The aim of this dissertation is to review the molding process of the politics that preceeded the work for gender equality which inSwedengathered speed in the early 1970s. Particular focus has been put to how society through legislation, economic and social privileges during the years 1921-1971 affected Swedish women’s possibilities to make a living and to achieve economic independence. In the dissertation three commissions initiated by the government have been analysed, all of which have been considered paramount for Swedish women’s economic emancipation. The stance that has been applied presumes that the way in which a “problem” has been formulated and framed is of importance for which measures will obtain interpretative preference, thus having an influence on both legislation and the politics pursued, and which measures were considered inconceivable. The dissertation demonstrates that different interpretations of the problems, based on disparate values and indisputable suppositions of how women as regards economic issues should be, choose and act, to varying degree and effect converged in the reports presented by the commissions. In the politics applied women were then manouvered into another economic practice than men, but also into different activities for different groups of women.   One of the main arguments in this dissertation is that in spite of the fact that parts of the women’s liberation movement were active in this molding process during the years 1921-1971, it was not the result of liberal and women-friendly politics. Change over time was pushed by governmentality. By, in the commissions analysed, problematising how certain women’s behaviour contributed to major social problems, such as a dropping marriage frequency, decreasing nativity and preventing economy from expanding, the rights and other social benefits would steer them into serving what was regarded as the public good. Thus, during the time period reviwed, Swedish women´s extended rights and other social benefits were not implemented to create possibilities for women to achieve economic independence, but as a means to resolve other superior social problems.

This master thesis is about one of the first female in the Swedish Parliament, Elisabeth Tamm (1880–1958), and her political articles in the magazine Tidevarvet. The aim of this study is to find similarities with Tamm’s political thoughts with the Ecofeministic theory. Due to women’s right to vote 1919 women citizenship was in a political debate. Tamm was one of many speakers and she combine the question with the Swedish agriculture and farming. Ecofeminism generally believe that women and nature are subordinate by the capitalist, patriarchal and Western society. This master thesis examine the degree to which Tamm’s political view coincides with the Ecofeministic perspective. The results which have been obtained through this study are that Tamm share a lot of the Ecofeministic view points and was before her time with these ideas. She also has the same belief concerning women and nature subjugation. The main difference between Ecofeminism and Tamm is the view of nature; Ecofeminism perceive nature as its own subject and not for human to control while Tamm view nature as something which human shall cultivate and cherish for future generations.   This study gives contribution to new knowledge for different interested parties. Ecofeminism is relatively new in science and I hope this conducted thesis has usability and will open up for future research and learn people of today more about our idea of nature and gender.

Diss. Stockholm : Univ., 2004. / Projekt: Genus, medborgarskap och offentlig politik 1848-1998. S. 363-394: Bibliografi.

As a teacher today, you have a task to give your students good knowledge and give them great possibilities to reach their goals. But as a teacher, you also have a task to raise your students to be good democratic citizens.  For this essay, my purpose has been to investigate how three teachers in Social science, about their attitudes regarding democracy and how this is practised in teaching.  During my study, I have been able to identify that their attitudes to democracy and its practical use, are similar in most ways. For example, they all together share the view, that democracy is an important thing to teach.  They are practicing democracy in the classroom, for example by letting students influence the way work areas are built and what kind of examinations they would like to have. This way of working in the classroom is based on discussion and by doing so, the students have an opportunity to share their views with their teacher. This is a deliberative perspective, making it possible for students to develop to the democratic citizen.  This way of teaching, implies that the teacher's attitudes to democracy is based on a form of democracy which is called deliberative democracy. But is deliberative democracy easy to achieve in a complex environment?

Syftet med denna undersökning är att undersöka Covid-19:s påverkan på integrationspolitiken i socioekonomiskt svaga områden (Lagersberg & Skiftinge) i Eskilstuna kommun, och analysera om pandemin ökar sårbarheten med att implementera integrationspolitiken i dessa områden. Detta kommer genomföras med hjälp av den kvalitativa forskningsmetoden semistrukturerad intervju med 10 medborgare som bor i dessa områden. För att begränsa vår undersökning har vi valt fyra variabel (utbildning, arbete, anslutning till det civila samhället samt kommunikation) att undersöka och analysera hur dessa variabler har påverkat medborgarnas integrering under pandemins tid samt hur vi anser att detta kan påverka samhället framöver. Den valda teorin för denna undersökning är Ruth Listers Inklusive medborgarskap. Det vi har kommit fram till är att covid-19 har ökat sårbarheten med att implementera integrationspolitik målet och begränsa medborgarnas delaktighet och integration i samhället på grund av bristen på erkännande, orättvisan, solidariteten och självbestämmande. Detta som gjorde att det föder större sannolikheter för ökad bostadssegregation som leder till olika konsekvenser på individ, grupp och samhällsnivå.

Denna studie behandlar den offentliga debatt som uppstått i kölvattnet av januaripartiernas förslag om språktest för medborgarskap som presenterades i januari 2019. Genom ett diskursanalytiskt tillvägagångssätt undersöks de språkideologier och de synsätt på medborgarskap som kommer till uttryck i debattinläggen. Utifrån ambitionen att placera in diskursproducenternas positioner har studien tillämpat Bourdieus fältteori och med denna riktat fokus mot två specifika fält: det politiska och det vetenskapliga fältet. Vidare har studien fokuserat på de motsättningar som föreligger i debatten, inom såväl som mellan fälten.      Resultaten redovisar att det framkommer olika ståndpunkter som kan förklaras utifrån vilken position aktörerna talar och vilket fältkapital de besitter. Studien visar också att de språkideologiska villkoren förändrats under det senaste decenniet i synen på svenska språkkunskapers roll i naturalisationsprocessen. Detta har lett till att den språkvetenskapliga forskningen gett sig in i debatten och argumenterat mot språkkrav för medborgarskap. Resultaten indikerar att de två fälten bryter mot det kunskapsutbyte som karaktäriserat svenskt språkpolitiskt beslutsfattande där vetenskaplig forskning legat till grund för diskursiva slutsatser.

For a long time the discourse and orientation of Swedish school research has been focused on rights and democracy as a process, at the expense of the common or the cultural mechanisms that are important for a solid society. The result of the current research has led to this master’s thesis which aims to investigate if the Swedish elementary curriculum is able to reproduce the components that unite the people within a society, what can be referred to as the common. The aim is also to investigate what kind of citizenship ideals the Swedish elementary curriculum is expressing and intended to be implemented. The theoretical framework for this master thesis is liberal and communitarian citizenship and social institutions. The liberal focus on the individual and her relationship towards the state is opposed to the communitarian focus on the common and its social components. The method applied is ideal type analysis which means that an ideal is being designed and the studied object is being compared to the ideal. In this thesis the ideal consists of social institutions, and all the elementary curriculums since 1878 is being compared to this ideal.The result of the ideal type analysis is that social institutions exist in all studied documents but to varying degrees and with varying content and clarity in what is intended. The first governing documents were not very comprehensive and relatively general in their formulations which also is the case of the curriculums from 1962 and onwards. From the breakthrough of parliamentarianism to 1969, the governing documents became much more elaborate and clearer in which citizenship ideal was reproduced and much more open with its intention to reproduce social institutions. Thereafter, the presence of cultural institutions have decreased and the citizenship ideal has moved towards a more liberal ideal. The research provides different answers to why a certain curricula lack social institutions. It is quite possible that the first normal plans were not intended to engage in citizen education. The curricula that constituted the governing document for the modern elementary school may have diffuse formulations and fewer traditional elements because the Swedish school system has become more focused transferring knowledge and not foster. It is not always clear what citizenship ideal the curriculums express. The conclusion is that from 1878 to 1955 the curriculums, with some reservations for guesses, had the intention to implement communitarian citizenship. The curricula of 1962, 1969, 1980 and 1994 are more or less instances of liberal communitarianism. Today's curriculum is very liberal in its discourse, although it may be that citizenship education is not a purpose. It may be that today's primary school is entirely aimed at transferring knowledge and not fostering, which comes with risks

Previous research, which addresses the view of the revocation of citizenship for terrorist-related persons, is seemingly critical. It illustrates a lot of problems that an initiation of this action can cause, but despite this, a social debate is underway in Sweden about introducing this particular opportunity. What is really advocated in the Swedish social debate regarding this? The purpose of the study is, by using an argumentative analysis, to see which recurring themes and arguments are expressed in the Swedish social debate. These are then linked to socialistic, liberalistic and conservative views of citizenship in terms of a discussion. The results of the study shows that a number of themes and arguments are visible in the social debate, where it is argued about everything from IS-supporters being citizens regardless of action, to not having the right to take part in the society at all. The majority of the debaters are in favor of some types of action. The conclusion points to the fact that a conservative approach in the examined social debate is dominant, based on that the arguments mostly advocates some kind of action and responsibility. Given that radicalization is a result of exclusion, the conclusion also sheds lights on that lowering the evidence requirements would probably be the most optimal solution for Sweden when it comes to dealing with returning IS-supporters. / Tidigare forskning, som behandlar synen på återkallande av medborgarskap för personer med anknytning till terrorism, är till synes kritiskt inställd. Forskningen visar en hel del problematik ett införande av detta kan medföra, trots det pågår en samhällsdebatt i Sverige om att möjliggöra det. Syftet med studien är att med hjälp av en argumentationsanalys se vilka återkommande teman och argument som uttrycks i den svenska samhällsdebatten om återvändande IS-anhängare och ett återkallande av deras svenska medborgarskap. Detta återknyts sedan till socialistisk-, liberalistisk- och konservativ medborgarskapssyn i form av diskussion. Resultatet av studien visar att ett antal teman och argument synliggörs i samhällsdebatten, där det argumenteras om allt från att IS-anhängare är medborgare oavsett handling, till att de inte har rätt att ta del av det svenska samhället alls på grund av IS handlingar. Den övervägande delen debattörer är förnågon typ av åtgärd. Slutsatsen pekar mot att ett konservativt synsätt i den undersökta samhällsdebatten är dominerande, baserat på att de argument som framförs mestadels argumenterar för någon form av agerande och ansvarsutkrävande. Utifrån att radikalisering är ett resultat av exkludering är slutsatsen att en sänkning av beviskraven förmodligen skulle vara den mest optimala lösningen för Sverige när det gäller hanteringen av återvändande IS-anhängare istället för att återkalla deras svenska medborgarskap.

Syftet med denna studie är att med hjälp av modeller om medborgarskap undersöka blivande gymnasielärares syn på medborgarskap och politiskt deltagande i förhållande till sig själva och deras framtida elever. Studien berör blivande lärares föreställningar kring fyra områden; politiskt deltagande, medborgarskap, kontroversiella ämnen och politisk aktivism samt undersöker förväntningarna som de har på elever utifrån dessa fyra huvudpunkter. Materialet har samlats in genom kvalitativa samtalsintervjuer med fyra stycken blivande gymnasielärare utifrån en semistrukturerad modell. De har därefter analyserats med hjälp av olika kärnfrågor och de fyra områden – som presenterats ovan – med ursprung från Isin & Turners modeller för medborgarskap. Kärnfrågor i detta fall är de frågor i intervjuguiden (Se Bilaga 2) som baserats på de frågeställningar som studien bygger på. Svaren har sammanfattats och presenterats i en tabell där varje respondents svar har jämförts med varandra för att synliggöra återkommande mönster och föreställningar. Resultatet visar både likheter och skillnader mellan respondenternas och utifrån detta identifieras en idealtyp för hur medborgaren bör se ut baserat på återkommande gemensamma föreställningar. Svaren jämförs även med Isin & Turners (2002) liberal och deras republikanska modell. Svaren kan inte sammankopplas helt till varken liberal eller republikansk modell utan hamnar i ett mellanläge.

Almost three years ago the world was shocked by the rapid spread of the Covid-19 pandemic. Countries were forced to take measures to prevent the spread of the virus and to protect their citizens. Leaders all around the world imposed lockdowns, curfews, and compulsory use of facemasks in the public sphere. Sweden, on the other hand did, none of these things. Instead, the politicians delegated responsibility to the National Pandemic Group (NPG), which consisted of representatives from the Public Health Agency (FHM), the Swedish Civil Contingencies Agency (MSB), the National Board of Health and Welfare, the Medical Products Agency, the Swedish Work Environment Authority, the Swedish municipalities, regions, and the county administrative boards (Länsstyrelserna). No compulsory restrictions were imposed on the individual level, instead the Swedish citizens were urged and not forced to follow them.   The aim of this study is to understand the norms and presumptions behind the Swedish strategy, by analyzing the pandemic-discourse of the NPG. This will be done using Carol Bacchi’s - Whats the problem represented to be – method. There will also be a discussion throughout the text that connects to the theory of informal citizenship and Foucault’s powerknowledge theory.  The results show that by basing the strategy on the individual responsibility of every citizen, the NPG also held the public responsible when the strategy did not hold and people lost their lives. Also, the NPG, and especially the FHM, used knowledge to govern, and to emphasize their views on the virus and what measures to impose and to not impose. Finally, the NPG mediated a form of informal citizenship by emphasizing every citizen’s duty and obligation to follow the FHM: s public advice and recommendations, and by differentiating those who did not follow them.