While African American women have been participating in American higher education for more than a century, they remain significantly underrepresented among college and university administrators. Researchers have noted that when these women are able to secure administrative positions, many of them contend with intense isolation and marginalization, which compromises their personal well-being and jeopardizes their professional success. Black feminist scholars have suggested that African American women may be assisted by involving themselves in supportive networks that provide them the opportunity to connect with other African American women. Further, these scholars contend that these activities should be facilitated by African American women. The African American Women's Summit (AAWS) is a national professional development program that has been developed by and for African American women student affairs professionals. The AAWS is offered during the National Association of Student Personnel Administrators' (NASPA) Annual Conference and provides a venue for African American women student affairs administrators to connect with one another and exchange information related to the successes and struggles they face on their respective campuses. The purpose of the present study was to explore and describe how the AAWS assisted African American women student affairs professionals employed at predominantly White institutions resist challenges related to the underrepresentation, isolation, and marginalization they face as higher education administrators, and contributed to their personal well-being and professional success. This purpose was accomplished by conducting a qualitative case study, which included an analysis of AAWS participant interview data. In addition to themes relevant to the purpose of the study, an in-depth description of the case of interest (i.e., the AAWS) was also constructed, which included the history philosophy, and curriculum of the AAWS as well as 2006-2011 participant demographic data. The demographic profile of the African American women student affairs professionals who participated in the study closely resembled that of the African American women student affairs professionals who participated in the AAWS between 2006-2011. Findings revealed that there were common ways in which participating in the AAWS assisted the African American women student affairs professionals in this study to resist challenges related to the oppressions they face as higher education administrators at PWIs. Themes related to this research question included the identification and validation of oppressive experiences, the dissemination of strategies to resist oppressions, and the fortification of African American women's standpoint. The three themes that emerged relative to how the AAWS contributed to the personal well-being of the participants (research question #2), focused on the centrality of the participants' own physical, spiritual and interpersonal wellness. Participants' responses in regards to how the AAWS had contributed to their professional success (research question #3) were centered on mentoring and networking opportunities created by the AAWS, as well as encouragement to engage in professional development initiatives. The findings of this study seem to suggest that African American women student affairs professionals may be able to derive tremendous strength from culturally affirming environments that are created when they assemble in intentionally-designed spaces created by and for themselves. Thus, these women are encouraged to pursue opportunities to develop and participate in professional development opportunities similar to the AAWS. Higher education institutions, as well as student affairs professional associations, that are committed to promoting and facilitating the personal well-being and professional success of African American women student affairs professionals should look to these women to define the types of support they need and then facilitate the creation of programs that have been developed by and for us.

School activities are under constant discussion. This literatur study examines student participation and its relationship to democracy mission and the factors that contribute to students marginalized in school. The study also intends to examine the relationship between intersektionall analysis and the limitation of opportunities for student participation in school. The study results problematize the relationship between student participation and school democracy quests, this by highlighting the challenges and difficulties the school faces. Our results also strengthen the relationship between the study theory and marginalization of students and the limitation of opportunities for student participation.

À la suite de certains grands meurtres commis en 1997 et 2000 par des jeunes de 14 et 17 ans, un discours sur les délinquants juvéniles, comme étant plus violents, plus cruels, plus anormaux et plus nombreux que jamais auparavant, s’installait chez les intellectuels et dans les médias japonais. Or , par dérapage analytique, ce discours a été généralisé à tous les jeunes, comme étant des individus dangereux, incompréhensibles, anormaux et potentiellement criminels malgré une certaine normalité apparente, faisant d’eux des « monstres invisibles ». La marginalisation des jeunes par ce discours sur la « nouvelle » jeunesse japonaise et les représentations des délinquants juvéniles « cruels » a fortement marqué la société japonaise, manifestée dans l’opinion publique ainsi que dans son impact socioculturel tant au niveau légal qu’au niveau idéologique. Cette étude présente les débuts, le développement ainsi que les conséquences du discours démonisant la jeunesse des années 2000, en présentant les concepts clés ayant été utilisés comme caractéristiques et arguments de la monstruosité cachée chez les jeunes japonais. Elle démontre parallèlement l’incohérence des représentations de la délinquance juvénile, aggravant le fossé entre la réalité vécue par les sujets, et les causes ainsi que les solutions présentées à leur égard. / Five murders in Japan committed by juvenile criminals attracted immense attention from the media in the years 1997 and 2000. A new discourse about juvenile delinquency followed these incidents stipulating that juvenile delinquents had become more cruel, more violent, more abnormal, and more numerous than ever before. This discourse, initially created by academics acting as “moral entrepreneurs,” was widely supported by the mass media. However, the discourse developed on its own, taking a radical ideological turn: it began to apply not only to juvenile delinquents, but labeled the entire population of Japanese youth as dangerous, incomprehensible, and abnormal while seeming to be proper and normal members of society. The boundary between juvenile delinquents and young law-abiding Japanese individuals ceased to exist, and every young girl or boy could potentially be a criminal regardless of their circumstances or socioeconomic background. The discourse strongly influenced the Japanese society ideologically and legally, and labeled its youth as "invisible monsters". This study presents the beginning, development, and consequences of this particular discourse that led to the negative portrayal of the Japanese youth in the first decade of the 21st century. Key concepts used as characteristics of this cohort are examined, breaking down the discourse into sociocultural and ideological reasoning and systems. The study also demonstrates the incoherence and inadequacy of the representation of juvenile delinquents, which are a far cry from the actual reality of juvenile criminality.

No description available.

The prevalence of crack use among illicit drug users has dramatically increased in Canada over the past decade. The sharing of crack pipes and other crack use paraphernalia is common among users of crack cocaine and is associated with unique negative health harms and costs (Haydon & Fischer, 2005). This thesis explores the phenomenon of crack pipe sharing among crack users in Victoria, British Columbia. The study uses data from in-depth interviews with thirteen self-reported crack users who regularly share crack pipes. Interviews explored the experiences of participants around crack pipe sharing, focusing on contextual, social and environmental factors that influenced the sharing of pipes. Crack pipe sharing is presented as a largely social act around which shared meanings have emerged. The findings illustrate the social context of crack pipe sharing, which is mediated by informal rules and etiquette, as well as distinct sanctions and consequences for deviating from the generally accepted norms around sharing pipes. Further, three distinct dimensions of crack pipe sharing are proposed - mutual, distributive and receptive sharing - each associated with various costs and benefits, and framed by relations of status and power. The results of this study also demonstrate that crack pipe sharing serves a number of real and distinct purposes in crack users’ lives, providing economic, control and social functions. My findings illustrate that, despite the various health and social harms related to crack pipe sharing, sharing pipes makes sense in the reality and lived experience of the participants.

La crise que traverse l'Algérie est mise à profit pour dépasser les contradictions et aplanir les difficultés de communication entre les pouvoirs publics et la population, via les zaouïas. De grands moyens sont mis à la disposition des zaouïas de manière à utiliser les réseaux d'alliances et d'obédiences des différentes zaouïas au service de l'Etat. Avec l'émergence de l'islamisme politique, on assiste, en Algérie, à la réhabilitation des zaouïas. Officiellement, ceci a été décidé pour répondre à un besoin culturel et politique visant à remplir le vide et couper la voie aux « modèles religieux extrémistes ». Les zaouïas sont réellement soutenues par le président de la république pour un projet politique fondé sur le « religieusement zaouïas ». Il s'agit du projet que j'intitule délibérément le « zaouisme ». Un paradigme qui traduit les rapport et liens entre le pouvoir et les zaouïas. Le « zaouïsme » se marie parfaitement avec la baraka et l'allégeance dans une relation d'échange avec le pouvoir dans les deux sens : « la réhabilitation » en échange de la « baraka » et vis-versa. Un projet politique non déclaré officiellement, mais déjà approuvé. Le choix du « zaouisme » comme modèle soutenu et encouragé par l'Etat a débuté par « la réhabilitation des zaouïas ». Sur le terrain son exécution se trouve à un degré très avancé. Le « zaouïsme » puise sa force de la faiblesse du régime qui a fait éclater différents projet (s) social (aux) à l'œuf, dont celui des islamistes, et profite des effets des différentes crises qu'a connu l'Algérie. / The Algerian crisis is exploited to overcome the contradictions and the difficulties of communication between the public authorities and the population through the zawiyas. Wide means are available for zawiyas in order to use the alliance and persuasion networks of different zawiyas in the service of State. With the emergence of political Islamism, we are witnessing, in Algeria, rehabilitation of zawiyas. Officially, it was decided to meet a cultural and policy needs in order to fill the gap and cut the path to « The Religious extremist models." The zawiyas are actually supported by the republic president for a political project based on the "religiously zawiyas." This is the project that I deliberately titled "zaouism." A paradigm that reflects the links between power and zawiyas. The "zaouism" blends perfectly with the baraka and allegiance in a relationship of exchange with power in both directions "rehabilitation" in exchange for "baraka" and vice-versa. A political project not formally declared, but already approved. The choice of "zaouism" as model supported and encouraged by the State began with "rehabilitation of the zawiyas." Its execution on the field is at a very advanced level. The "zaouism" draws its strength from the weakness of the regime who broke various social project (s) in the egg, including the Islamists one, but also the effects of various crises experienced by Algeria. The zawiyas are trying today, under the benevolent eye of the President A. Bouteflika to deploy great efforts to make their new project recognized and to accepted for society. In order to reach their goal, they organize themselves, claim and turn on all areas.

abstract: The intention of this research is to bring us to Worcester, Massachusetts, New England's second largest city, to critically investigate the punitive patterns that exist in the "second chance" opportunity structure experienced by young people who have been dropped-out of schools. The conceptual framework I've constructed pulls from developed theories on the relationship between structural processes, institutional practices and lived experiences of marginalization. There is a need to understand how the process of school leaving, the label of "dropout," and the pursuit of second-chance opportunity are connected and exercise forms of punishment that have clear messages about the worth of these young men's aspirations and the value in fostering support for their opportunities. This critical ethnography introduces the narratives of four young men, marginalized by race and class, whose pursuits of alternative education pathways in Worcester, MA lead them towards constructing an inclusive opportunity on one's own terms. My assertion here is that the social issue is not exclusively about "dropouts," but about the relationships our schools, neighborhoods and society at large have on creating the enabling conditions of opportunity for our most marginalized students. / Dissertation/Thesis / Masters Thesis Justice Studies 2014

Introdução: Este estudo examina o sujeito social que constitui a Cracolândia, território na área de Luz, cidade de São Paulo. Assume-se que o fenômeno da Cracolândia é parte da questão social e, portanto, não pode ser atribuída ao uso de drogas, ou ao efeito do crack. A análise dos trabalhos científicos levantados na revisão da literatura, indexados na base de dados Scopus, permitiu perceber a conformidade da maior parte da produção científica com os fundamentos da moderna saúde pública, que busca identificar os grupos vulneráveis ao consumo de crack, deixando de fora da equação a dimensão estrutural que conforma a questão social e as dimensões da produção e da circulação do crack, como uma droga ilícita. O objetivo geral é o compreender o sujeito social que constitui a Cracolândia e os objetivos específicos são: identificar a reprodução social dos indivíduos que frequentam ou que vivem na Cracolândia; analisar as trajetórias de vida desses sujeitos e levantar a presença de consumo de crack e a percepção do papel do consumo em suas vidas e nas vidas dos usuários em geral. O objetivo político é o de propor uma nova base para políticas públicas na região da Cracolândia, a partir da compreensão da realidade de quem frequenta ou vive na região. Método: Este é um estudo de caso, uma pesquisa qualitativa desenvolvida sob os fundamentos teóricos do materialismo histórico e dialético, no campo da Saúde Coletiva, que se pauta pela explicação social a respeito do fenômeno do uso de drogas. Utilizou-se entrevistas, desenvolvendo-se um instrumento de coleta de dados com duas partes: a) variáveis para a composição do Índice de Reprodução Social das famílias dos participantes e b) questões abertas sobre a trajetória de vida dos indivíduos, o lugar que a Cracolândia e o crack ocupam nessas trajetórias. O trabalho de campo foi realizado na Cracolândia, usando a técnica de bola de neve. Foram entrevistados dez participantes, nove homens e uma mulher. Resultados: Os resultados mostram que quase todos os entrevistados vieram de outros estados do Brasil, tendo imigrado por diversos motivos: ameaças à vida, para escapar de penas de prisão, perseguição política e, especialmente, para buscar melhores condições sociais. Viver na Cracolândia para todos parece ter uma dimensão de proteção forte, procurada por conta da marginalização, atributo da questão social, um processo histórico inerente às sociedades capitalistas. Assim, o grupo chegou à Cracolândia pela ausência de proteção social, processo agravado pelo modelo capitalista neoliberal. Com relação ao uso de drogas, sete relataram o uso de crack e de drogas lícitas. Conclusão: Conclui-se que a categoria central para a compreensão do sujeito social que constitui a Cracolândia é a questão social e não a questão do uso de drogas ou crack particularmente. As pessoas que frequentam ou moram na Cracolândia estão essencialmente expostas a processos de empobrecimento e marginalização resultantes da reestruturação produtiva do capitalismo e da desproteção social, que reduziu empregos formais e brutalmente expandiu o exército de reserva, que é parcialmente representado pelo grupo social que constitui a Cracolândia de São Paulo. / Introduction: This study examines the social subject (group) that constitutes the Cracolândia, territory in the Luz area, city of São Paulo. We assume that the phenomenon of the São Paulos Cracolândia is part of the social question and therefore cannot be attributed to the drug use, or to the crack itself. The scientific papers raised in the literature review indexed in the Scopus database allowed realizing their compliance with the foundations of the modern public health, which is seeking to identify vulnerable groups to the crack consumption, leaving out of the equation the structural dimension of the social problem, and the dimension of the production and circulation of the crack. The overall objective is to understand the social subject that constitutes the Cracolândia, and the specific objectives are: to identify the social reproduction of individuals staying or living in Cracolândia; to analyze the life histories of these subjects and to raise the existence of crack use and perception of the role of consumption in their lives and the lives of users in general. The political purpose is to propose a new basis for public policy in the Cracolândia region, from understanding the reality of who stays or lives in that region. Method: This is a qualitative research case study developed under the theoretical foundations of Dialectical and Historical Materialism, in the field of Collective Heath which outlines the social explanation of the phenomenon of drug use. We used the interviews and developed an instrument to collect data with two parts formed by: a) variables for composition of the Social Reproduction Index of the participants families, and b) opened questions about the life trajectory of the individuals, the place which Cracolândia and crack use occupy in these trajectories. Fieldwork was conducted in Cracolândia using the snowball technique. Ten participants were interviewed, nine men and one woman. Results: The results show that: almost all respondents came from other states of Brazil, having immigrated for different reasons: threats to life, to escape imprisonment, political persecution and especially searching for better social conditions. Living in Cracolândia for all seems to have a strong protective dimension, sought because of the marginalization, occasioned by the social question, an inherent historical process of capitalist societies. The interviewed also came to the Cracolândia for the lack of social protection, aggravated by the neoliberal capitalist model. With respect to drug use, seven reported using crack and all used licit drugs. Conclusion: we conclude that the central category for understanding the social group that constitutes Cracolândia lies in the social issue and not in the issue of drug use itself. People are primarily exposed to processes of impoverishment andmarginalization resulting from the productive restructuring of capitalism that has reduced formal jobs and mechanisms of social protection and brutally expanded the reserve army, which is partially represented by the social group that constitutes the São Paulo´s Cracolândia

Submitted by Luciana Ferreira (lucgeral@gmail.com) on 2016-06-02T12:47:16Z No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Cloves da Silva Junior - 2016.pdf: 1224376 bytes, checksum: 73b080fb79b14a21826a94c82cbadaab (MD5) license_rdf: 23148 bytes, checksum: 9da0b6dfac957114c6a7714714b86306 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Luciana Ferreira (lucgeral@gmail.com) on 2016-06-02T12:51:25Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Cloves da Silva Junior - 2016.pdf: 1224376 bytes, checksum: 73b080fb79b14a21826a94c82cbadaab (MD5) license_rdf: 23148 bytes, checksum: 9da0b6dfac957114c6a7714714b86306 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-06-02T12:51:25Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Cloves da Silva Junior - 2016.pdf: 1224376 bytes, checksum: 73b080fb79b14a21826a94c82cbadaab (MD5) license_rdf: 23148 bytes, checksum: 9da0b6dfac957114c6a7714714b86306 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-03-10 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / This present work meant to analyze the relation between violence and power in Rubem Fonseca’s short stories. This relation, in this research, is analyzed from the gender, marginalization and revenge perspective, which are discussed in separate chapters. For the discussions about the gender perspective, the short stories "A confraria dos Espadas", from a 1998 homonymous collection, and "Tratado do uso das mulheres" contained in Pequenas Criaturas (2002) have been chosen. For the second perspective, the short stories chosen were "Feliz Ano Novo", from a collection of the same name, published in 1975, "O Cobrador", from a 1979 homonymous collection and "Os pobres e os ricos", from Amálgama (2013). For the last perspective, discussions were held based on the short stories "A natureza, em oposição à graça", from Secreções, excreções e desatinos (2001), and "Laurinha" from Ela e outras mulheres (2006). Through these narratives, it is analyzed the process of representation of the physical and/or symbolic violence and power relations from the perspective of the first person narrator in the mentioned short stories, out of their identity formation and the relation they have with the space they are inserted. In this context, the analysis revolves around of the character and space categories, with attention to the contributions of constant literary language in the texts. This is a bibliographic research that is carried out from a connection between literary and sociological theories and the literary text. The course analysis comprehends the mapping and analysis of representations of violence and power relations, highlighting in this context the struggle for affirmation and maintenance of identities as well as their possibilities of transformation. For discussions about power's exert are called Foucault's studies (2003, 2005, 2009, 2013, 2015), and for the term violence, the sociological theories of Durkheim (2002) and Elias (1994). About the presence of this theme in the literature, it uses the postulates of Ginzburg (2012) and Schøllhammer (2011, 2013), besides Figueiredo (2003), who deals directly with the presence of crime in Rubem Fonseca's prose. Bourdieu (2012), Sabat (2001) and Scott (1995) are the basis for discussions on gender, and Cuche (2002), Hall (2014), Silva (2014) and Woodward (2014), for the reflections on identity. The considerations of Borges Filho (2007), Brandão (2013, 2015) and Lins (1976) about the literary space are crucial to the analysis of this element in the short stories, and the studies of Dalcastagnè (2005, 2012) about Brazilian contemporary literature also bring important contributions to the research. In sum, through the analysis, it is clear that the use of symbolic and/or physical violence is one of the gears that move the power relations that take place in society, being present in the discourse of male domination, in the marginalization condition and revenge’s acts. The force of violence is a necessary tool so that the analyzed characters could remain in a privileged position on these constant literary spaces relations, each according to their needs, conditions and specific reasons. / O presente trabalho tem como intuito analisar a relação entre violência e poder em contos de Rubem Fonseca. Essa relação, nesta pesquisa, é analisada a partir das perspectivas de gênero, marginalização e vingança, as quais são discutidas em capítulos separados. Para as discussões relativas à perspectiva de gênero, foram escolhidos os contos “A confraria dos Espadas”, da coletânea homônima de 1998, e “Tratado do uso das mulheres”, constante em Pequenas Criaturas (2002). Para a segunda perspectiva, escolheu-se os contos “Feliz Ano Novo”, da coletânea de igual nome e publicada em 1975, “O cobrador”, da coletânea homônima de 1979, e “Os pobres e os ricos”, de Amálgama (2013). Para a última perspectiva, as discussões foram realizadas com base nos contos “A natureza, em oposição à graça”, de Secreções, excreções e desatinos (2001), e “Laurinha”, de Ela e outras mulheres (2006). A partir dessas narrativas, é analisado o processo de representação da violência física e/ou simbólica e das relações de poder sob a ótica dos narradores-personagens dos contos apontados, a partir de suas formações identitárias e da relação que eles mantêm com o espaço em que estão inseridos. Nesse contexto, a análise gira em torno das categorias personagem e espaço, com atenção para as contribuições da linguagem literária constante nos textos. Trata-se de uma pesquisa bibliográfica que é realizada a partir de uma articulação entre teorias literárias e sociológicas e o texto literário. O percurso de análise compreende o mapeamento e análise das representações da violência e das relações de poder, destacando nesse contexto a disputa pela afirmação e manutenção de identidades, bem como suas possibilidades de transformação. Para as discussões sobre o exercício do poder são convocados os estudos de Foucault (2003, 2005, 2009, 2013, 2015), e no tocante à violência, as teorias sociológicas de Durkheim (2002) e Elias (1994). Sobre a presença dessa temática na literatura, utiliza-se os postulados de Ginzburg (2012) e Schøllhammer (2011, 2013), além de Figueiredo (2003), que trata diretamente da presença no crime na prosa de Rubem Fonseca. Bourdieu (2012), Sabat (2001) e Scott (1995) são as bases para as discussões sobre gênero, e Cuche (2002), Hall (2014), Silva (2014) e Woodward (2014), para as reflexões sobre identidades. As considerações de Borges Filho (2007), Brandão (2013, 2015) e Lins (1976) acerca do espaço literário são cruciais para a análise desse elemento nos contos, e os estudos de Dalcastagnè (2005, 2012) acerca da literatura brasileira contemporânea também trazem importantes colaborações à pesquisa. Em suma, por meio das análises, percebese que o uso da violência simbólica e/ou física é uma das engrenagens que movimenta as relações de poder que se efetivam na sociedade, estando presente nos discursos de dominação masculina, na condição de marginalização e nos atos de vingança. A força da violência é instrumento necessário para que as personagens analisadas pudessem permanecer em uma posição privilegiada nessas relações constantes no espaço literário, cada uma de acordo com as suas necessidades, condições e motivos específicos.

Submitted by Renata Lopes (renatasil82@gmail.com) on 2016-05-06T15:13:35Z No. of bitstreams: 1 marisadefreitas.pdf: 2411587 bytes, checksum: a0cba69b13c46c5abb5a493f6c6af936 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2016-06-08T14:39:21Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 marisadefreitas.pdf: 2411587 bytes, checksum: a0cba69b13c46c5abb5a493f6c6af936 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-06-08T14:39:21Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 marisadefreitas.pdf: 2411587 bytes, checksum: a0cba69b13c46c5abb5a493f6c6af936 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-07-22 / Esta pesquisa buscou estabelecer a relação dos conceitos de subcidadania, estudo realizado por Jessé Souza (2006), e de capital cultural, formulado por Pierre Bourdieu (2007), com a prática cotidiana dos alunos de 8º e 9º anos do Ensino Fundamental compreendido nas idades entre 12 a 17 anos de duas escolas da Rede Municipal e uma escola Particular da cidade de Juiz de Fora. Optou-se por uma abordagem qualitativa que se considerou mais indicada. No referencial teórico, encontra-se uma breve reconstrução do período histórico do Brasil que se inicia no processo de colonização por Portugal até 1930. Nesse tempo histórico, apontou-se o sistema escravocrata e suas mazelas aos índios e negros. Para com os negros, destacamos o descaso social ao não integrá-los no processo de trabalho livre e assalariado, as condições precárias de habitação e sanitarista, além da desestruturação do núcleo familiar; consequências funestas do sistema escravista após a abolição. A chegada da Família Real no Brasil propiciou o avanço da modernização da Colônia para um Estado independente, gerando mudanças que influenciaram novos comportamentos, novas ideias e o espaço urbano. Contudo, a herança do sistema escravista com forte base tradicionalista leva para a República uma aliança entre a modernização capitalista e a tradição patriarcal dos senhores. Nesse contexto, a marginalização da população de negros e mestiços fica velada em meio aos discursos liberais, enquanto os imigrantes brancos ocupam os postos de trabalho nas lavouras e nas indústrias. Ao perceberem-se os estilos de vida como marcas que distinguem os indivíduos e o seu pertencimento a uma classe social elite, média ou popular; é possível favorecer sua inserção aos privilégios de uma sociedade letrada ou exigir esforço individual para o usufruto aos ambientes socializadores legítimos. O resultado dos dados da pesquisa com os estudantes apontam um perfil escolar dos alunos das escolas municipais de uma cultura hedonista com pouca dedicação aos estudos e apresentam distorção ano/idade. O perfil econômico desses discentes mostrou responsáveis com empregos em atividades que exigem força física e baixa escolaridade, compreendida entre os anos iniciais incompletos e anos finais completos do Ensino Fundamental, poucos atingem o Ensino Médio. Esses estudantes veem a escola como a representação de um “futuro” na melhoria da condição de vida. A escola particular nessa pesquisa serviu de linha condutora ao longo dessa investigação e os achados mostram uma distância na vida social de ambos os grupos de adolescentes. Os resultados obtidos revelam conclusões que poderão ser utilizadas como subsídios para ampliar as discussões e desvelar as condições sociais vivenciadas pelos estudantes da escola pública, a fim de possibilitar novas estratégias pedagógicas e políticas educacionais mais eficazes à aquisição de capital cultural. / This research has aimed to set up the concepts in relation to undercitizenship carried out by Jesse Souza (2006), and of dominant and legitimate culture, cultural capital, made by Pierre Bourdieu (2007). This study has been done between students from 12 years old until 17 years old and from 8th and 9th grades of elementary level in two public schools and one private school in Juiz de Fora city. A qualitative approach has been chosen because it has been considered the most appropriated one. On the theoretical framework there is a brief reconstruction of the historical period of Brazil that starts the process of colonization by Portugal until 1930. In that historical time, there was the slavery system with Indians and black people. Speaking about the black ones, we can point out the social neglect, abandon in omission to incorporate them in the process of free labour and employed person, the poor condition of housing and sanitation, besides the disruption of nucleus family. These aspects have been results of the tragic system after the slavery abolition. The Royal Family’s arrival in Brazil has allowed an advance in the modernization of the colony to an independent state, generating changes that has influenced new behaviours, new ideas and the urban space. However, the slavery heritage system with strong traditionalist base has led to an alliance between the capitalist modernization and the patriarchal tradition of lords. In that context, the marginalization of black people population and mixed races has been disguised among the liberal speeches while white immigrants have occupied jobs in farming and industries. When they realized that the lifestyles were a mark and discern individuals and their social class like elite, middle and poor ones, it has been possible to favour their privileges a literate society or require individual effort in order to usufruct of socializing environments. The result of the survey data with these students have indicated that public school students have had the hedonist culture with little education and a distortion between ages and grades at school. The economic profile of these learners has shown that they are responsible in jobs that require physical strength and low education level between the incomplete early years and complete final years of elementary school level. These students see school as a representation of a “future” improving their life condition. The private school study has served as a guidance throughout this research. The findings have shown a gap in social life in both teenagers group. The results obtained have presented conclusions that could be used as subsidies to expand the discussions and reveal the social conditions experienced by public students, in order to make new pedagogical strategies and educational politics more effective for the acquisition of dominant and legitimate culture, cultural capital.