The purpose of this paper is to examine how the two Swedish cross-country skiers, Charlotte Kalla and Marcus Hellner are portrayed in the tabloids Aftonbladet and Expressen. The study is based on theories of sports journalism, media- and gender studies. Within these theories there are beliefs that men and women are portrayed differently in sports journalism. Sports journalism is described as a subject where there is a hierarchy in which the man is often framed as dominant in relationship to the woman. This study was made in an attempt to examine whether this was the case in the Swedish tabloid magazines Aftonbladet and Expressens coverage of the winter Olympics. Articles published about Charlotte Kalla and Marcus Hellner in the 2010 Vancouver Olympics, and the Olympic Games in Sochi in 2014 were analyzed by a quantitative content analysis. The two athletes were selected because they during the time of the study were prominent in their sport in which both achieved similar success. The results of the study showed that there were differences in Aftonbladet and Expressen’s media coverage of Charlotte Kalla and Marcus Hellner. Kalla appeared in more numbers of articles than Hellner but she was often described as weak and her physical appearance was often highlighted. Hellner was often described as strong and focused regardless of whether he had failed or was successful.

The purpose of this essay is to study how feminists portray themselves and their opinions about gender issues and other political matters in popular feminist blogs. The blogs that are studied are Lady Dahmer, Fanny Åström, Hanapee and Genusfolket. The overall essay questions are: How does the feminist bloggers present themselves? Which subjects are discussed in the feminist blogs? Which rhetorical devices does the feminist bloggers use? The theories that are used to answer the essay questions are the four spheres where there are inequality between the sexes, theories about third wave feminism, the rhetorical concepts ethos, logos and pathos and the SPADER-model for writing good argumentation. A descriptive method is used to study how the bloggers present themselves, a quantitative content analysis is used to count which subjects the bloggers write about and a qualitative rhetorical text analysis is used to study the rhetorical devices the bloggers use. The result shows that the two bloggers Lady Dahmer and Fanny Åström describe themselves with provocative words while the other blogs have more neutral descriptions. The provocative language was interpreted as a sign of the harsh debate climate that surrounds feminists. The results also shows that the bloggers write about different feminist and political subjects; Lady Dahmer writes mostly about family and relationships, Fanny Åström writes mostly about politics, Hanapee writes mostly about politics and objectifications of women and Genusfolket writes mostly about violence and sexual abuse of women. All bloggers write about racism and this can be related to the third wave feminist notion of intersectionality and antiracist activism. They also debate feminism as an ideology and meet the harsh criticism they get.  This can be related to earlier studies that show that feminists get a lot of harsh criticism in the media and on the Internet and that feminists meet this critique. The rhetorical analysis shows that the bloggers all use some rhetorical devices from the SPADER-model but none of them use statistics or expert quotes in their argumentation. Instead they use personal experience and examples to make their points. The bloggers use mostly pathos-arguments in their texts. They show ethos to different extent and it is most abundant in the analyzed text from Genusfolket.

De radikala högerpopulistiska partierna Sverigedemokraterna och Dansk Folkeparti har båda etablerat sig i Sveriges respektive Danmarks partisystem. Då studier av populism och populistiska aktörer i relation till journalistik ur ett medievetenskapligt perspektiv är få, är denna studies syfte att studera och diskutera relationen mellan journalistik och radikala högerpopulistiska aktörer. Detta för att möjliggöra en diskussion kring vilken roll denna relation spelar för mediers journalistiska innehåll och framställning av politiska aktörer. Uppsatsens utgångspunkt tar sitt uttryck från tidigare forskning av radikala högerpopulistiska aktörer och deras framväxt tillsammans med teoretiska ansatser om mediers politiska rapportering. Genom en kvantitativ innehållsanalys av ledande svenska och danska dags- och kvällstidningar kommer slutsatser kring beroenderelationen mellan medier och radikala högerpopulistiska aktörer dras och problematiseras.

Sociala medier är ett relativt nytt begrepp och hur de fungerar som verktyg för den politiska debatten är långt ifrån kartlagt, följande undersökning syftar till att beskriva relationen mellan interaktivitet och politiska bloggar. Undersökningen grundas i en fallstudie av 14 politiska bloggar skrivna av riksdagsledamöter och undersökningsperioden sträcker sig över ett år från juni 2010 till maj 2011. För att undersöka interaktiviteten på bloggarna har en kvantitativ innehållsanalys genomförts. De resultat som dragits av undersökningen är främst att ett offentligt samtal mellan medborgare och politiker sker på bloggar på riksdagsnivå, åtminstone i viss mån. Även vad som skrivs om på bloggarna, det vill säga, vilket ämne som berörs påverkar interaktiviteten, ideologiska frågor och arbetslöshet är några av de ämnen som genererar interaktivitet från läsarnas sida.

The intention of this study is to perform a content analysis based on a theoretical framework founded on multi-level governance, MLG. The thesis examines the formal changes within employment politics between 1999 and 2004 (Sweden´s action plan for employment) and 1998 and 2007 (the spring budget proposition). I will investigate how multi-level governance has effected the Swedish employment politics. Furthermore, the purpose of the thesis and the questions under consideration are: How have the formal structures within Swedish employment politics changed since Sweden’s admission to the European union, particularly during the periods 1997-2008 and 1999-2004? And: How do the changes in Sweden, together with the European union directive concerning employment, coincide in the so-called employment strategy? While performing the analysis I have focused on multi-level governance. The method used is quantitative content analysis in order to explain the co-variation between Swedish employment politics and the employment politics of the European union - the employment strategy. The conclusions from the research are that there is a clear influence by the EU in Sweden, and between the two groups of documents is Sweden´s action plan for employment, which is more influenced than the spring budget propositions.

Att involvera medborgare i det lokala beslutsfattandet mellan valen är en växande trend i Sverige i ett försök att vitalisera den representativa demokratin och möta de utmaningar demokratin står inför. Medborgardialogens nyttor, som ökad demokratisk legitimitet och ökat förtroende för politiska institutioner, framhävs av dess förespråkare. Samtidigt finns många kritiska röster. En av den främsta kritiken mot medborgardialoger handlar om att deltagandet sällan varken stärker eller ökar medborgarnas faktiska inflytande över det politiska beslutsfattandet, vilket riskerar leda till besvikna medborgare med ökat misstroende för demokratin. Ofta diskuteras medborgarnas inflytande, eller brist på inflytande, över det faktiska slutgiltiga beslutet eller resultatet. Men även vem som har inflytande över och sätter agendan för medborgardialogen har stor betydelse då mycket makt utövas i det politiska systemet genom möjligheten att bestämma vilka frågor som ska, eller inte ska, diskuteras. Medborgarnas potentiella inflytande kan således även begränsas genom vilka frågor som hamnar på medborgardialogens agenda och hur dessa frågor diskuteras. Syftet med denna uppsats är att genom en fallstudie av dialogforum i Botkyrka kommun mellan åren 2010-2014, och med hjälp av kvantitativa metoder för datainsamling och analys, undersöka och  beskriva vilka frågor som står på medborgardialogens agenda och hur dessa frågor diskuteras. Detta för att få en ökad förståelse av medborgardialog i praktiken i en svensk kontext. Analysen visar att det som står på dialogforums agenda framförallt är politiskt icke-heta frågor inom området stadsbyggnad, men också icke-heta frågor kopplade till exempelvis skola och omsorg, ungdomar, äldre och trygghet. Medborgarna tillåts i majoriteten av dialogforumen fritt uttrycka sina synpunkter eller, genom diskussion, utveckla sina synpunkter tillsammans. Vid några enstaka tillfällen hittas politiskt heta frågor på dialogforums agenda, ofta kopplade till demokratiaspekter, men vid dessa tillfällen begränsas ofta medborgarnas diskussioner till att lyssna som åhörare och ställa frågor. Resultatet indikerar att medborgarnas inflytande begränsas genom medborgardialogens agenda, vilket riskerar att skapa besvikna medborgare med ökat misstroende mot demokratin. Fler studier kring ämnet behövs dock för att kunna ge en bättre och tydligare bild.

The aim of this bachelor study was to examine and analyze if there were any difference in how Dagens Nyheter framed sexual crimes before and after the metoo movements peak in 2017. Framing theory was used to categorize different frames in the reporting of sexual crimes in the Swedish newspaper Dagens Nyheter. The research question was: which frames are the most common in Dagens Nyheters framing of sexual crimes and how common are these frames? Is there any difference in what frames appear in Dagens Nyheter before and after the metoo movements peak in 2017?  With a quantitative content analysis I could examine how often the frames were used by Dagens Nyheter and if it was any different after the metoo movements peak in 2017. A total of 869 articles were analyzed. 240 articles in 2014, 322 articles in 2017 and 307 articles in 2020. By using framing theory, ten frames were identified. “police report and legal process”, “sexual offenses linked to religion”, “sexual offenses as a societal problem”, “sexual offense legislation and criticism”, “men with power”, “fact about sexual offenses”, “sexual offenses as a metaphor”, “victim of sexual offenses”, “accused of sexual offenses” and “other”.  The result of the examine showed that the most used frame was “police report and legal process”. In the period of 2014 the second most used frame was “sexual offense legislation and criticism”. In the period of 2017 the second most used frame was “victim of sexual offenses” and in the period of 2020 the second most used frame was “sexual offenses as a societal problem”. The biggest difference before and after metoo movement that were found was the frame “accused of sexual offenses”. In 2014 it was not found at all while in 2020 it was one of the more common frames.

The aim of this bachelor study is to examine and analyze how climate change was reported in Finnish and Swedish press in 2019. Framing theory was used to categorize different frames when reporting on climate change, in total 214 articles were analyzed, of which 127 were from Svenska Dagbladet and 87 from Hufvudstadsbladet.   The research questions were: which news frames can be distinguished in Svenska Dagbladet and Hufvudstadsbladet in 2019? Which news frames dominate in articles about climate change in Svenska Dagbladet and Hufvudstadsbladet in 2019? Based on earlier studies and framing theory, what might any eventual differences be due to?   A quantitative content analysis was conducted based on Dirikx and Gelders (2009) framing study in Dutch and French newspapers. The coding-manual answered which frames that were used and the alternatives were, the conflict frame, the economic consequences frame, the responsibility frame and the human interest frame. Out of these four frames the conflict frame and the responsibility frame were the most occurring. The largest difference between Svenska Dagbladet and Hufvudstadsbladet that were found was that Svenska Dagbladet uses the human interest frame more than Hufvudstadsbladet and that Hufvudstadsbladet had more articles with the conflict frame and the economic consequences frame.

The purpose of this study is to examine Donald Trump's political communication regarding COVID-19 on Twitter during the time period 01-01-2020 to 30-09-2020. This study is motivated by the importance of analyzing Trump's power of definition regarding the situation surrounding the national crisis caused by COVID-19. The research questions include aspects of identifying frequent problem definitions, who is responsible for various crisis and whether Trump is motivating it, all provided through Trump’s tweets during the time period of the study.  The theoretical framework is constructed based on Entman (1993) as well as Matthes and Kohring (2008) to fulfill the purpose of the study and answer the research questions. The method is based on quantitative content analysis with qualitative elements. The method provided the ability to focus on the most frequent themes and topics. The analytical categories that have been used are: problem identification, problem definition, treatment recommendation, distribution of responsibility and whether it is motivated or not.  Findings of the most frequent societal crises were: Health crisis, Invisible Enemy-crisis and Information-crisis. Based on these three frames were identified: China is responsible for causing a Health crisis in the USA, China is responsible for causing the Invisible enemy-crisis in the USA and The spreading of disinformation by certain actors is harmful for the USA. With support of previous research of Donald Trump's political communication and usage of Twitter, this study highlights the importance of critically analyzing Trump, belonging to the political elite, how he uses his power to define COVID-19.

The summer of 2018 has gone down in history as one of the hottest summers in Sweden of all time. The forest was on fire in several places around the country and in retrospect, the fires have been described as the most extensive forest fires in Sweden in modern times. The purpose of this essay is to investigate the framing of the forest fires in both local and national press. The method we chose to conduct the survey was a quantitative content analysis of a total of 116 articles about the forest fires, 74 from the local newspapers Ljusdals-Posten and Mora Tidning, and 41 from the national newspapers Dagens Nyheter and Svenska Dagbladet.The results of the study showed that there were major differences in the reporting and framing of the forest fires between the local newspapers and the national newspapers. The local newspapers had a much greater focus on proximity in their reporting compared to the nationwide newspapers which focused much more on threats and conflicts. The result also showed that the local newspapers had a much more positive tonality in their reporting, unlike the nationwide newspapers which were predominantly negative. / Sommaren 2018 har gått till historien som en av de varmaste somrarna i Sverige genom tiderna. Det brann i skogarna på flera platser runt om i landet och i efterhand så har bränderna beskrivits som de mest omfattande skogsbränderna i Sverige i modern tid.Syftet med denna uppsats är att undersöka hur gestaltningen av skogsbränderna såg ut i både lokalpress och rikstäckande press. Metoden vi valde för att genomföra undersökningen var en kvantitativ innehållsanalys. Totalt analyserades 115 artiklar som handlade om skogsbränderna. 74 från lokaltidningarna Ljusdals-Posten och Mora Tidning samt 41 från de rikstäckande tidningarna Dagens Nyheter och Svenska Dagbladet.Resultatet av studien visade att det fanns stora skillnader i rapporteringen om och gestaltningen av skogsbränderna mellan de lokala tidningarna och de rikstäckande tidningarna. De lokala tidningarna hade ett mycket större fokus på närhet i sin rapportering jämfört med de rikstäckande tidningarna som i mycket högre grad fokuserade på hot och konflikter. Resultatet visade även att de lokala tidningarna hade en mycket mer positiv tonalitet i sin rapportering till skillnad från de rikstäckande tidningarna som var övervägande negativa.