本文認為，1950年代馬寅初被批判一事，不論就其性質或時期，都與反右運動不同，只是有時間上一部分的重疊，有必要重新釐清。馬寅初有關計劃生育的主張，並非首倡，中共黨內的毛澤東，中共黨外的邵力子等人，比起馬寅初，在中共建政後對人口問題的重視，在時間點上都比馬寅初要早。毛澤東自始至終，始終強調要有計劃地控制人口。馬寅初所關切的，表面上是人口問題，實際上是中國大陸當時經濟積累的效率，因為這將影響中國大陸工業化的速度。若拉長時間縱深來看，馬寅初事件背後所呈現出來的，是馬爾薩斯主義和馬克思主義對於中國大陸人口研究典範的領導權爭奪戰，歷經四十年，馬克思主義終於取得優勢。而馬寅初作為一位知識份子，與其他同類型的傾左知識份子，在中共建政之後，政治上日漸認同中共，在思想上自覺地馬克思主義化，但多數不為那些更早轉向馬克思主義、掌握了馬克思主義在中國的詮釋權的人所接納，最終，大多在文革以前，便已受到不同程度的排擠和批判。 / This essay will argue that the Ma Yin-Chu incident and the Anti-Rightist Campaign is not the same thing, neither on the period nor on the nature, and he is not the first one who advocated birth control when he announced his article “New Principle of Population” in 1957. Instead, Mao Tze-Dong and the CCP have been promoted birth control several years ago. Besides, the aim of “New Principle of Population” focused on the economical accumulation for industrialization, not for birth control itself. On the other hand, if we consider this incident historically, we can see there are two diachronic trends: One is the struggle of the hegemony of China’s population research between the Malthusism and Marxism, this struggle lasts over 40years since the May-forth Movement, and in1960s’, the winner is Marxism. The other is there were many left-leaning intellectuals who changed their political or philosophical position into the CCP or Marxism since 1940s’, like Ma Yin-Cu, didn’t be affiliated by those intellectuals who had change their position before the “Yan-An Rectification” in 1942. Most of them like Ma Yin-Cu have been criticized before the Cultural Revolution.

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La problématique de ce mémoire a pour point d’ancrage la conception antipolitique de la culture en Allemagne présentée par le sociologue allemand Wolf Lepenies. L’appel à la culture au-delà de la politique en RDA aurait bien survécu chez les intellectuels « officiels » est-allemands, d’où la survivance d’une tradition humaniste ancrée dans l’idéalisme allemand du 18ième siècle. Ce mémoire défend à titre d’hypothèses que le primat de la culture sur la politique en RDA n’était pas aussi omniprésent que ne le croit Lepenies, d’une part, et qu’il y a eu d’autre part instrumentalisation de la culture par le parti au pouvoir (SED), qui donna lieu à une idéologisation de l’héritage humaniste des classiques allemands et à une moralisation de la politique. En prenant en compte les intellectuels « inofficiels » est-allemands que Lepenies laisse dans l’ombre et à partir de la confrontation des idéaux-types de l’humanisme politique des Lumières, représenté par les groupes d’opposition qui œuvrèrent de concert avec les Églises protestantes, et de l’humanisme réel, compris comme un prolongement de l’idéologie matérialiste du marxisme qui inspira les politiques du SED et qui concorda avec une ritualisation du travail en RDA, ce mémoire explore l’antithèse de la démocratie et du totalitarisme à la lumière de deux types opposés d’Aufklärung : l’Aufklärung du citoyen et l’Aufklärung de l’homme. / The focus of this study is based on the antipolitical conception of culture in Germany presented by the German sociologist Wolf Lepenies. The appeal to culture beyond politics would have well survived amongst “official” East-German intellectuals, hence the survival of a humanist tradition anchored in the German idealism of the 18th century. This study argues by means of hypotheses that the supremacy of culture over politics in the GDR is not as omnipresent as Lepenies believes it is, on the one hand, and that there is on the other hand an instrumentalization of culture by the party in power (SED), which gave way to an ideologization of the humanist heritage of the German classics and to a moralisation of politics. By considering “inofficial” East-German intellectuals left aside by Lepenies and starting from the confrontation of the ideal-types of political humanism of the Enlightenment, represented by opposition groups which worked along with the protestant Churches, and real humanism, understood as an extension of the materialist ideology stemming from Marxism, which inspired SED politics and which corresponded with a ritualization of labour in the GDR, this study explores the antithesis between democracy and totalitarianism under the light of two types of Aufklärung : the Aufklärung of citizen and the Aufklärung of man.

Dans la philosophie existentialiste de Sartre, l’existence précède l’essence. C’est-à-dire que c’est la réalité humaine vécue qui définit l’homme, et non une essence abstraite qui précèderait l’existence. L’essence de la vie humaine ne serait donc pas à la portée de la philosophie, qui voudrait établir une essence qui transcenderait la réalité humaine. Pour Sartre, cette tentative d’établir une essence est vaine. L’homme n’est pas simplement, mais a à être. Sartre entrevoit dans cette exigence la seule vraie possibilité de la liberté : la liberté c’est précisément le néant qui est au cœur de l’homme et qui contraint la réalité humaine à se faire au lieu d’être. Cette notion de la liberté absolue de l’homme est très forte et a évidemment suscité la critique. Sartre s’est attiré notamment la désapprobation des penseurs de l’École de Francfort. Ils lui reprochent de ne pas rendre justice aux déterminations spécifiques qu’impose le contexte historique, social et matériel. Sa notion de liberté viendrait dissocier l’horizon des possibilités des processus qui les fixent et, du coup le mène à cautionner tacitement le statut quo, en empêchant la liberté de servir de critère pour critiquer la domination existante. Une philosophie existentialiste reste-t-elle possible par-delà cette critique? La croyance en le caractère absurde de la vie humaine et l’exigence à se faire pour donner un sens à l’existence peuvent-elles tenir sans postuler la liberté absolue? Ou bien cette liberté doit-elle nécessairement être circonscrite par une théorie sociale critique, sans quoi l’existentialisme colportera clandestinement le maintien du statu quo? / n Sartre’s existentialist philosophy existence precedes essence. This means that it is the life being lived that defines man, and not an abstract essence that precedes him. The essence of human life is thus not reachable with a philosophy that would want to posit an essence that transcends human reality. Sartre considers this attempt to establish an essence vain. Man is not simply, but rather has to be. Sartre sees in this the only true possibility for liberty: liberty is precisely the nothingness that is at the heart of man and compels the human reality to make itself instead of just being. This notion of absolute liberty for man is a strong one and has indeed been criticized. Among critics, Sartre met with the disapproval of the thinkers of Frankfurt School. They accused him of not seeing the specific determinations that the historical, social and material world imposes on man. His notion of liberty dissociates the horizon of possibilities from the processes that establish them, which make him tacitly encourage the status quo, because he prevents liberty from being used as a criterion to criticize the existing domination. Is an existentialist philosophy still possible beyond this critic? Can the belief in the absurd nature of human life and in the necessity of making oneself to give sense to existence still hold without postulating absolute liberty? Or must liberty necessarily be circumscribed by a critical social theory, without which existentialism will clandestinely encourage the status quo?

This thesis deals with analysis of development of Chinese views on the origins of Chinese culture and statehood in view of archaeological research between the years 1940 and 1980. The analysis is based on information provided by popularizing media, specifically Chinese newspapers and high school textbooks, which are paired with archaeological overview from specialized publications written in English, Czech and Chinese language. Thesis consists of three parts. Firstly, it outlines development in archeology during four decades and the impact of nonacademic influence on scientific work. It serves as theoretical reference frame for the following analysis of Chinese sources. The second chapter deals with reflection of archaeological research in articles of the People's Daily newspapers. How are the archaeological findings valued by society, how does state ideology impacts on their research and it is related to that what are the geographical tendencies. Terminology and biased manner of expression in articles are also included to analysis. The third chapter consists of the study of views on the history of Chinese antiquity in textbooks. In which ways were textological historiography and outcome of archaeological research combined, including factual chronology of historical events and geographical location...

Tomando como ponto de partida a experiência intelectual compartilhada por Fernando Henrique Cardoso e Roberto Schwarz no chamado Seminário Marx, o presente trabalho constitui um estudo a respeito das elaborações marxistas de ambos os autores a respeito das linhas de força do desenvolvimento da sociedade capitalista no Brasil a partir de sua independência. O intuito de aproximar os dois autores é destacar os pontos de convergência de suas formas de pensar, o que permitiria afirmar a existência de uma interpretação do Brasil forjada nos trabalhos de alguns dos participantes do Seminário Marx. O trabalho argumenta que a formulação da mencionada interpretação do Brasil nos trabalhos dos dois autores foi derivada de uma análise crítica do legado teórico de Karl Marx, processo o qual designamos, conforme a literatura pertinente, de nacionalização do marxismo, e de outras interpretações do Brasil precedentes, entre as quais se destacam as formuladas por Caio Prado Júnior, Antonio Candido, Florestan Fernandes e Celso Furtado. Segundo o que se buscará demonstrar, esse processo de elaboração teórica dos autores pode ser interpretado a partir da noção de crítica da ideologia. Do ponto de vista expositivo, a tese conta com duas partes: a primeira é dedicada à análise dos estudos realizados por Cardoso e Schwarz a respeito da sociedade escravocrata brasileira do século XIX; já a segunda tomo como referência as interpretações dos dois autores a respeito do processo de desenvolvimento e modernização do país no século XX, com atenção especial ao período pós-1930. / Having as a starting point the intellectual experience shared by Fernando Henrique Cardoso and Roberto Schwarz in the so-called Marx Seminar, the present work constitutes a comparative study regarding the Marxist elaborations of both authors regarding the lines of force of the development of capitalist society in Brazil since its independence. The purpose of the comparison is to highlight the points of convergence of their thinking, which would allow to affirm the existence of an \"interpretation of Brazil\" forged in the works of some of the participants of the Marx Seminar. The thesis argues that the formulation of the mentioned \"interpretation of Brazil\" in the works of the two authors was derived from a critical analysis of the theoretical legacy of Karl Marx, a process which a relevant literature calls \"nationalization of Marxism\", besides the influence of other previous \"interpretations of Brazil\", as those formulated by Caio Prado Júnior, Antonio Candido, Florestan Fernandes and Celso Furtado. Taking this in account, it will be tried to demonstrate that the process of theoretical elaboration of the authors can be interpreted from the notion of ideology critique. In formal terms the thesis has two parts: the first is dedicated to the analysis of the studies carried out by Cardoso and Schwarz on the Brazilian slave society of the 19th century; the second one is based on the interpretations of the two authors about the development and modernization of the country in the 20th century, with special attention to the post-1930 period.

This research paper aims to analyze France and the UK’s policies on surrogacy from a marxist and gender perspective. It will also look at the EU’s normative role as surrogacy is a practice that can be perceived as contradictory to the EU’s values as there are a number of issues that arise due to cross-border surrogacy arrangements. There are four main issues when it comes to surrogacy practices: the exploitation of women, the commodification of women, the commodification of children, and an indirect issue which is the definition of legal parentage which determines the citizenship of the child which is essential when it comes to cross-border surrogacy arrangements. This paper concludes that the lack of common regulation is problematic. As there is no consensus, cross-border surrogacy arrangements are on the rise which exacerbates the exploitation of surrogate women from developing countries. This, in turn, deepens the divide between developed and developing countries. Lastly the lack of consensus on legal parentage leads to citizenship issues which put individuals at the risk of being stateless.

This essay examines the use of literary theory when teaching literature before higher education. The objective isto see how and if the integration of literary theory facilitates students’ engagement with and understanding of literature. The study is conducted with the qualitative method of interviews. Four teachers, certified for upper secondary school, were deemed appropriate to interview about their current use of literary theory, as well as their attitudes towards an increased use of literary theory. Besides the data collected through interviews, this study finds its theoretical foundation in the literary theories feminist, Marxist and postcolonial theory as well as in the Swedish curriculum for English at upper secondary level. Presently, the teachers do not use literary theory distinctly; however, they do consider the use of literary theory together with literature to be beneficial for the students’ understanding of literature and the world around them. Teachers stated that while some students only will grasp the idea of the theories, other students will be able to use and apply them. The curriculum supports the use of literary theory in the core values for students of upper secondary level.

A tese debruça-se sobre a obra de Herbert Marcuse, em especial aquela produzida nos anos 1950, 1960 e 1970, em uma tentativa de atualização de suas teorias para o presente. Tendo escrito boa parte de seus livros mais amplamente discutidos em um contexto de pacto de classes, trabalho fordista, Estado keynesiano, e inserido em um período relativamente prolongado e estável de crescimento do capitalismo (os assim chamados trinta anos gloriosos), em que as evidências de manifestações políticas e lutas de classes eram menos evidentes quando comparadas com momentos anteriores de efervescência política nos séculos XIX e XX, suas conclusões teóricas a respeito da integração da classe trabalhadora e da sociedade unidimensional teriam sido impregnadas dos fundamentos sócio-históricos que a embasavam. A ideia é contrastar e comparar tais conclusões com nosso presente histórico, tendo em vista as quatro décadas e meia de expansão neoliberal pelo globo, levando em consideração os fenômenos de precarização laboral e da vida disseminados por ela. Busca-se, com isso, apontar as continuidades e rupturas da teoria de Marcuse para o século XXI. / This dissertation examines the works of Herbert Marcuse, especially those written in the 1950s, 1960s and 1970s, and constitutes an attempt to update his theories to our present. Having written much of his more widely discussed books in a context of class compromise, Fordist labor, Keynesian state, and embedded in a prolonged period of relatively stable capitalist growth (the so-called \"thirty glorious years\"), in which the evidence of political manifestations and class struggles was less evident when compared with earlier moments of political effervescence in the 19th and 20th centuries, his theoretical conclusions referring to the integration of the working class and one-dimensional society would have been impregnated with the socio-historical foundations that supported it. The idea is to contrast and compare these conclusions with our historical present, considering the four and a half decades of neoliberal expansion across the globe, taking into account the phenomena of labor and life precarization disseminated through this expansion. The dissertation seeks thus to point out the continuities and ruptures of Marcuse\'s theory for the twenty-first century.

Nas primeiras décadas do século XX, inicialmente em Viena, depois em Berlim, na busca pela profilaxia da neurose, o psicanalista austro-húngaro Wilhelm Reich (1897-1957) militou por transformações sociais. Este estudo focaliza a relação entre ação política e formação da consciência de classe no pensamento de Reich. Tendo por base formulações do historiador Dominick LaCapra, especialmente sobre contextualização e repetição variada, e utilizando o livro de Reich O que é a consciência de classe?, de 1934, como ponto de partida genealógico, foram analisados textos reichianos publicados entre 1926 e 1934. Os resultados indicaram que a proposta de militância política reichiana, afinada com o otimismo leninista e social democrata da virada do século XIX para o XX, pressupôs a capacidade natural revolucionária das massas e a necessidade de um processo recíproco de educação entre as massas e a direção revolucionária sem o qual a revolução não aconteceria / In the first decades of the twentieth century, first in Vienna, then in Berlin, in the search for prophylaxis of neurosis, Austro-Hungarian psychoanalyst Wilhelm Reich (1897-1957) campaigned for social transformations. This study focuses on the relationship between political action and class consciousness formation in Reichs thought. Based on historian Dominick LaCapras formulations, especially about contextualization and varied repetition, and using the book Reich What is class consciousness?, 1934, as a genealogical point of departure, reichian texts published between 1926 and 1934 were analyzed. The results indicated that the political activism proposed by Reich, aligned with the Leninist and social democratic optimism in the turn of the nineteenth to the twentieth century, assumed the revolutionary natural ability of the masses and the need for a reciprocal process of education among the masses and the revolutionary direction without which the revolution would not happen