Uppsatsens syfte är att undersöka hur Moderaternas förändring sett ut i migrationspolitiken sedan migrationskrisen 2015. Utgångspunkten för att analysera denna förändring kommer att vara hur media skrivit om detta ämne samt hur Alliansens valmanifest från 2014 skiljer sig från Moderaternas valmanifest från 2018. Valet av metod i denna uppsats kommer att vara en kvalitativ textanalys. Med hjälp av denna metod har centrala begrepp identifierats samt har relevant information tagits ur materialet som används i studien. Resultaten som presenteras i uppsatsen analyseras av tidigare forskning och teori för att komma fram till en slutsats. De slutsatser studien kommer fram till är att Moderaterna genomgått en tydlig förändring i migrationsfrågan 2015 genom att bland annat strama åt migrationspolitiken och föreslå åtgärder som inte var aktuella innan migrationskrisen 2015.

An increased global attention has been placed on the effects of migration on development, particularly in Africa, due to the increase in remittances to the continent. The African Union (AU) has negotiated multiple migration frameworks and conventions to promote development in this arena. The increased attention has also made researchers within the Migration-Development Nexus (MDN) question the uncritical use of the concept development. This study aims to answer the question of: “How does the AU’s representation of development affect its migration policy?”. The “What's the Problem Represented to be?” model was used to analyse the colonial discourse in the representation of development in the Migration Policy Framework for Africa 2018-2030. The results showed that development is discursively represented as economic growth, migrants are seen as agents of development and North-South hierarchies are evident in the representation of developed/underdeveloped. It was concluded that focus should lie on state-by-state definitions of what development is and is not

Abstract: This thesis consists of a case study on textual analysis derived from the European Union database regarding Migration Policy implemented in the year 2015 with new external policies in conjunction to tackle the Migration Crisis (EU15).  The framework of this thesis focuses on the EU:s Migration Agenda’s efficiency with an exemplification of its Member States like Sweden. To identify the obstacles, i.e. the strengths and weaknesses the policy area faces, and the opportunities that can be of benefit from this agendas, if the EU was to encounter another crisis again.      Furthermore, I present previous scholars' research and depict the theories used in this case study which are; securitization, the concepts of Institutionalism: solidarity, and harmonization. Afterwards, I present the current migration policy derived from the European Agenda issued in the year 2015 and also present the document regarding the progress under the European Agenda On Migration (an illustration between the years 2015 → 2018) issued in the year 2018 and illustrate a comparison towards a Member State; Sweden's result on migratory flow derived from the Swedish Migration Agency.       Then, I analyze my observations on these documented agendas by identifying what I observe to be the strengths and the weaknesses, and also justify what I observe can be used as a strategic tool towards the subduing of a future migration crisis if we were to face a migration crisis again in Europe after the 2015 crisis.        Lastly, I conclude my case study with further insight on what I acknowledged from my framework regarding the EU efficacy and characterize some concepts I find essential towards strengthening within the institution. Thus, give commentary on what I would have touched more on, but possibly can be of a benefit for further studies for any scholar interested in the EU Migration Policy.  Keywords:   EU Agenda on Migration Policy, Migration Policy, Security, Mobility,                              EU Migration Crisis 2015,  EU External Policies,                          Integration with non-EU countries.

<p>A major purpose of this study is to describe and analyse representations of migration and migrants in three local Swedish newspapers, Arbetarbladet, Borås Tidning, and Vestmanlands Läns Tidning and one national, Dagens Nyheter, at eight selected years during the period of 1945 – 2005. The dissertation investigates continuity and change over the course of time. The study also traces how journalistic discourses relate to migration policies. The main focus is on the local papers and the interplay between local and national perspectives in expressing estrangement and national community. The main sample consists of 1 537 articles published in the first three weeks of March in the years 1945, 1955, 1965, 1975, 1985, 1995 and the year 2000.</p><p>Quantitative and qualitative approaches are combined and the study is carried out within the traditions of Critical Discourse Analysis and rhetoric. One theoretical approach rests on the notion of the stranger, as conceptualized by Georg Simmel. Closely linked to this notion are the concepts of nation, culture, and identity. One purpose is to analyse how these aspects are textualised and visualised.</p><p>Despite the changes of migration to Sweden, press coverage has demonstrated a remarkable consistency in the representations of immigrants and migration policy throughout the period. The analyses indicate that there is a continuous dialogue between the press and the government agenda. Albeit the consonance between the papers, it needs to be pointed out that representations of strangers are heterogeneous. In certain respects the local papers differ from the national paper. The Dagens Nyheter was more inclined to use a negative and a conflict angle. The local papers, promoting strong place identities, were more prone to stress co-operation and shared interests. The portrayal often draws on an implicit positive self-representation of Sweden. Nationhood is still a resonant element in journalism, a late echo, as it were, of the People’s Home.</p>

Les échanges dans la zone euro-méditerranéenne ont été caractérisés par une intensification des flux commerciaux au début des années 2000. A cette même période, la question migratoire a été mise en avant en raison d’une explosion de l’immigration clandestine dans les pays du sud de l’Europe. L’objectif de cette thèse est d’étudier certaines conséquences économiques actuelles de ces migrations dans le cas de France. Dans cette optique nous abordons les questions liées à la relation commerce-migrations, à la politique migratoire, et à la localisation spatiale des immigrés en France. En utilisant des données récentes et en intégrant des paramètres jusque là peu utilisés, nous mettons en évidence des caractéristiques particulières de l’immigration en France. Nous apportons également des réponses quant a` la contribution des immigrés a` la production nationale, de même qu’a` l’accroissement du commerce bilatéral avec les pays d’origine. Les implications en termes de politiques économiques se situent d’une part dans la mise en œuvre d’une facilitation des opportunités d’aaires entre la France et les pays d’origine. Cela s’impose au regard de l’impact positif de l’immigration sur le commerce bilatéral. D’autre part, les difficultés relevées au niveau des politiques migratoires appellent a` une nécessaire harmonie de ces dernières, au plan européen, pour une gestion plus efficace. Cela passe encore par une implication des pays d’origine afin de faciliter l’immigration légale, et limiter les entrées clandestines. Enfin, la localisation spatiale des immigrés indique que leur concentration dans les pôles régionaux a un impact négatif sur leur contribution `a la production. La réponse peut se situer dans une analyse détaillée de la structure et du processus d’intégration des populations immigrés / The Euro-Mediterranean trade has grown up a lot in the early 2000. At the same time, the migration issue has been highlighted due to an explosion of illegal immigration in the Southern Europe countries. The aim of this thesis is to study some current economic impact this immigration in the French case. We address the issues of trade and migration relationship, migration policy, and spatial location of immigrants in France. Using recent data and shaping factors little used empirically, we highlight the specific characteristics of immigration in France. We also provide explanations to the contribution of immigrants to the domestic, as well as increasing bilateral trade with the country. In terms of economic policies, it lies firstly in the implementation of facilitating business opportunities between France and the countries of origin. This is necessary to take more profit from the positive impact of immigration on bilateral trade. On the other hand, problems identified in migration policies call for a necessary harmony of policies, at European level, for more effective management. Such objectives require the involvement of countries of origin to facilitate legal migration, and limit illegal entries. Finally, the spatial location of immigrants indicates that their concentration at regional level has a negative impact on their contribution to production. The solution may lie in a detailed analysis of the structure, and the integration of immigrant populations’ process.

Sveriges migrationspolitik och debatten om den har genomgått betydande förändringar under de tio år som följt reformen av systemet 2008. Den här uppsatsen tittar på debatten i riksdagen om arbetskraftsinvandring från 2008 till 2018 och svarar på två frågor. 1. Hur ser konfliktlinjerna ut i svensk arbets- kraftsinvandringspolitisk debatt? 2. Hur har partiernas arbetskraftsinvandringspolitiska argumentation förändrats över tid? För att svara på frågorna konstrueras typargument utifrån en tvådimensionell skala över migrationspolitik med en materiell och en immateriell axel, samt tidigare erfarenheter av hur partier argumenterat för mer öppen respektive restriktiv politik. Inläggen i debatterna kodas sedan utifrån vilka av typargumenten som används. De svenska partierna går att dela in i två grupper: fem partier som är konsekvent för en mer öppen arbetskraftsinvandringspolitik – M, C, KD, FP och MP – och tre partier som är konsekvent för en mer restriktiv politik – S, V och SD. Den tvådimensionella modellen av migrationspolitisk konflikt är dåligt lämpad för att beskriva konflikten mellan dessa kluster. Bland de öppna använder Allianspartierna och i synnerhet M en mer materiell argumentation medan MP använder en mer immateriell argumentation. Bland de restriktiva använder S och V nästan uteslutande hänvisningar till att arbetskraftsinvandringen riskerar att pressa löner och villkor på den svenska arbetsmarknaden, medan SD också hänvisar till andra argument. Nästan ingen argumentation för mer restriktiv politik är immateriell. Över tid har argumentationen för en mer öppen arbetskraftsinvandring förändrats signifikant i riktning mot mer materiella och mindre immateriella argument, medan den restriktiva argumentationen har varit oförändrad. Troligen finns ett samband med den migrations- politiska debattens utveckling mot en mer restriktiv diskurs. / Swedish migration policy and the debate surrounding it has undergone significant changes during the ten years that have past since the reform of 2008. This thesis looks at the debate in the Swedish parliament on labour migration from 2008 to 2018, and answers questions. 1. What are the conflict lines in Swedish labour migration policy debate? 2. How has the parties’ argumentation on labour immigration policy changed over time? To answer the questions, type arguments are created on a two-dimensional field with a material and an non-material axis, as well as previous experience of how parties argued for more open or restrictive policies. The arguments are coded with the type arguments used. The Swedish parties can be divided in two groups: five parties that are consistently for a more open labour migration policy – the Moderates, Centre Party, Christian Democrats, Liberals and Green Party – and three parties that are consistently for a more restrictive policy – the Social Democrats, Left Party and Sweden Democrats. The two-dimensional model of migration policy conflict is poorly suited to describe the conflict between these clusters. Among the open, the centre-right parties and especially the Moderates, use a more material argumentation, while the Green Party use a more non-material argumentation. Among the restrictive, the Social Democrats and Left Party use almost exclusively references to the fact that labor migration risks pressing wages and conditions on the Swedish labour market, while the Sweden Democrats also refer to other arguments. Almost no argumentation for more restrictive policy is non-material. Over time, the argumentation for a more open labour migration changed significantly towards more material and less non-material arguments, while the restrictive argumentation has remained unchanged. There is probably a connection with the development of the migration policy debate towards a more restrictive discourse.

Submitted by Cristiane Chim (cristiane.chim@ucpel.edu.br) on 2018-08-31T12:01:31Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Ana Paula Dittgen da Silva.pdf: 2088679 bytes, checksum: fc2d78159db0d0a674c90fa6717596f3 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-31T12:01:32Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Ana Paula Dittgen da Silva.pdf: 2088679 bytes, checksum: fc2d78159db0d0a674c90fa6717596f3 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-06-21 / This dissertation presents as a central premise the analysis of the legal recognition and social esteem of the Senegalese immigrant in the southernmost part of Rio Grande do Sul, especially in the municipalities of Pelotas and Rio Grande. The concepts and theory of recognition from which the research rested upon derive from the writings of Axel Honneth in the book "The Struggle for Recognition: The Moral Grammar of Social Conflicts". Grounded on this approach, a theoretical framework is built to support a migratory policy that promotes social justice, which can be adopted at the municipal level, an area that is essential for the realization of the rights of the aforementioned group. Thus, a research is carried out around the Brazilian legislation and policies that dealt and deal with the migratory issue in the country, making it possible to estimate the degree of legal recognition of the Senegalese immigrant in its formal aspect. In addition to the abovementioned, we present the results of an empirical research that seeks to demonstrate the vision of the mentioned immigrants with respect to Brazilian laws and policies. The social esteem of this group is established from the categories that have been identified as socially relevant values that form, in Brazilian society, the axiological set that composes the social recognition of the Senegalese in Brazil, namely: the slavery of blacks in the country, racism, the locus of the African descendants in Rio Grande do Sul, territoriality, and xenophobia. Data collected from empirical research within Pelotas and Rio Grande help to identify the contours and intensity of this sphere of recognition. Finally, we investigate the need for the materialization of rights for effective legal recognition, as well as the possible strategies for raising the social recognition of a group. Considering the possibility that the increase of recognition in the legal sphere can influence the social esteem of the group affected by it, feasible paths are ultimately drawn for the construction of focused migratory policies of municipal scope capable of transforming the reality of the Senegalese immigrants, increasing their legal and social recognition. / Esta Tese apresenta como tema central a análise do reconhecimento jurídico e da estima social do imigrante senegalês no extremo sul do Rio Grande do Sul, especialmente nos municípios de Pelotas e de Rio Grande. Os conceitos e teoria do reconhecimento a partir dos quais se elaborou o roteiro da pesquisa são decorrentes dos escritos de Axel Honneth na obra “Luta por Reconhecimento: a gramática moral dos conflitos sociais”. A partir da referida abordagem, se constrói um arcabouço teórico capaz de fundamentar uma política migratória promotora de justiça social, possível de ser adotada em âmbito municipal, esfera que se compreende essencial para a concretização de direitos desse grupo. Assim, é realizada uma pesquisa em torno da legislação e políticas brasileiras que trataram e tratam a questão migratória no país, possibilitando a aferição do grau de reconhecimento jurídico do imigrante senegalês em seu aspecto formal. Além do aludido, traz-se os resultados de uma pesquisa empírica que busca demonstrar a visão dos mencionados imigrantes no tocante às leis e políticas brasileiras. A estima social desse grupo é averiguada a partir das categorias que foram identificadas como valores socialmente relevantes que formam, na sociedade brasileira, o conjunto axiológico que compõe o reconhecimento social dos senegaleses no Brasil, quais sejam: a escravidão dos negros no país, o racismo à brasileira, o papel do negro no Rio Grande do Sul, a territorialidade e a xenofobia. Os dados colhidos de pesquisa empírica com munícipes de Pelotas e Rio Grande auxiliam na identificação dos contornos e intensidade dessa esfera de reconhecimento. Por fim, investiga-se a necessidade de materialização de direitos para o efetivo reconhecimento jurídico, assim como as possíveis estratégias para a elevação do reconhecimento social de um grupo. Diante da possibilidade de que o aumento de reconhecimento na esfera jurídica possa influenciar a estima social do grupo afetado por aquele, traça-se ao final caminhos viáveis para a construção de políticas migratórias de âmbito municipal, focalizadas, capazes de transformar a realidade dos imigrantes senegaleses, aumentando o seu reconhecimento jurídico e social.

This paper is characterized as a critical case study aimed to scrutinize the continuous situation regarding Syrian refugees in Lebanon from an ethical theoretical approach. Mainly, two specific theoretical models regarding ethics in migration and a theoretical standpoint regarding ethics in migration are presented as the theoretical and scientific framework. Arash Abizadeh’s two models, known as the state sovereignty model and the liberal model are implemented in order to understand and to pinpoint the course of the Lebanese situation. Additional, Joseph Carens’ theory concerning ethics in migration is implemented parallel with the two models, to enhance the analytical tools and to introduce a normative perspective. Regarding the empirical result, three distinct perspectives are utilized in order to cope with the situation on a fair and nuanced ground. The Syrian refugees themselves, international involvement and the Lebanese government are presented as the empirical pathways throughout this paper. Concluding results of this paper tends to pinpoint uncertainty and unawareness to be the key factors in explaining the actions of the Lebanese government. Based on the theoretical framework presented in this paper, there is an established tendency to conclude that Syrian refugees has not been treated accordingly to ethical concepts. Because of the distinct ideal differences between the two theoretical models, the results tend to be more evident. The Lebanese government has initially tended to affiliate itself with the liberal model. However, as time has progressed the government has acted accordingly to the state sovereignty model, with not acknowledging ethical limitations in its decision making. While remaining in the grasp of the state sovereignty model, the government and the civil society has begun lighting sparks in actions that have been taken. These actions tend to recognize ethical limitations, thus moving Lebanon towards the liberal model, but far from being completely implemented. In summary, Lebanon’s situation has brought it to a tendency to conduct temporary policies in an increasingly permanent situation.

Les objectifs de cette recherche sont de comprendre comment se déroule lélaboration de la politique dimmigration de travail dans le cadre européen et comment sest développé un discours favorable à une nouvelle immigration de travail en Europe. La recherche est basée principalement sur des entretiens semi-structurés avec des acteurs des institutions européennes et de la société civile européenne et un corpus documentaire. Lanalyse des différentes phases du processus de policy-making européen montre dune part, comment émerge un discours européen dans le chef de la Commission européenne qui rompt avec le discours public dominant de fermeture à limmigration de travail et qui défend une approche communautaire de cette immigration et dautre part, comment ce discours évolue et se transforme pour développer une stratégie dapproche différenciée de limmigration de travail permettant un changement de politique publique qui se matérialise par ladoption de la Directive dite de la « carte bleue » et une entrouverture de l'UE à l'immigration de travail. La thèse démontre que la Commission cherche avant tout à se positionner comme acteur supranational et à renforcer ses compétences. Elle démontre aussi que la reconnaissance du caractère continu et durable des migrations reste inégale au niveau des différents acteurs européens et leur tendance à préférer limmigration de travail temporaire. Enfin, elle montre aussi que la résolution du paradoxe qui consiste à privilégier limmigration provisoire tout en exigeant des immigrants des qualités de permanence se manifeste en privilégiant ladmission de catégories spécifiques de migrants présumés pré-intégrés ou en transformant lintégration en condition dadmission.

A major purpose of this study is to describe and analyse representations of migration and migrants in three local Swedish newspapers, Arbetarbladet, Borås Tidning, and Vestmanlands Läns Tidning and one national, Dagens Nyheter, at eight selected years during the period of 1945 – 2005. The dissertation investigates continuity and change over the course of time. The study also traces how journalistic discourses relate to migration policies. The main focus is on the local papers and the interplay between local and national perspectives in expressing estrangement and national community. The main sample consists of 1 537 articles published in the first three weeks of March in the years 1945, 1955, 1965, 1975, 1985, 1995 and the year 2000. Quantitative and qualitative approaches are combined and the study is carried out within the traditions of Critical Discourse Analysis and rhetoric. One theoretical approach rests on the notion of the stranger, as conceptualized by Georg Simmel. Closely linked to this notion are the concepts of nation, culture, and identity. One purpose is to analyse how these aspects are textualised and visualised. Despite the changes of migration to Sweden, press coverage has demonstrated a remarkable consistency in the representations of immigrants and migration policy throughout the period. The analyses indicate that there is a continuous dialogue between the press and the government agenda. Albeit the consonance between the papers, it needs to be pointed out that representations of strangers are heterogeneous. In certain respects the local papers differ from the national paper. The Dagens Nyheter was more inclined to use a negative and a conflict angle. The local papers, promoting strong place identities, were more prone to stress co-operation and shared interests. The portrayal often draws on an implicit positive self-representation of Sweden. Nationhood is still a resonant element in journalism, a late echo, as it were, of the People’s Home.