Disinformation is a growing problem in a fast changing world, where technology today contributes to the spread of false and sometimes directly harmful information. Within the field of international security studies there is an ongoing theoretical conflict over whether or not security ought to be expanded to include issues that otherwise do not concern the traditional state and military-centric approach. One such issue is the multifaceted phenomenon disinformation, which some claim has little or no meaning and relevancy within the international arena. This is because it mainly influences individuals. Nevertheless, the EU has still initiated security work to combat disinformation. The main purpose of this study is to describe and illustrate how disinformation is defined within the EU’s security framework. Applying David. A Baldwins conceptual dimensions and ideal types and anchoring them in the prominent theories realism, liberalism and constructivism, the study aims to describe and illustrate how EU views disinformation in its pursuit for security. The study later shows that disinformation needs to be affirmed and taken more seriously by the international community.

Les États-Unis et la Chine sont en relations dans différents contextes et il est admis que les États-Unis soient la première puissance mondiale, alors que la Chine est une grande puissance montante. Cette réalité fait en sorte que Washington doit évaluer les intentions de la Chine, afin de bien définir si cette dernière sera une force coopératrice, ou au contraire, si elle sera compétitrice des intérêts américains. Dans ce travail de mémoire, deux contextes sont à l’étude, soit le contexte général de la dynamique de grandes puissances entre les États-Unis et la Chine, et le contexte nordcoréen, où les deux acteurs sont présents. Ainsi, ce travail propose d’étudier différents cas dans le contexte nord-coréen, afin de voir comment ceux-ci ont influencé la perception des États-Unis envers une Chine montante dans le contexte général de grandes puissances. Suite à un chapitre méthodologique et théorique, les chapitres analytiques sont construits par présidence américaine. Ces derniers ont la même structure, où un épisode de coopération et de compétition sont analysés. Un chapitre porte donc sur la présidence de George W. Bush, l’autre sur celle de Barack Obama. L’objectif est de voir si la perception américaine a changé ou est restée la même avant et après les épisodes, et de voir s’ils ont eu une influence sur la perception générale des États-Unis. Le mémoire a aussi une dimension explicative. Avec l’utilisation de différentes composantes du réalisme défensif, il sera possible d’expliquer pourquoi il y a eu changement de perception américaine, ou non. Le mémoire tire des conclusions différentes pour les deux présidents. Pour George W. Bush, la perception envers la Chine a été influencée par les épisodes. Pour Barack Obama, les perceptions initiales ont été consolidées. / The United States and China relate in different contexts and it is accepted that the United States is the leading world power, while China is a great rising power. This reality means that Washington must assess China's intentions, in order to clearly define whether the latter will be a cooperative force, or on the contrary, whether it will be a competitor to American interests. In this work, two contexts are studied, namely the general context of the dynamics of great powers between the United States and China, and the North Korean context, where the two actors are present. Thus, this work proposes to study different cases in the North Korean context, in order to see how these influenced the perception of the United States towards a rising China in the general context of great powers. Following a methodological and theoretical chapter, the analytical chapters are built by American presidency. These have the same structure, where an episode of cooperation and competition are analyzed. One chapter therefore deals with the presidency of George W. Bush, the other with that of Barack Obama. The objective is to see if the American perception of China changed or remained the same before and after the episodes, and to see if they had an influence on the general perception of the United States. The work also has an explanatory dimension. With the use of different components of defensive realism, it will be possible to explain why there has been a change in American perception, or not. The work draws different conclusions for the two presidents. For George W. Bush, the perception of China was influenced by the episodes. For Barack Obama, the initial perceptions have been consolidated.

No description available.

No description available.

[pt] Esta dissertação examina as políticas de proteção à criança-soldado no contexto do conflito armado da região dos Kivus, no leste da República Democrática do Congo. A investigação se propõe a analisar de que forma são aplicadas as normas, regras e tratados de proteção às crianças-soldado estabelecidos no sistema internacional na complexidade e particularidade de um conflito local. À luz da hipótese de que as políticas elaboradas na esfera internacional podem encontrar entraves para sua aplicação local efetiva devido a fatores históricos, sociais, políticos, geográficos e econômicos, investigamos como essa execução foi operacionalizada pelo programa de Desarmamento, Desmobilização e Reintegração (DDR) na missão de manutenção da paz da ONU na República Democrática do Congo, a MONUC. / [en] This dissertation examines the politics of protection to the child soldier in the context of the armed conflict in the Kivus Region, east of the Democratic Republic of Congo. The investigation proposes itself to analyse in which way the norms, rules and treaties of protection of the child soldiers stablished in the international system are applied in the complexity and particularity of a local conflict. In light of the hypothesis that the politics elaborated in the international sphere can find obstacles to its effective local application due to historical, social, political geographical and economic factors, we investigate how this execution were operationalized in the program for Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration (DDR) in the ONU’s peacekeeping mission in the Democratic Republic of Congo.

[pt] O objetivo da dissertação é apresentar a contribuição da Escola de Copenhague para a área de estudos de segurança internacional. Para tanto, será discutida a história da área de estudos de segurança, o contexto histórico no qual a Escola é fundada e por fim, as críticas feitas às teses formuladas por esta. Entretanto, creio que no fim desta dissertação, será possível afirmar que além desta Escola ter contribuído para o desenvolvimento de uma importante perspectiva na área de segurança, será possível sustentar que sua contribuição também se estende para a área de teoria das relações internacionais. / [en] This dissertation seeks to introduce the Copenhague School s contribution to the area of international security studies. It does so by discussing the history of security studies, as well as the historical context in which the School was founded. It will also be necessary to analyse the main concepts and theoretical perpectives developed by the School. Thereafter, it shall present the criticism levelled at the School s theoretical and conceptual perspectives. At last, it will become clear that the School s contribution has surpassed the area of security studies since it has also contributed immensely to the area of international relations theory.

The Master's Thesis on the Inflow of the Federal Republic of Germany in the Western Security System, 1969-1974, consists of four and tied parts. The first part is an introduction, which has put the reader into the problem of this work. It also includes the methodology of processing of the archival sources and secondary literature and their evaluation too. The Second part is an analyses of the question of Treaty on the Non-proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT), the importance of this Treaty for the future development and the position of the so-called Grand coaliton in relation to NPT. The third part is an analyses the question of détente policy and conception of Willy Brandt's European security policy, then the problem of the implications of the US/USSR Strategic Arms Limitation Talks for the security status of the Federal Republic of Germany and also the developing of mutual relationships of FRG with NATO in SALT process and involvement of the Nixon administrative in this policy. This chapter also includes the problem of the question of the importance of SPD/FDP security policy in an international context. The fourth chapter is a study of the internal political reasons of Willy Brandt's security policy, mainly the problem of existence of a terrorist group, the Red Army Faction. At the end of this...

Les difficultés rencontrées pour assurer le maintien de la paix et de la sécurité internationale sur le continent africain constituent un réel obstacle au développement économique, un danger pour les populations et une menace sérieuse pour la survie des Etats.Les outils théoriques classiques de la sécurité internationale s’étant révélés insuffisants pour apporter une réponse à cette problématique, notre objectif est ici, en recourant à l’approche constructiviste, de déterminer si les États africains manifestent une réelle volonté et/ou capacité à construire une communauté de sécurité (CS) à même de palier ces difficultés.Pour ce faire nous nous interrogeons sur l’existence d’un lien entre la production d’actes de parole, la promotion et l’adoption de normes de régulation pacifiques des conflits et la manière qu’ont les États africains d’appréhender leurs relations avec les autres membres de la CS supposée.L’utilisation additionnelle du concept de région et l’adoption d’une perspective africaine nous permettent en outre de diviser l’objet d’étude « Afrique » en plusieurs sous-Ensembles plus propices à la réalisation d’une étude scientifique et d’évaluer d’une part la pertinence et d’autre part le sens même du concept de CS lorsqu’il est appliqué au terrain africain. / The difficulties met to insure the preservation of the peace and the international security on the African continent constitute a real obstacle to the economic development, a danger for the populations and a serious threat for the survival of States.The classic theoretical tools of the international security having proved insufficient to provide an answer to this issue, our objective is to determine, on the basis of the constructivist approach, whether African States show a real willingness and\or a capacity to build a Security Community (SC) that would be able to overcome these difficulties.In order to do so we question whether a link exists between the production of “speech acts” on the one hand and the promotion and the adoption of pacific regulation norms for conflicts on the other, and we examine the way African States apprehend their relations with other members of the supposed SC.The additional use of the concept of “region” and the adoption of an African perspective allow us to divide the object of study "Africa" into several subsets more propitious to the achievement of a scientific study, and to evaluate the relevance and the meaning of the SC concept when applied to the African field of study.

<p>The thesis argues that, as a tradition, the concept of just war is socially and contextually sensitive and revisable. It explores the relevance of theory according to the dynamic changes in the nature of threats in the international arena and concludes that the just war tradition is still relevant to the contemporary modern threats that require an act of pre-emptive warfare. However, it needs some revision to be comprehensively applicable to the dynamic of modern threats and the nature of pre-emptive war. Due to the nature of pre-emptive war a nation launches the attack before the aggression from the other nation-in-conflict erupts. The author, therefore, proposed several theoretical and procedural revisions in both the principle of “Jus Ad Bellum” and “Jus In Bello” using the method of reflective equilibrium to create a comprehensive “just” pre-emptive war doctrine as part of the development and dynamic in just war tradition.</p>

The thesis argues that, as a tradition, the concept of just war is socially and contextually sensitive and revisable. It explores the relevance of theory according to the dynamic changes in the nature of threats in the international arena and concludes that the just war tradition is still relevant to the contemporary modern threats that require an act of pre-emptive warfare. However, it needs some revision to be comprehensively applicable to the dynamic of modern threats and the nature of pre-emptive war. Due to the nature of pre-emptive war a nation launches the attack before the aggression from the other nation-in-conflict erupts. The author, therefore, proposed several theoretical and procedural revisions in both the principle of “Jus Ad Bellum” and “Jus In Bello” using the method of reflective equilibrium to create a comprehensive “just” pre-emptive war doctrine as part of the development and dynamic in just war tradition.