This study is about voluntary productive activities in digital networks and on digital platforms that often are described as pleasur­able. The aim of the study is to relate the peer producers’ perceptions of their activities on a micro level in terms of play, game, work and labour, to their views on Wikipedia’s relation to capitalism on a macro level, to compare the identified ideological formations on both levels and how they relate to each other, and finally compare the identi­fied ideological formations with contemporary Marxist theory on cognitive capitalism. The intention is to perform a critical evaluation of the economic role of peer production in society.Qualitative and semi-structured interviews with eight Wikipedians active within the Swedish language version of Wikipedia con­stitute the empirical base of the study together with one public lecture by a Wikipedian on the encyclopaedia and a selection of pages in the encyclopaedia that are text analysed. The transcribed interviews have been analysed using a version of ideological analysis as it has been developed by the Gothenburg School. The views on the peer producing activities on the micro level has been analysed in a dialecti­cal way but is also grounded in a specific field model.Six ideological formations are identified in the empirical material. On the micro level: the peripheral, bottom-up- and top-down-formation, on the macro level: the Californian alikeness ideology, communism of capital and capitalism of communism. Communism of capital has two sides to it: one stresses the synergies and the other the conflicts between the two phenomena. The formations on the macro level conform broadly to contemporary Marxist theory, but there are important differ­ences as well. The study results in a hypothesis that the critical side of communism of capital and the peripheral and bottom-up-formation could help to further a more sustainable capitalism of communism, and counteract a deeper integra­tion of the top-down-formation with Californian alikeness ideology. The latter is the main risk of capitalist co-optation of the peer produc­tion that is underway as the manifestly dominant formations on the macro level are Californian alikeness ideology and communism of capital. / <p>©<strong> </strong>2015 Arwid Lund, used under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 3.0 license: http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0/</p><p></p>

Ce travail de recherche a pour but de circonscrire, dans la pensée sartrienne des années 1960, le périmètre au sein duquel l’éthique se constitue comme possibilité de la pensée critique, c’est-à-dire comme assomption subjective de la politicité de celle-ci. Notre lecture considère les manuscrits sartriens des années 1960 sur l’éthique dialectique comme un complément fondamental de l’expérience critique conduite dans la Critique de la Raison dialectique (avril 1960). Dans cet ouvrage majeur, Sartre lie la possibilité de rendre une histoire intelligible à une refondation de la dialectique en tant que méthode d’analyse du concret historique. A partir d’une telle refondation, il devient possible de déterminer les bases épistémologiques d’une anthropologie historique et structurelle, aussi bien que les conditions de surgissement de l’agir en commun des hommes. Une fois fixés ces points, la recherche tourne autour de deux axes principaux. Le premier évalue, sur un plan à la fois méthodologique et épistémologique, l’effort sartrien visant à fournir une théorie de la connaissance au marxisme, considéré comme une expérimentation théorico-pratique encore à accomplir. A ce niveau, la méthode régressive-progressive de Sartre a été confrontée avec celle utilisée par Marx dans la critique de l’économie politique, afin d’en évaluer les points de proximité et de dépassement. Autour du deuxième axe, transversal au premier, on voit se profiler le noyau éminemment historico-politique : la compréhension dialectique des événements qui marquent subjectivement (et donc politiquement) le cours du temps historique, n’est pas séparable d’une interrogation sur l’historicité des sujets impliqués dans ce même mouvement. Pour cette raison, le statut de la subjectivité chez le Sartre des années 1960 a été interrogé à travers une analyse concernant le caractère normatif du social. Le focus sur la notion de normativité a permis, d’un côté, de comprendre l’intériorité réciproque entre la subjectivation et l’objectivation ; et, de l’autre, de fixer les bases pour une axiologie marxiste. Une telle approche permet de valoriser l’efficacité historique de la dimension éthique de la praxis, en l’assumant comme prisme à travers lequel Sartre analyse les problèmes posés par le stalinisme et les luttes de libération anticoloniale. Cela nous a conduit enfin à questionner la torsion imposée par Sartre à la notion de besoin qui devient, d’un point de vue matérialiste, la racine d’une éthique comme passage obligé pour toute politique. / The aim of this research is to delineate, within the Sartrian thought of the Sixties, the mobile perimeter inside which to define ethics as the overcoming possibility for a critical thought. In other words: as the subjective assumption of its political dimension. The shift of Sartre’s historical-political thought follows a development not yet studied enough by scholars. The manuscripts of the Sixties about dialectical ethics appear as the fundamental completion of the dialectical experience of the Critique de la Raison dialectique (1960). Sartre was not able to publish the second part of the book during his life: indeed, the blockage of that work is the result of the structural limit of every attempt to conceptualize historical experience. In the Critique, the possibility to make a single history intelligible depends on a refoundation of dialectics as research method for concrete historical reality. Starting by such refoundation, it becomes possible to define the epistemological basis of a historical structural anthropology, and the conditions for the insurgence of human collective action at the same time. In our interpretation, this approach is out of a future perfect’s logic that means out of the core of the modern sovereignty’s system. Once fixed those points, the research moves around two principal problematic axis. The first evaluates the methodological and epistemological accuracy of Sartre’s attempt to formulate a theory of knowledge for Marxism, considering this one as a theoretical-practical experiment yet to be done. At this point, Sartre’s regressive-progressive method is compared to Marx’s method of critique of political economy, evaluating affinity aspects and overcoming lines. Around the second axis, transverse to the first, the more properly historical-political plexus finds its profile: the dialectical comprehension of events connoting subjectively (that means politically) historical time’s flow isn’t detachable from questioning about the historicity of subjects involved in this flowing. For this reason, in the Sartrian thought of the Sixties the subjectivity’s status is analyzed questioning the normative disposition of social sphere: focusing on normativity allows to understand the mutual implication of subjectification and objectification, in addition to locating basis for a Marxist axiology. Moreover, this perspective allows to improve historical effectiveness of praxis’s ethical dimension. This one is the lens by which Sartre analyzes both Stalinism and colonial liberation struggles, but also the point of clarification of the torsion he imposes to the notion of longing. Materialistically, with the longing Sartre discovers the root of an ethics as the necessary step for every politics. / Il lavoro di ricerca si propone di circoscrivere, all’interno del pensiero sartriano de-gli anni ’60, il perimetro mobile entro cui si definice l’etica come possibilità ulteriore del pensiero critico, come assunzione soggettiva della sua politicità. Lo spostamento operato nella riflessione storico-politica di Sartre si compie in una direzione – seguita finora solo parzialmente dagli interpreti ‒ volta ad assumere i manoscritti degli anni ’60 sull’etica dialettica come complemento fondamentale dell’esperienza critica condotta nella Critique de la Raison dialectique (1960) ‒ il cui blocage, esito di un limite struttu-rale ed interno ad ogni concettualizzazione dell’esperienza storica, impedirà la pubbli-cazione del secondo tomo dell’opera. Nella Critique, la possibilità di rendere una storia intelligibile è sospesa alla rifondazione della dialettica come metodo d’indagine del concreto storico. A partire da tale rifondazione è possibile determinare tanto le basi epi-stemologiche di un’antropologia storica e strutturale, quanto le condizioni d’insorgenza dell’agire in comune degli uomini. Nella nostra lettura, tale prospettiva si sottrae alla logica del futuro anteriore, caratterizzante il moderno dispositivo sovranista. Fissati questi punti, la ricerca ruota attorno a due assi problematici principali. Il primo valuta, su un piano al contempo metodologico ed epistemologico, la tenuta del tentativo sar-triano di fornire una teoria della conoscenza al marxismo, reso possibile dalla convin-zione che quest’ultimo sia un esperimento teorico-pratico ancora da compiere. A questa altezza, il metodo regressivo-progressivo di Sartre viene confrontato con quello adottato dal Marx critico dell’economia politica, per valutarne i punti di vicinanza e di supera-mento. Attorno al secondo asse, trasversale al primo, si profila il plesso più propriamen-te storico-politico: la comprensione dialettica degli eventi che connotano in senso sog-gettivo (e quindi politico) il corso del tempo storico, non è separabile da un’interroga-zione sulla storicità dei soggetti che, in tale movimento, sono implicati. Per questo mo-tivo, lo statuto della soggettività nel pensiero sartriano degli anni ‘60 viene analizzato mediante un’interrogazione sul carattere normativo del sociale: il focus sulla nozione di normatività permette infatti da un lato, di comprendere l’interiorità reciproca di sogget-tivazione ed oggettivazione e, dall’altro, d’individuare le basi per un’assiologia marxi-sta. Tale prospettiva consente di valorizzare l’efficacia storica della dimensione etica 4 della praxis, attraverso cui Sartre analizza i problemi posti dallo stalinismo e dalle lotte di liberazione coloniale, ma anche d’illuminare la torsione cui egli sottopone la nozione di bisogno per farne, materialisticamente, la radice di un’etica che diviene passaggio obbligato per ogni politica.

This Master thesis contributes to the history of science in the period of the Czechoslovak communist regime. The thesis deals with the attempts to create a scientific theory of propaganda as an independent branch of science. The main goal of this thesis is to present what led to the formation of the Marxist theory of propaganda, describe its development and potential changes in the approach to propaganda during the reference period. Further goals are to describe the sources of the theory of propaganda, the concern of the official institutions and the people who dealt with propaganda. The research is based on the archive materials from the National Archives of the Czech republic and the Slovak National Archives, and on the works about the theory of propaganda. The central figure of this thesis is Miloslav Chlupáč, who dealt with the theory of propaganda in the whole reference period and who was influential to the most phases of the development of the theory of propaganda. The reference period begins with the changes in the society after the year of 1948, with the main concern being science, education and propaganda; and first contributions to the theory of propaganda, which were based on the socio-political situation in the 1950s. Following important phase in the development of the theory of propaganda were...

Ce travail de thèse est l'esquisse d'une contribution à la question suivante : comment faire de la philosophie aujourd'hui pour, non plus seulement interpréter le monde de différentes manières, mais aussi participer à le transformer ?Pour produire cette contribution, ce travail se propose de définir la fonction sociale de la pratique matérielle du philosophe dans les systèmes de production philosophiques, culturels et sociaux.C'est ainsi que ce travail définit avec les outils conceptuels de la théorie matérialiste historique de Marx, Engels et Althusser, et psychanalytique de Freud :- les pratiques déterminées de production discursives que le philosophe accomplit dans son système de production spécifique ;- la fonction culturelle particulière que ces pratiques ont pour les forces productives, les rapports et les systèmes de production des discours idéologiques dominants et (ou) émergeants, des discours savants des Sciences Humaines et Sociales et des Arts, Lettres et Langues, et des discours profanes ;- enfin, la fonction sociale générale de ces pratiques. / This doctorial dissertation is an attempt to contribute to the following question: how to practise philosophy today in order to not only interpret the world in various ways, but also to participate in changing it ?To do that this doctorial thesis aims to define the social function of the material practice of the philosopher in philosophical, cultural and social production systems. Relying on both the conceptual tools of Freudřs psychoanalytical theory and those of the theory of historical materialism as used by Marx, Engels and Althusser, this thesis specifies :- The practices of discursive production accomplished by the philosopher within the framework of his or her specific production system.- The cultural function these practices have for the productive forces, the relationships and the production systems of dominant and (or) emerging ideological discourses, scholarly discourses in the humanities and the arts, and discourses aimed at the general public.- Finally the general social function of these practices.

Submitted by Renata Lopes (renatasil82@gmail.com) on 2016-01-08T10:18:51Z No. of bitstreams: 1 felipearaujoxavier.pdf: 1338267 bytes, checksum: 9477699549b03101217a7ca959372bc0 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2016-01-25T16:55:40Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 felipearaujoxavier.pdf: 1338267 bytes, checksum: 9477699549b03101217a7ca959372bc0 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-01-25T16:55:40Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 felipearaujoxavier.pdf: 1338267 bytes, checksum: 9477699549b03101217a7ca959372bc0 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-05-21 / CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Este trabalho tem como escopo abordar a complexa trajetória política e intelectual de Delio Cantimori (1904-1966), partindo da sua educação familiar mazziniana, sua aderência ao Fascismo e aos preceitos do idealismo atualista como base paradigmática de leitura do Renascimento e da política contemporânea italiana e europeia. Assim, sigo o processo de inflexão teórico vivenciado pelo estudioso italiano durante a década de 1930, quando as experiências de pesquisas dos hereges na Europa do Cinquecento e seus contatos com novas leituras e ambientes intelectuais e políticos se misturavam com as modificações dos planos do governo fascista, a decadência da fé no corporativismo, o desprestígio popular em relação do regime, o projeto expansionista italiano, o desenrolar histórico alemão e a influência da Alemanha nazista sobre a Itália. Estes fatores levaram Cantimori a se aproximar do Partido Comunista Italiano e dos preceitos teóricos do materialismo histórico. Dessa maneira, finalizo com a sua segunda desilusão política em relação às políticas culturais ideológicas do Partido Comunista Italiano, que levou o intelectual a uma profunda nostalgia de sua geração de historiadores, empenhados em leituras históricas ético-políticas, pautadas em métodos e interpretações filológicas, incompatíveis com os pressupostos ideológicos partidários, e a aproximação da tradição histórico-cultural de Jacob Burckhardt, de seu pessimismo, de seu cientificismo e de sua concepção de História como uma disciplina propedêutica. / This work is scoped to approach the complex political and intellectual trajectory of Delio Cantimori (1904-1966), from his Mazzinian family education, their adherence to Fascism and the precepts of idealism actualist as paradigmatic background reading Renaissance and contemporary Italian and European politics. So follow the theoretical turning process experienced by the Italian scholar during the 1930s, when their experience of research about the heretics in Europe of Cinquecento and his contacts with new perspectives and intellectual and political environments mingled with the modifications of the plans of the fascist government, the decline of faith in the corporatism, the popular prestige over the regime, the Italian expansionist project, the German historical progress and the influence of Nazi Germany over Italy. These factors led Cantimori to close the Italian Communist Party and theoretical precepts of historical materialism. Thus, I conclude with his second political disillusionment with the ideological cultural policies of the Italian Communist Party, which led the intellectual to a deep nostalgia for his generation of historians, committed to ethical and political historical readings, guided methods and philological interpretations, incompatible with party ideological presuppositions, the approach of the cultural-history tradition of Jacob Burckhardt, in his pessimism, his scientism and his conception of history as a propaedeutic subject.

The Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) should have been a 'game- changer' and a boost for the EU economy by creating more jobs and growth in the aftermath of the 2008 financial crisis. By eliminating the remaining trade barriers, it would have established a transatlantic trade area connecting the two most powerful economies in the world. This Master's thesis utilizes four concepts of the neo-Marxist theory: key premises of the Amsterdam School, State theory of Bob Jessop and Nicos Poulantzas, combines Ulrich Beck's notion of risk society with Antonio Gramsci's role of intellectuals, and outlines the premise of commodification as a part of political ecology. The theoretical neo-Marxist prism facilitates the mapping of the crucial social agents functioning as the proponents of the TTIP agenda as a hegemonic project and those forces opposing the deal as a counter-hegemonic movement. This thesis reveals how the TTIP agreement was legitimized by the proponents but issues of transparency and other contradictions revolving around the deal attracted the attention of various civil society organizations (CSOs) that were concerned about TTIP's impact on public health and environment. Three empirical cases focusing on the precautionary principle (PP), endocrine disrupting chemicals (EDCs),...

Thesis (M. A.) --University of Limpopo, 2019. / This study explores a literary comparative examination of crime between Africa and Scandinavia, with special attention to Botswana and Norway. Smith’s and Nesbo’s selected novels are used as primary texts for analysis. The novels are, therefore, set in two different areas. These writers depict crime from the African and European perspectives. Chapter One deals with a brief introduction, and the aim and objectives of the study. It also expands on the theoretical background and provides definitions of terms that are used in this paper. Chapter Two presents views from various scholars on crime. This study is based on an Afro-Western approach of literary analysis. In other words, there are thoughts by both African and Western writers which assist in determining possible and noticeable similarities and differences, on the issue of crime. Chapter Three analyses crime from an African perspective while Chapter Four discusses crime from a Western point of view. Each of these chapters reflects on crime through character portrayal and depiction within its context. Chapter Five is a comparative analysis of both novels. The chapter identifies possible similarities and differences, mainly of the depiction of crime in different settings – Africa and Scandinavia, committed by blacks and whites. However, the structural and linguistic approaches of both the novels are also reviewed, assisting in discovering the life, in comparison, of the authors. The last chapter (Chapter Six), is a conclusion of the study and future suggestions. Basically, the study argues that blacks only should not be portrayed as perpetrators, but that whites too can be culprits. Again, there should be an equal of measurement on the weight and honour of the two races. Lastly, the moral is that without considering skin colour, financial and social backgrounds, justice must be served equally. Hence, whoever is caught in any form of wrongdoing, they must be given the appropriate punishment – regardless of race, colour, religious creed, gender, financial and social background. Key Words: Crime, Afro-Western, Marxism, suspense, detective, identity, puzzle, fix, accumulation, class, characterisation and setting.

If there is a general precondition for "good" journalism in contemporary journalistic studies, it would be for the political environment to be a pluralist democracy. However, media and journalists were operating in non-democratic Czechoslovakia before the Velvet Revolution as well. This thesis explores the presence of "journalism ethics" in journalistic circles in 1967-1977. The most important one of such circles was the Czechoslovakian Union of Journalists, a voluntary- based social organization which united thousands of press, TV, radio and agency journalists. Based on heuristic research in the Union's archives, this thesis primarily describes two separate stages of formulation of the journalism ethics' principles that were done by the Union's committees. Their way of thinking about these principles is put into context of Marxism-Leninism with emphasis on the Czechoslovakian interpretation of Marxist-Leninist media theories. The Czechoslovakian regime's systemic control of media proved to be an affiliated topic to the one of journalism ethics, and from the described process we are also able to draw some conclusions considering the seeming autonomy and the degree of professionalism of the communist era journalists.

This essay explores the topic of appropriation of nature and the resulting social alienation it imparts on several of the novel’s characters: Frankenstein, Walton, and the Creature. The Creature serves as a personification of both industrialism and urban atomization. His depiction as such follows Marxist critic Warren Montag’s argument that the novel renders the Creature more horrible through the suppression of modernity which makes him the embodiment of industrialism, and Frank Moretti’s claim that the novel favors pastoral, pre-industrial ideals (Montag, Moretti). Frankenstein’s materialist approach to science provides the driving force for this alienation and is informed by both mechanist philosophy (Hogsette) and a desire to remodel nature in accordance with human desire (Mellor). Rather than bringing prosperity, those endeavors alienate Frankenstein from his surrounding in a Marxian line of thought, and Frankenstein himself comes to resemble Bill Hughes’s concept of the negative version of Prometheus who loses himself in his materialist pursuits (Hughes). Drawing upon early German Romantic ideas of reconciliation with nature outlined by Alison Stone, this essay argues that much of the chaos in Frankenstein stems from anthropocentrism that is rooted in Hegelian philosophy and that a healthier solution to this view is proposed by early German Romantic organicism.

Free Jazz/ Black Power was written by French journalists Philippe Carles and Jean-Louis Comolli, and published in 1971 in France. It offers a post-colonialist Marxist critique of African American free jazz of the 1960s and presents the argument that the existence of free jazz and its musical characteristics are a result of the long history of oppression that African Americans have faced in the United States. The present work presents the first English language translation of the Introduction and Part III of the book. The introduction to the translation looks at the history of jazz in France and particularly the French critical response to free jazz in the 1960s. The translation of the Introduction and Part III of Free Jazz/ Black Power immediately follows an extended essay on linguistic, historical, and cultural problems encountered in the process of translation.