Ce mémoire s'intéresse à la problématique de la différenciation des comportements de mobilité des conjoints et des conjointes des familles biactives dans le cadre de leurs déplacements résidence-travail (navettage). À l'échelle de 19 régions métropolitaines de recensement (RMR) du Canada en 1996, il est ressorti de notre étude que les comportements de mobilité des conjoints et des conjointes sont relativement homogènes, malgré la présence de disparités socio-économiques et de mobilité entre eux. Au niveau des facteurs explicatifs de la différenciation de la distance de navettage, nous n'avons pu conclure à l'influence négative des responsabilités domestiques et familiales sur les déplacements résidence-travail des conjointes. La situation d'emploi a quant à elle un impact certain sur la capacité des conjointes à amortir les coûts de transport élevés d'une longue distance de navettage. Enfin, nous avons démontré que la taille de population de la RMR de résidence n'influence que partiellement les relations entre les caractéristiques socio-économiques et les caractéristiques de mobilité des conjoints et des conjointes.

L'objet de cette thèse est d'étudier les rapports entre la division sociale de l'espace d'une formation sociale d'accueil et la distribution spatiale de ses populations immigrées. À partir des années 1970, les migrations internationales de la Périphérie vers les pays du Centre se sont amplifiées et diversifiées ; de pays d'émigration, l'Italie est devenue un pays d'immigration. La distribution spatiale des populations immigrées est déterminée par la division internationale du travail, la division économique et fonctionnelle de l'espace hôte et les caractéristiques propres des communautés de migrants. Les filtres institutionnels mis en place (droit de séjour, droit au travail) commandent les conditions de vie et d'installation des migrants. Trois échelles sont mises en exergue pour analyser l'articulation entre immigration et économie territoriale : l'Italie pour le contexte de ses déséquilibres territoriaux, la Toscane pour le modèle de l'industrialisation diffuse typique de la “Troisième Italie”, et Florence, la capitale régionale, pour son économie urbaine du tertiaire inférieur. La méthodologie utilisée – bibliographie, statistiques, enquêtes, entretiens – permet de rendre compte d'une réalité mouvante et difficilement formalisable. La division sociale de l'espace intra- et péri-urbain de Florence témoigne du lien étroit entre l'espace des classes sociales et l'attribution spatiale des communautés étrangères selon leur fonction dans le système de production local. Discriminée et reléguée socialement et spatialement, la situation des Roms est prise comme exemple en tant que population en décalage de la formation sociale hôte.

Magistriniame darbe keliama hipotezė: Lietuvos komunikacijos politika (strategija) yra sudaryta ir veikia tikslingai, atsižvelgiant į nagrinėjamos temos teorines prielaidas, tačiau ji veikia ne efektyviai, kas galėjo būti nulemta to, jog kuriant ir vykdant ilgalaikę strategiją neatsižvelgta į užsienio lietuvių pastabas ir pasiūlymus, kas galėtų padaryti šį bendradariavimą efektyvesniu. Atsižvelgiant į iškeltą hipotezę nustatomas šio darbo objektas – Lietuvos valstybės komunikacijos politikos su užsienio lietuviais problematika. Darbo tikslas yra atskleisti kokios problemos kuria barjerus siekiant efektyvių rezultatų. Ir kaip tas problemas siūlo spręsti užsienio lietuvių oficialieji atstovai – pasaulio lietuvių bendruomenių atstovai. Siekiant šių tikslų šiame darbe keliami tokie uždaviniai: * išsiaiškinti pagrindines Lietuvos migracijos priežastis, kurias paaiškina tarptautinės migracijos teorijos; * išnagrinėti Lietuvos komunikacijos politiką, kaip tarptautinės komunikacijos politikos pagrindu paremtą veiksmų koordinavimą; * apklausus pasaulio lietuvių bendruomenių narius, kaip užsienio lietuvių oficialiuosius atstovus, išsiaiškinti kokios jų nuomone problemos kuria barjerus siekiant efektyvesnės Lietuvos komunikacijos politikos su užsienio lietuviais ir kokius problemų sprendimo būdus jie siūlo. Darbo teorinėse dalyse nagrinėjama ir vertinama teorinė medžiaga susijusi su Lietuvos migracija ir tarptautinio bendradarbiavimo sritimis. Tai yra išanalizuotas migracijos reiškinys... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / At the beginning of the research work the hypothesize was: the communication policy (strategy) of Lithuania is made and running targeted according to all the theoretical assumptions of this topic, but it is not enough effective what could be determined by the fact that foreign Lithuanian’s comments and opinions were not listened on the development and execution of long-term strategy, which could make this communication more effective. According to the hypothesis the object of the work was set as – the problems of Lithuanian communication policy with foreign Lithuanians. The aim is to reveal the problems which are the barriers for effective results. And to see how official representatives of foreign Lithuanians are suggesting to solve the problems. To achieve the goals in this work the following tasks were made: * to clarify the Lithuanian main causes of migration, which explains the theory of international migration; * to examine Lithuanian communication policy set as international communications policy-based coordination; * to find out what kind of problems make the effectiveness of the policy lower, while asking the opinion of Lithuanian community members, as the foreign Lithuanians official representatives, and also to ask them what kind of solutions they offer to make the communication more effective. This work is dealing with theoretical material related to migration and Lithuanian international communication with foreign Lithuanians. The migration phenomenon is analyzed... [to full text]

Thèse numérisée par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal.

Le choix de la Bretagne peut surprendre lorsqu'il s'agit de traiter des migrations italiennes. Les étrangers ont toujours constitué dans la région un groupe relativement minoritaire, les Italiens y compris. Pourtant on observe dès la seconde moitié du 19e siècle sur l'ensemble du territoire breton, la constitution de réseaux migratoires durables, toujours perceptibles aujourd'hui. Quelles raisons ont poussé ces migrants transalpins à poser leurs valises si loin des importantes communautés italiennes établies dans le Sud-Est de la France ou l'Est parisien ? Au-delà d'une réflexion sur les modalités de l'implantation d'une population italienne dans le département, il s'agira se s'interroger sur les parcours des migrants et plus particulièrement sur les stratégies mises en oeuvre pour « s'intégrer » aux microcosmes locaux. Au travers des récits mémoriels recueillis auprès des familles issues de l'immigration italienne, nous chercherons à comprendre de quelle manière l'acte migratoire de l'ancêtre impacte les recompositions identitaires des descendants. / The choice of the Brittany can be a surprise when it is a question of treating Italian migrations. The foreigners always formed in the region a relatively minority group, theItalians including. Nevertheless we observe from the second half of the 19th century on the whole Breton territory, the constitution of long-lasting migrant networks, always perceptible today. What reasons urged these transalpine migrants to put down their suitcases if far from the important Italian communities established in the Southeast of France or the Parisian East? Beyond a reflection on the modalities of the setting-up of an Italian population in the department, it will be a question of wondering about the career of the migrants and more particularly about the strategies implemented to "become integrated" into the local microcosms. Through the memory narratives collected with families stemming from the Italian immigration, we shall try to understand how the migratory act of the ancestor impact on the identical reorganizations of the descendants.

M.A. (Greek) / The main purpose of this study has been to investigate the work of Greek poets in South Africa's Hellenic Diaspora from 1960 up to date, a period of a more voiummous artistic production due to the noticeable increase in the number of new Hellene immigrants and the innovative cultural atmosphere they brought along. Under this perspective, we examined the forces which led individuals to artistic creation with special focus on the relation between national identity and poetic production. Research has initially been based on poem collections, personal interviews as well as on newspaper articles, magazine publications and schedules of events which constitute our primary resources. In due course, lexicons and encyclopaedias were used to clarify terminology and semantics, as well as p!Cvious studies and relevant bibliography in order to prove, substantiate and enrich our present study. Implementation of quantitative and qualitative approaches with the use of questionnaires, interviews and data analysis rendered our project the following form: In the first chapter, Hellas is examined as the poets' country of origin in order to investigate the possible historic and literary influences carried over by the Greek poets to their new home. A history review of the period between the Second World War and 1974 was conducted examining the Hellenic socio-economic conditions predominant during the said period, which are likely to have led individuals into emigrating, as well as the post-war Hellenic literary development…

Compte tenu des enjeux politiques associés aux questions migratoires en général, des débats suscités par les rapports migratoires entre les Etats européens plus spécifiquement, cette recherche vient combler une lacune dans la connaissance du régionalisme européen. La formation du régime européen de migrations n’avait en effet pas jusqu’à présent été expliquée par les historiens. Une diversité de règles, écrites ou non, relatives au séjour, au franchissement des frontières, à la sécurité sociale des migrants, définissent ce régime, qui porte à la fois sur les flux migratoires intra-européens et sur les flux entre l’Europe et le reste du monde. Pour mieux comprendre la nature de ce régime et les stratégies politiques sous-jacentes, cette recherche s’est appuyée principalement sur les archives des Etats d’immigration les plus puissants, la R.F.A. et la France, et sur celles du Conseil des Ministres de l’U.E., institution centrale dans la définition de l’ordre européen, où les Etats confrontent leurs préférences et leur pouvoir de négociation. Le régime correspondit aux préférences de la R.F.A., qui souhaitait stabiliser l’Europe de l’Ouest dans le contexte de la Guerre froide, puis unifier diplomatiquement les Européens de l’Ouest en préparation des bouleversements à l’Est. Un régime de migrations ouvert en Europe favorisait aussi la pénétration des marchés étrangers par les entreprises allemandes. La R.F.A. put soutenir ce régime grâce à l’importance de sa demande de travail, même si le régime évolua pour privilégier les mouvements des plus qualifiés. L’étude de la formation de ce régime permet d’élaborer une théorie nouvelle des régimes de migrations ouverts qui précise les conditions économiques et démographiques favorables, ainsi que les facteurs incitant un Etat à soutenir un tel régime. / Bearing in mind the political sensitivity of migration flows in general, and the debates brought about by migration relations among European states in particular, this research is designed to fill a gap in the existing knowledge of European regionalism. Historians have indeed not yet fully explained the formation of the European migration regime. A variety of rules, written or not, relating to residence, the crossing of borders, and the provision of social security for migrants define this regime, which covers both intra-European migration flows and flows between Europe and the rest of the world. In order to produce a better understanding of the nature of the regime and the underlying political strategies that are related to it, this research was mainly based on the archives of the most powerful immigration states, the FRG and France, and of those of the EU Council of Ministers, the central institution in the definition of the European order, where states display their preferences and bargaining power. The regime corresponds to the preferences of the FRG, which was eager to stabilize Western Europe in the context of the Cold War, and which then worked to diplomatically unify West Europeans in preparation for the collapse of the Soviet order. An open migration regime in Europe also favoured the penetration of foreign markets by German firms. Its large labour demand enabled the FRG to support this regime, although the regime evolved to favour more skilled movements. The study involves the development of a new theory of open migration regimes that specifies the most favourable economic and demographic conditions, and which outlines the factors that encourage a state to support such a regime.

A dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Science at the University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Science, June 2017. / Tourism contributes to economic development in both developed and developing countries. Visiting Friends and Relatives (VFR) travel is one of the largest forms of tourism on a global level. However, there has been limited research over the past decades on VFR travel. In recent times, VFR travel has attracted the attention of researchers due to increasing rate of migration resulting in the promotion of regional tourism through VFR travel. Despite the influx of migrants in South Africa, research on international VFR travel has been limited as most research on VFR travel has been on local level from one province to another. The purpose of this study is to evaluate the expenditure pattern of Zimbabweans travelling to and from South Africa for VFR purposes. Furthermore, the study seeks to identify the benefits of VFR travel to individual households in Zimbabwe. Using a quantitative framework, 200 questionnaires were distributed to Zimbabweans and a Statistical Package for the Social Science (SPSS) was used as an analysis tool. The theory of consumer behaviour was implemented to discuss and analyse the findings, revealing that VFR travellers from South Africa spend more than VFR travellers to South Africa on transport cost, food and beverages, entertainment and financial remittances. The expenditure is based on socio-demographic and travel-related characteristics. As a result of VFR travellers’ expenditure, the benefits, which are directed to individual households in Zimbabwe, include household upkeep, education, business investment, health and other reasons. Thus this study focuses attention on international VFR travel and its contribution to the tourism economy in Zimbabwe and South Africa. Key Words: Visiting Friends and Relatives (VFR), Tourism, Migration, Expenditure, Regional Tourism, South Africa, Zimbabwe. / XL2018

A ONU, em 1951, aprova em Assembleia Geral a Convenção Relativa ao Estatuto dos Refugiados, implementada no Brasil pela Lei Nacional do Refúgio 9.474/97, onde se considera serem refugiadas pessoas que fogem com receio de perseguição por sua raça, religião, nacionalidade, opiniões políticas ou filiação a certo grupo social. Este último critério, numa dinâmica interpretativa do espírito da Convenção passou a (poder) entender e abrigar, lésbicas, gays, bissexuais, transgêneros e intersexuais, desse modo, os LGBTI receberam prerrogativa de invocar proteção à tal Estatuto, sem desconsiderar ser essa interpretação recomendatória e não obrigatória. No transcurso fático, entretanto, tem se desenhado um cenário de via de mão dupla, uma vez que a) nem todos os Estados reconhecem LGBTI como integrantes desse grupo e b) os que reconhecem, b.i. têm procedido de modo questionável em como julgar verdade e validade de tal demanda, imputando perpétua desconfiança sobre esse migrante forçado e b.i.i. não reconhecem outras formas de manifestação sexual para além de uma estereotipia de homossexualidade. Tal entendimento, assim, ignora diversas práticas sexuais não normativas, ou quaisquer outras delas dissidentes. No bojo dos estudos migratórios, no que se refere ao deslocamento forçado, especialmente, em conceitos como refúgio e asilo, diversos trabalhos têm apontado para o caráter reducionista de tais institutos. Sendo o Brasil um dos países que reconhece LGBTI como integrante de grupo social específico, esta tese repousa interesse em desvelar alguns mecanismos da migração internacional forçada de pessoas com sexualidades dissidentes da heterossexual, o que gera conflitos interpretativos entre a extensão de direitos e o apagamento de sujeitos nos marcos de uma cidadania global. Interessa, aqui, campear o diálogo dos direitos humanos numa ordem transnacional, refletindo sobre o status de crédito e validade construído sobre os motivadores de fuga relacionados à(s) sexualidade(s) não normativa(s) em sua interpretação doméstica face à acordos internacionais. A partir de interlocuções, em especial, com muçulmanos árabes, persas e africanos entre libaneses, sírios, sauditas, iranianos e ganeses, o trabalho percorre em caminho etnográfico junto a esses sujeitos na cidade de São Paulo as muitas facetas de suas tramas legais e sociojuridicas. Tendo em vista a circulação de pessoas pressupor fluidez de interlocutores, lançamos mão às vinhetas analíticas, como instrumento de recorte/enfoque, convertidas em narrativas (textuais). A partir do alicerce linguística-direito-psicanálise, as reflexões surgidas de suas práticas de linguagem ficam ao encargo de análises discursivas, no especial interesse de reposicionamento do sujeito nos núcleos de significação testemunhal, dessumindo a prerrogativa da validade oral como elemento probatório. São enunciações cujas verdades estão assentes em sua própria dinâmica de acontecimento. Nesse processo, a imigração é também entorno de si, desloca corpos e almas, e não só desterritorializa sujeitos, mas descortina discursos sobre direitos, sexualidades, religiões, violências e espaço urbano, contrastados aos elementos de suas memórias produzidas ao mesmo tempo como cotejo e reflexo, tecendo, assim, suas histórias em fractais / In 1951, ONU approves, in the General Assembly, the Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees, established in Brazil by the National Law of Refugee 9.474/97, in which it is considered a refugee a person who is fleeing for fear of persecution by race, religion, nationality, political opinions or filiation to a certain social group. This last criterion, in an interpretative dynamic of the Convention spirit, starts to (be able to) understand and to encompass lesbians, gays, bisexuals, transgender and intersexual, by this way the LGBTI receives a prerogative to invocate protection to such Statute, without disregarding this interpretation as recommended and non-mandatory. In the phatic elapse, however, it has been designed a scenario in a double way road, taking into account that a) not all the States recognize LGBTI as participants of this group and; b) those who recognize; b.i have acted in a questionable way by judging truth and validity of such demand attributing everlasting distrust on this forced migrant and; b.i.i those who do not recognize other forms of sexual manifestation beyond a homosexuality stereotype. Such comprehension, therefore, ignores several sexual practices as non-normative or any other dissenters. At the heart of the migratory studies, related to the forced dislocation, mainly, in concepts as refugee and asylum, several works have pointed to the reductionist character of such institutes. As Brazil is one of the countries that recognize LGBTI as participants of a specific social group, this thesis is interested in revealing such mechanisms of forced international migration of people with dissents sexualities from heterosexuals, what results in interpretative conflicts between extensions of rights and the erasure of subjects in the framework of a global citizenship. This work, here, is interested at pursuing a dialogue of the human rights in a transnational order, reflecting about the credit and validity status built upon the escape motivators related to non-normative sexuality(ies) in this domestic interpretation towards the international agreement. From the interlocution, mainly, with Muslims, Arabians, Persians and Africans among the Lebanese, Syrians, Saudis, Iranians and Ghanaians, this work goes through in an ethnographic way related to these subjects in São Paulo city the many facets of their legal and social-juridical plot. Considering that the circulation of people results in the fluidity of interlocutors, it has been used analytical vignettes, converted in (textual) narratives, as a tool of outline and focus. The theoretical framework was based on the psychoanalytical, legal and linguistic foundation, the reflections emerged from these language practices were dealt by discursive analysis, with special interest in relocating the subject in the cores of testimonial signification, entailing the prerogative of the oral validity as an element of evidence. These are enunciations whose truths are rooted in this proper dynamic of the occurrence. In this process, the immigration is also around itself displacing bodies and souls, not only de-territorializing subjects, but also revealing discourses about laws, sexualities, religion, violence and urban spaces, contrasted to the elements of their memories, which are produced at the same time as comparison and reflection, knitting their histories into fractals

A quem os estados devem justificar suas ações quando regula o fluxo de pessoas nas suas fronteiras? Contra a suposição de que a pergunta normativa mais relevante que surge quando alguém é considerado indesejado e está nas fronteiras de uma comunidade política é aquela sobre se os estados têm o direito de excluir novos membros, este trabalho sustenta que, antes, é preciso ouvir o grito de quem denuncia: isso é injusto. Recolocar a pergunta nesses termos é uma resposta ao diagnóstico segundo o qual um dos traços fundamentais da injustiça que sofrem os sujeitos indesejados nas fronteiras é o desrespeito, como também é uma tentativa de recolocar o problema normativo da ética da migração, de modo tal que não incorra em um dos erros partilhados tanto pelas visões que afirmam como pelas visões que recusam o direito dos estados de fecharem suas fronteiras. Está-se falando do erro de silenciarem as experiências e as perspectivas de quem migra como relevantes para uma ética da migração internacional; um erro que pode ser traduzido nos termos de um tipo específico de injustiça, qual seja, aquela que recebe traços epistémicos. Uma teoria política crítica e normativa que escuta a afirmação de que essa situação é injusta e precisa responder à pergunta sobre a quem os estados devem justificação, reflete uma proposta metodológica e epistemológica que questiona tanto o nacionalismo/estatismo quanto o cosmopolitismo epistemológico como perspectivas adequadas. A proposta defendida é a de que uma resposta adequada ao problema da justificação, que nasce nas fronteiras dos estados quando identifica uma pessoa como indesejada e a envia, por exemplo, para centros de detenção, é aquela que propõe como solução normativa e política para esse contexto um processo de justificação em dois níveis um é normativo e o outro é político-deliberativo. Com essa formulação, este trabalho defende que, enquanto agentes morais, migrantes nas fronteiras podem reivindicar o respeito à sua dignidade, mas também que, enquanto agentes políticos, é preciso que se reconheça a necessidade de garantir espaços institucionais em que possam lutar pelos termos da relação que gostariam de estabelecer com a comunidade de chegada. Ao propor tal passo esta tese realiza seu objetivo transformador mais ousado: imaginar um mundo de fronteiras porosas não-opressivas no qual a migração deixa de ser tratada como um problema a ser combatido em nome do funcionamento normal daquelas peças que compõem a engrenagem dos estados soberanos territorialmente delimitados. / borders? This dissertation argues that, before posing the normative question regarding whether the states have the right to exclude new members or not, we should listen to the grievances cry of this is unjust. Recasting the migrations priority question on these terms, the dissertation acknowledges, at one hand, that instances of disrespect are among the main sources of injustice on the states borders and, on the other, it tries to avoid a mistake shared by both sides of the ethics of migrations literature, that is, the systematic disregard of the personal perspectives from those who actually are crossing borders on our world. This forceful disregard, it is argued, should be conveyed as a specific instance of injustice, namely, a form of epistemic injustice against migrants. A critical and normative theory of migration, i. e., capable of paying attention to peoples own voices regarding what is just or not, attempts to bring about a theoretical and methodological framework in which we can evaluate and criticize both sides of migrations theory, the nationalist/statist theories, on one side, and the cosmopolitan ones, on the other. None of them is able to address normative justifications two-tier levels at play on the states borders: the normative and the political-deliberative level. Based on this framework, the dissertation argues that not only have international migrants a legitimate claim on the respect of their dignity, qua moral agents, but also, we should acknowledge some space in the democracies main political institutions for their agency qua political subjects. Agents who should have a say on the terms under which their relations with potential arrival communities are stablished. Taken this step, the dissertation aims at a more transformative goal, namely, conceiving a world of states based non-oppressive porous borders, in which interstate migrations will no longer be treated as a technical problem for the national-based delimited state functioning.