that concerned the economic growth and the free market. In the election at year 2006 Moderaterna appointed themselves as “the new labour party” and were called social liberals by several critiques. The statement by the liberal think-tank Timbro’s head Maria Rankkas in the fall 2006 “the Moderaterna have never been neo-liberals” made me wonder if this was true or not and if Timbro’s foundation in the liberal ideology were close to Moderaterna´s or not. The purpose of this thesis is to examine whether an ideological change has occurred in the labours-market policy of the Moderaterna, and if the then has become more social liberal than neo-liberal compared to the election 1991 and to the think-tank Timbro. The main research-question, which I intend to answer, is: • In what way has the labour-market policy of the Moderaterna changed relative to their ideological foundation in the liberal ideology? To be able to answer the main question I also have two precise research questions that I intend to answer: • Has the labour-market policy of the Moderaterna gone from neo-liberal foundation to the benefit of social liberal foundation, compared to the liberal think-thank Timbro? • How does Moderaterna versus Timbro argue in their publications about the labour-market policy during the early 90`s and the year 2006? The material from Moderaterna that I have chosen to study the government’s declarations, the manifestos from the elections and the political platform. The material from Timbro includes articles about labour-market policy from Timbro’s website. The research method I used is the ideological text analysis. After analyzing the material I present an answer to the main research question: The Moderaterna has changed in their ideological foundation in the liberal ideology and have become more social liberal than before. Notice that I say more social liberal. They still have traces from neo-liberalism but are far more social liberal in their labour-market policy in 2006 than 1991.

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Building on Lee Epstein et al. (2006) article “The Changing Dynamics of Senate Voting on Supreme Court Nominees”, this study seeks to explore the representation of ideological questions during the Supreme Court confirmation hearings of Clarence Thomas and Brett M. Kavanaugh. As previous studies seek to explore the characteristics and political agenda of confirmation hearings, there is more to be discovered about the representation of ideological questions. In addition, more studies tend to explain the reasons why landmark decisions such as Roe v. Wade has managed to be overturned and scholars have demonstrated the need to study ideological polarization in the Supreme Court. To study overrulings and ideological polarization in the Supreme Court, this article explores the very beginning of the issue: the confirmation hearings of justices to the Supreme Court of the United States. By being attentive to the main themes of questions during the confirmation hearings of Clarence Thomas and Brett M. Kavanaugh, this paper explores the representation of ideological questions versus questions of fact. This theoretical perspective facilitates the exploration of further studies regarding upcoming confirmation hearings. This article indicates the reliance on the theory of Lee Epstein et al., and claims that the previous confirmation hearings have a strong representation of ideological questions.

Detta kandidatarbete fokuserar på ideologisk polarisering som orsak till den stora mängden falsk information som har spridits den senaste tiden. Jag undersöker hur selektiv exponering och filterbubblor har bidragit till att den ideologiska polariseringen har följt med in på webben, och hur nyhetsfeed har agerat som en grogrund för detta. I ett försök till att minska den ideologiska polariseringen i nyhetsfeed skapade jag en webbapplikation i form av ett nyhetsfeed med nyhetsartiklar som med hjälp av algoritmer låter användaren se utanför sin filterbubbla för att balansera nyhetsfeedet mellan flera olika nyhetskällor. / This bachelor thesis focuses on ideological polarization as cause for the vast amount of false information that have been spread lately. I examine how selective exposure and filter bubbles have contributed to the ideological polarization that followed into the web, and how newsfeed have been acting as a breeding ground for this. In an attempt to reduce the ideological polarization in newsfeed I created a web application in the form of a newsfeed with news articles, that with the help of algorithms let the user see beyond its filter bubble to balance the newsfeed between different news sources.

This study aims to examine ways to understand the ideological dimension of Sustainable Development (SD), as it is portrayed in the Swedish school system, and the consequences thereof. By examining policy documents, in the form of curricula and formal reports from relevant agencies, the role of the concept of SD in the Swedish school system is discussed and analysed by applying the analytical methods of ideology criticism from a critical theory standpoint, with the aim to explore possible underlying ideological content. The research questions focus on if, and if so why, ideological components are apparent in the material through the theoretical framework of critical theory, with special attention paid to the theories of Žižek and Bauman. Special methodological considerations to the empirical aspect of this essay is applied to improve the rigidity of the analysis. A theoretical model of ideological awareness is sketched to illustrate the importance of theoretical knowledge going into the material. The analysis shows that the concept of SD can most accurately be described by using the marxist concept of fetischism, a form of reification, which displaces SD from its context and makes it both unquestionable and all encompassing. The ideological function of SD in the Swedish school system is argued to be the ability to suppress possibilities to discuss among other things: power inequalities, environmental questions from other aspects than SD as well as criticism of SD itself. The study concludes that raising an ideological awareness in teachers may be a way to grasp the immense ideological power the concept of SD holds in the Swedish school system and to counteract alienation in both teachers and students. New avenues of research are introduced from questions raised during this work and as a result of the conclusions reached.

The purpose of this paper is to investigate and compare how the relationship between woman and man is expressed in Genesis, First Corinthians and Second Clement based on a feminist and ideological theory. This paper argues that the relationship between woman and man in all three texts (Gen, 1 Cor and 2 Clem) is equal. It is described that both Eve/woman and Adam/man are created by God, they must unite and become one, and they are in a mutual dependence on each other and God. Through a feminist and ideological theory, the creation story can contribute to understanding 1 Cor in a way where the woman is equal to the man. When the three texts are presented next to each other (heading 2.1.8), their similarities emerge clearly, and both 1 Cor and 2 Clem have eschatological undertones and explain above all that the female and the male belong together. My interpretation is that both 1 Cor and 2 Clem wants to correct incorrect hierarchies that arose in their contemporaries based on using the non-hierarchical order of the creation story to highlight how the relationship between women and men is actually intended. Interpreting the creation of Eve based on Adam's need for her means that Eve and thus the woman is Adam's equal helper. There is nothing in the text to suggest that women should be seen as subordinate to men. The point of the whole pericope is that Eve (created from Adam's bones and flesh) and Adam through marriage and sexual union will become one. What Paul expresses in  1 Cor 11:11-12 appears to be an explanation for the theological meaning of the verses of the creation story. "For just as the woman is from the man, so also the man through the woman and all are from God." Although Eve was created from man, Adam was the one who benefited from Eve's creation. He needed her both as a partner and companion and also as an enabler for humans to reproduce. Exactly how the verses in 2 Clem should be interpreted is unclear among the scholars presented in this paper. But on the other hand, the text expresses that the relationship between woman and man is, and should be, completely equal. The pericope explains how the Lord's kingdom will come when humans actively act according to the message of the text. There is no sign whatsoever of any kind of hierarchy between women and men.