Este estudo é resultado de uma pesquisa etnográfica sobre as relações e as negociações de valores entre os descendentes de imigrantes italianos e imigrantes recentes. As maneiras como cada um dos grupos vem elaborando uma representação do outro e de si próprio frente ao outro evidenciaram de que forma um conjunto de valores identificados como “italiano” consegue ser partilhado e reinterpretado pelos recém chegados. O estudo demonstra que um contexto aparentemente estruturado em “italianos” e “brasileiros” comporta também poros de permeabilidade. Aqui as fronteiras simbólicas entre os grupos mostraram-se bem mais fluídas e negociáveis. O universo de pesquisa desta dissertação centra-se nos moradores do bairro operário Primeiro de Maio, na cidade de Farroupilha. Estes sujeitos constituem a nova leva de imigrantes, desta vez, não exclusivamente de origem italiana, que a partir dos anos 70, vieram atender a necessidade de mão-de-obra resultante do crescimento industrial da região. Este estudo se insere nos debates sobre a imigração e a experiência de alteridade ao focalizar as relações entre os indivíduos da nova imigração com a italianidade. Compreendo italianidade como referências simbólicas que acionam repertórios que permitem explicitar novos jogos identitários e disputas simbólicas travados entre distintos protagonistas que referem a qualidades morais que versam sobre o “bom” trabalhador, o “bom” operário e a identidade de origem. / This study resulted from a piece of ethnographic research on relations and value negotiation between Italian-descendant immigrants and just-arrived immigrants. The ways each of the groups has elaborated a representation of the other one and of itself faced to each other have shown how a number of values identified as “Italian values” is shared and reinterpreted by just-arrived immigrants. The study shows that an apparently well-structured context composed of “Italian” and “Brazilian” people also has permeability pores. Here, symbolic borders between groups appeared to be much more fluid and negotiable. The investigation universe of this piece of research was centered in people living in “1º de maio” workers’ quarter, in the town of Farroupilha. These subjects constitute the new wave of immigrants, not exclusively of Italian origin, who came, from the seventies on, to fulfill the need of labor, as a result of industrial growth in this region. This study is inserted in the debates about immigration and the experience of otherness focusing on relationships between just-arrived immigrants and “italianity”. I understand “italianity” as symbolic references encouraging repertoires which allow explaining new identity games and symbolical disputes arisen among different protagonists referring to moral qualities regarding the “good” worker, the “good” factory worker, and origin identity.

Esta dissertação procura demonstrar as diferentes estratégias sociais elaboradas pelos indígenas guaranis missioneiros, após a conquista luso-brasileira, ocorrida em 1801, das sete missões de guaranis que pertenciam à Espanha, localizadas na margem oriental do rio Uruguai. Analisa a situação dos índios dentro e fora do território missioneiro, mais precisamente no espaço territorial das Missões e no Rio Grande de São Pedro, entre 1801-1834. Combinando análise qualitativa e quantitativa, demonstra como os índios missioneiros configuraram diversas estratégias de sobrevivência e adaptação dentro de uma nova realidade política e social que se apresentou após a conquista luso-brasileira. Utilizando fontes como os ofícios dos militares luso-brasileiros – de modo qualitativo – e os registros paroquiais de batismos – de forma quantitativa – caracteriza as ações indígenas e a forma pela qual estes sujeitos foram capazes de manejar sua própria história em situações adversas e contextos desfavoráveis. Evidencia que os guaranis não foram agentes passivos durante e depois da conquista de 1801. Ao contrário, foram capazes de criar e recriar espaços com relativa autonomia, participando da administração dos Povos e ingressando nas milícias missioneiras. Mostra que os índios não abandonaram as Missões de imediato, demonstrando que boa parte deles permaneceu no território missioneiro. Outra parte da população guarani migrou em grupos familiares a outras partes do Rio Grande de São Pedro, integrando-se a uma nova ordem social e política estabelecendo vínculos sociais com sujeitos diversos via compadrio o que garantia aos índios a possibilidade de ingressarem àquela sociedade. / This dissertation seeks to demonstrate the different social strategies developed by the indigenous Guarani missionaries after winning Portuguese-Brazilian, which occurred in 1801, the seven Guaraní missions belonging to Spain, located on the eastern bank of the Uruguay River. Analyzes the situation of the Indians within and outside the missionary, more precisely in the territorial space of the missions and the Rio Grande de São Pedro, between 1801-1834. Combining qualitative and quantitative analysis, demonstrates how missionary Indians configured various strategies for survival and adaptation in a new social and political reality that is presented after the conquest Luso-Brazilian. Using sources such as the offices of the military Luso-Brazilian - qualitatively - and parish records of baptisms - quantitatively - featuring indigenous actions and the way these guys were able to manage their own history in adverse situations and unfavorable contexts. Shows that the Guaraní were not passive agents during and after the conquest of 1801. Instead, they were able to create and recreate spaces with relative autonomy, participating in the administration of Peoples and joining militias Misiones. Shows that Indians have not abandoned the missions immediately, showing that most of them remained in missionary territory. Another part of the Guarani population in family groups migrated to other parts of the Rio Grande de São Pedro, integrating a new social and political order establishing social links with many subjects via cronyism which guaranteed to the Indians the opportunity to join that company.

Submitted by isabela.moljf@hotmail.com (isabela.moljf@hotmail.com) on 2017-05-29T15:06:18Z No. of bitstreams: 1 wellingtonrogeriodasilva.pdf: 1929268 bytes, checksum: d64cdf687b9c693a7fd8909ea7325cfa (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2017-05-29T19:47:51Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 wellingtonrogeriodasilva.pdf: 1929268 bytes, checksum: d64cdf687b9c693a7fd8909ea7325cfa (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-05-29T19:47:51Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 wellingtonrogeriodasilva.pdf: 1929268 bytes, checksum: d64cdf687b9c693a7fd8909ea7325cfa (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-08-24 / CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Esta tese toma por objeto obras de três escritores argelinos de língua francesa, a saber, Kateb Yacine, Assia Djebar e Anissa Mohammedi, inseridas na literatura contemporânea do Magrebe. Esses autores percorrem o espaço da própria terra e encontram na expatriação da sua literatura o motivo de sobrevivência. Eles nos fornecem a dimensão duma nova espacialidade como fruto do spatial turn, e do incontornável fenômeno migratório na Argélia desde muito tempo, notadamente durante o período colonial e pós-colonial. Escrevendo atualmente na França ou noutras partes do mundo, mostram, nessa condição, possibilidades novas de inserção da literatura argelina escrita na língua deste que foi o seu antigo colono. Assim, eles se inscrevem numa inter-relação com o mundo, noção desenvolvida por Édouard Glissant pela Poética da Relação. Como rizomas, indo ao encontro do outro, trazem para a problemática segundo a qual as relações entre a literatura e a geografia se tornam essenciais para se pensar a ancoragem da literatura no espaço. Apoiamo-nos nalgumas noções desenvolvidas por alguns pensadores, dentre quais enfatizamos Édouard Glissant e Michel Collot. Por isso, considerando essas relações, concebemos a existência duma Geografia Literária como uma variante para a nossa abordagem Como tratamos de escritores contemporâneos, dialogamos com os processos globalizadores, considerando-os como projetos e não como uma constante na vida humana, ao mesmo tempo em que espaços continuam vazios, na contingência e, por isso mesmo, cheios de encantamento. Desenvolvemos então as noções como a de espaço e espacialidade, relacionando-as às obras escolhidas, que permanecem o nosso principal objeto em relação à espacialidade magrebina: o espaço da mulher árabo-muçulmana, das línguas e da poesia, esta última responsável pela formação da literatura argelina e sua inserção numa literatura-mundo. Concluímos a nossa tese com aportes sobre as possibilidades nossos escritores nos espaços encarnados, e considerando-os como andorinhas costeiras, razões de sobrevivência do sujeito num mundo cada vez mais fragilizado e incerto. / Cette thèse prend pour objet des oeuvres de trois écrivains algériens de langue française, à savoir, Kateb Yacine, Assia Djebar et Anissa Mohammedi, insérées dans la littérature contemporaine au Maghreb. Ces auteurs parcourent l‟espace de la propre terre et trouvent dans l‟expatriation de leur littérature la raison même de survie. Ils nous fournissent la dimension d‟une nouvelle spatialité comme résultat d‟un spatial turn et de l‟incontournable phénomène migratoire en Algérie depuis longtemps, nottament durant la période coloniale et post-coloniale. Écrivant actuellement en France ou ailleurs, ils démontrent dans cette condition des possibilités nouvelles d‟insertion de la littérature algérienne écrite dans la langue de celui qui fut son ancien colon. Ainsi, ils s‟inscrivent dans une interrelation avec le monde, notion développée par Édouard Glissant à partir d‟une poétique de la Relation. En les considérant comme des rhizomes, nous avons développé la problématique selon laquelle les rapport entre la géographie et la littérature devient fondamental pour penser les rapports entre la littérature et l‟espace. Nous avons cherché quelques notions étudiées par des théoriciens, dont Édouard Glissant et Michel Collot. De ce fait, considérant les rapports entre la littérature et la géographie, nous concevons l‟existence d‟une Géographie Littéraire comme une variable dans cette approche. Puisque il s‟agit d‟écrivains contemporains, le dialogue avec les processus de mondialisaion devient aussi important, sachant qu‟il ne s‟agit pas d‟un processus naturel, mais d‟un projet majeur, alors que des espaces restent en friche, dans la contingence et, en l‟occurrence, pleins d‟echantement. Nous avons donc cherché les notions d‟espace et de spatialité et ses rapports aux ouvrages sélectionés, qui restent notre principal objet sur la spatialité maghrébine: l‟espace de la femme arabo-musulmane, des langues et celui de la poésie, celle-ci responsable pour la formation de la littérature algérienne et son insertion dans une littérature-monde. Pour conclure, nous proposons des apports sur les possiblités de nos écrivains dans les espaces incarnés, en les considérant comme des hirondelles de rivage, seule raison de survie du sujet dans un monde de plus en plus fragilisé et incertain.

L’insertion économique des migrantes brésiliennes en Guyane française s’inscrit dans le processus global de la féminisation des migrations et du marché du travail, initiant les déplacements d’une main-d’œuvre peu qualifiée des pays des Suds, notamment des États du Pará et de l’Amapá (nord du Brésil) vers les pays des Nords, la Guyane, département d’outre-mer. Cette insertion économique est intrinsèquement liée à des déterminants migratoires, familiaux et professionnels. Cette thèse analyse les formes d’autonomies économiques acquises par les femmes migrantes, à partir de trois générations, et compte tenu des possibilités offertes par le marché du travail de la société guyanaise, ethnostratifié. La complémentarité entre des méthodes qualitatives et quantitatives a permis de dégager des trajectoires (a)typiques reliant morale familiale et esprit d’entreprise. / The economica insertion of Brazilian female migrants in French Guiana lies within the framework of the global process of the migration and labour market feminisation, initiating the movements of a less skilled South countries workforce, mainly from Pará and Amapá States (Northern Brazil) toward North countries, French Guiana, overseas department. This economic insertion is intrinsically tied to migration, family and professional determinants. This doctoral thesis analyzes the forms of economic autonomies acquired by the female migrants, since three generations and taking into account the possibilities offered by the French Guianese ethnostratified society's labour market. The complementarity between qualitative and quantitative methods allowed to unveil the (a)typical trajectories connecting family morality and entrepreneurship.

Cette thèse soutient que les politiques de migrations temporaires entravent la mobilité de l'individu, à partir du cas des migrants indiens dans la région du golfe persique. La pratique et le droit international définissent la mobilité comme le droit à la « liberté de mouvement » sans dispositions supplémentaires pour faciliter le choix de s’établir, permettant aux Etats de pratiquer ces politiques de convenance. Ce travail interdisciplinaire qui privilégie l’angle sociologique interroge les implications politiques et le droit international. Il montre que le non-respect prolongé des droits des migrants, surtout par les pays d’accueil, produit des conditions et des résultats restrictifs pour tous les acteurs- des indicateurs montrent l’exclusion systématique du migrant dans la société d’accueil. Cinq chapitres présentent empiriquement le « migrant » dans le golfe qui expérimente la vulnérabilité à différentes échelles : entrepreneurs, marchands-patriarches, travailleurs en col blanc, travailleurs en col bleu, et les femmes migrantes. La politique de migration temporaire des six Etats du Conseil de coopération du Golfe (GCC)- Arabie Saoudite, Oman, Émirats Arabes Unis, Qatar, Bahreïn et Koweït- constitue un exemple heuristique. Sans être un cas unique, il montre une exclusion plus sévère en raison de la nature conservatrice de ces monarchies et de la place de l’Islam comme religion d’Etat. Les politiques de migrations circulaires sont populaires aujourd’hui et les Etats en profitent à leur convenance en privilégiant la flexibilité et la non-intégration pour éviter les responsabilités vis-à-vis des migrants. Le migrant temporaire est donc, le travailleur précaire dans le marché mondial du travail. Le statut d’incertitude structurelle est aussi un des principaux éléments qui séparent « l’Indien du golfe » du reste des Indiens non-résidents (NRI). / The thesis highlights the evidence in the Arab-Gulf region with the Indian migrants to argue that the temporary migration policies hinder the individual’s mobility. International practice and law articulate mobility narrowly as merely the right to “freedom of movement” without also provision to facilitate the choice to settle, which allows states to perpetuate such expedient policies. The work is an inter-disciplinary approach, with mainly a sociological lens and interrogates the implications for policy and international law. It shows that mainly the receiving states’ prolonged non-respect of the migrant’s rights using the “temporary” frame produces limiting conditions and outcomes for all the actors- selected indicators show the systematic exclusion of the migrant in the host society. Five chapters empirically present the “guest worker” in the Gulf who experiences vulnerability at different levels: entrepreneur, trader-patriarch, white-collar worker, blue-collar worker and female migrant. The guest-worker policy practice of the six oil-rich Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries- Saudi Arabia, Oman, the UAE, Qatar, Bahrain and Kuwait- is a heuristic example. The GCC region is not a unique case although it might show more severe exclusion, due to the conservative regimes as monarchies and following Islam as the state-religion. Circular migration policies are popular today and states manifest expediency by privileging flexibility and non-integration to evade responsibility for the migrant. The guest-worker is hence, the precarious worker in the global labour market. The structural uncertainty is a factor that mainly also separates the “Gulf-Indian” from the larger non-resident Indian (NRI) population elsewhere.

The mfecane was for most of the twentieth century regarded as a historical certainty for the South African public and the Apartheid government, as well as for historians here and world-wide. The mfecane had achieved the permanence of a paradigm and a dominant discourse, as it was accepted equally by settler, liberal, Afrikaner, Africanist and Neo-Marxist historians. This certainty was shaken when Cobbing’s mfecane critique appeared in 1988, with which I concur. This study examines how mfecane history was written from the first published articles in mid-1823 until Walker coined the concept mfecane in 1928. This thesis undertakes a journey through a host of published works, books, pamphlets and articles in journals, magazines and newspapers, from which a number of conclusions emerge. The mfecane narrative was developed over a period of a hundred years in the English language by almost exclusively white, English-speaking male amateur historians and ethnographers. Their occupations, age, ideology and level of education differed markedly, but they shared one European ideological value, the discourse of the European “Image of Africa”, which regarded Africans as the negative Other of their own positively perceived society. This was a culturallyshared view of Africans, which formed the baggage in the mind of all writers examined, and accounts for the mfecane narrative’s negative attitude towards Africans. Furthermore, mfecane history was influenced by racism and the use of literary devices such as the gothic novel and the romance. Authors writing in the 1823 to 1846 period on events which had taken place in the “blank space” beyond the Cape Colony, which most of them had never visited, laid the basis for the mfecane narrative. It constituted a set of geographical or ethnically focused, separate accounts. These separate accounts focused on the themes of Shaka’s creation of the Zulu state, including his expulsion of several chiefdoms; his depopulation of Natal and the flight of the Fingo to the Transkei; the path of destruction of the Hlubi and Ngwane during their flight from Natal via the greater Caledon Valley area to the Transkei; the incorporation of the Kololo and other Sotho chiefdoms into the Mantatees - due to pressure from the invaders from Natal - who subsequently laid waste the Free State and Transvaal as far as Dithakong, where they were defeated; the further depopulation of the Transvaal by the Ndebele during their escape from Shaka; the flight of Moshoeshoe and his people to Thaba Bosiu where he built up the Sotho state, with Moshoeshoe being the only positive figure in this history. This multi-narrative was thereafter repeated without any critical thought by all authors examined until in 1885 Theal created a Zulu-centric, geographically integrated mfecane narrative whereby he integrated the previously separate accounts into one coherent whole - a whole which was so much more than the sum of its parts, but so far without a defining name. That was provided by Walker in 1928 when he coined the Xhosa neologism, mfecane. The Theal, Cory and Walker racist mfecane was thus bequeathed as the mfecane to the rest of the twentieth century.

Les liens entre migration et santé sont complexes et les données épidémiologiques sont rares en France et en Guyane. D'une part, la santé peut être un déterminant de la migration et d'autre part la migration peut affecter la santé de ceux qui émigrent.Cette thèse s'appuie sur les résultats de plusieurs enquêtes épidémiologiques conduites en 2009 en Guyane. Les objectifs de cette recherche étaient de mesurer le poids de la santé parmi l'ensemble des déterminants des migrations vers ce territoire et d'analyser l'état de santé et le recours aux soins des populations en fonction de leur statut migratoire. Nous avons mis en évidence que certaines caractéristiques des immigrés (leur pays d'origine), du processus migratoire (la durée de résidence en Guyane) ou des conditions d'accueil en Guyane (le statut juridique sur le territoire français et le statut socio-économique) sont des facteurs qui modulent leur état de santé. Nos résultats sont en faveur de l'hypothèse du " healthy migrant effect ", suggérant que les migrants arrivent sur le territoire en relativement bonne santé. Les personnes en situation irrégulière semblent être les plus vulnérables en matière de santé et cumulent des difficultés d'accès aux soins. Nos résultats montrent enfin que les migrations pour soins ne représentent qu'une minorité des mouvements migratoires vers la Guyane (3,1%). Les politiques de santé publique en Guyane ne semblent pas répondre aux enjeux - ni actuels ni futurs - des besoins de santé et de soins des migrants. De part ses caractéristiques, la Guyane pourrait être un terrain d'expérimentation en matière de politique de santé publique à destination des migrants. / The links between migration and health are intricate and the epidemiological data are scarce in France and French Guiana. On the one hand, health can be a decisive element for migration and on the other hand migration can affect the health of those who emigrate. This thesis relies on the results coming from different epidemiological surveys led in 2009 in French Guiana. The aim of this research was to estimate the burden of health-related determinants among those of immigration to French Guiana and to analyze the populations? health status and their access to healthcare according to their migratory status. We found that some immigrants? characteristics in terms of demographics (their native country), migratory process (duration of residence in French Guiana) and hosting conditions provided by French Guiana (the legal status and their socio-economic conditions inside the French territory) were as many factors which do modulate their health status. Our results support the hypothesis of a « healthy migrant effect » and suggest that the immigrants are relatively healthy when they reach the territory. Illegal immigrants appeared to be not only the most vulnerable healthily speaking, but also those who struggled the most to get access to healthcare. Finally our results show that migrations for health care reasons represent only a minority of the migration flows towards French Guiana (3.1%). Healthcare policies in French Guiana do not address properly the present and future challenges of migrants? health and healthcare needs. Considering its particular feature, French Guiana could be a suitable land of experiments for public health policies dedicated to immigrants.

Ce mémoire propose une analyse des enjeux éthiques et politiques à l’œuvre dans les crises des réfugié.es à l’aune de l’éthique féministe du care. Il présente une critique épistémologique des approches prédominantes en philosophie politique libérale : en raison d’un manque de considérations empiriques, ces approches créent des angles morts et invisibilisent certain.es enjeux vécus par les réfugié.es. De plus, la philosophie politique libérale n’offre pas les outils normatifs adéquats pour établir une responsabilité envers les réfugié.es. Face à ce double constat, je propose que l’éthique du care peut contribuer à remédier à ces problèmes. D’une part, grâce à la notion de responsabilité relationnelle, on peut montrer en quoi les citoyen.nes et États du Nord global ont la responsabilité de venir en aide aux populations déplacées. D’autre part, l’analyse contextuelle des enjeux quotidiens et incarnés préconisée par cette théorie éthique permettra d’éviter de reproduire certains angles morts dans nos enquêtes philosophiques. Cela permettra ultimement de mieux identifier et comprendre les injustices reproduites par les crises des réfugié.es et les meilleures façons d’y remédier. / This thesis offers an analysis of the ethical and political issues at play in contemporary refugee crises in the light of the feminist ethics of care. It presents a methodological critique of the predominant approaches in liberal political philosophy: due to a lack of empirical considerations, it tends to hide concrete issues experienced by refugees. Moreover, liberal political philosophy does not offer adequate normative tools to establish responsibility for refugees. In light of this, I argue that the ethics of care can help to overcome these problems. On the one hand, through the notion of relational responsibility, it can show that citizens and states in the global North have a responsibility to help displaced populations. On the other hand, the ethics of care preconizes a contextual analysis of everyday and embodied issues: this will avoid reproducing blind spots in our philosophical inquiries. This will ultimately allow us to better identify and understand the injustices reproduced by refugee crises, as well as the steps needed to remedy them.

La République de Djibouti, pays à revenu intermédiaire, apparaît comme un pôle traditionnel d’immigration pour les pays voisins. Colonie française d’importance stratégique depuis la fin du XIXe siècle, il a été une vitrine économique pour les ouvriers des pays limitrophes. Ce rôle s’est renforcé par l’attrait de la ville de Djibouti. Aujourd’hui, les ressortissants originaires de l’Ethiopie notamment les Oromo sont une des communautés étrangères les plus nombreuses installées à Djibouti, et plus particulièrement dans le quartier de Balbala dans la ville de Djibouti. Cette mobilité ou mouvement de la population (réfugiés, migrants économiques clandestins ou réguliers, trafiquants ou réfugiés politiques) est devenue un enjeu sécuritaire majeur pour la République de Djibouti. Les répercussions sociales, économiques, sanitaires et sécuritaires de ces migrations préoccupent les gouvernements des pays de la région. Mais comment s’organisent ces mobilités de personnes ? Quel est le rôle des individus et des réseaux sociaux dans la mise en place et le maintien des logistiques du mouvement ? Plus largement, quels peuvent être les impacts de ces mises en relation multiformes pour les sociétés et les territoires qui les accueillent ? C’est à de telles questions que nous nous attachons en proposant ici une lecture socio-spatiale du système migratoire Oromo. Analysant les stratégies mises en place par les migrants, nous révélons aussi les différentes étapes du processus migratoire. / The Republic of Djibouti, a middle-income country, appears as a traditional pole of immigration for neighboring countries. A French colony of strategic importance since the end of the 19th century, it has been an economic showcase for workers from neighboring countries. This role was reinforced by the attraction of the city of Djibouti. Today, nationals from Ethiopia including the Oromo are one of the largest foreign communities settled in Djibouti, and especially in Balbala in Djibouti city. So this mobility or movement of the population (refugees, clandestine or regular economic migrants, traffickers or political refugees) has become a major security issue for the Republic of Djibouti. The social, economic, health and security implications of these migrations are of concern to the governments of the countries of the region. But how are these mobilities of people organized? What is the role of individuals and social networks in setting up and maintaining the logistics of the movement? More broadly, what can be the impact of these multiform relationships between societies and the territories who are hosting them ? It is to such questions that we attach by proposing here a socio-spatial reading of the Oromo migration system. Analyzing the strategies put in place by migrants, we also reveal the different stages of the migration process.

[pt] Desde o início do século XX, os países da União Europeia tem sido o destino de milhares de crianças e adolescentes que chegam desacompanhados, isto é, sem a proteção de um adulto responsável por elas. Eles vêm prioritariamente da África e do Oriente Médio, através de três rotas principais, que levam à Espanha, através do Estreito de Gibraltar (Mediterrânea Ocidental), à Itália (Mediterrânea Oriental), e à Grécia e Bálcãs (Fronteira Ocidental). O principal objetivo do presente estudo é analisar as políticas públicas de acolhimento e proteção de menores migrantes que chegam desacompanhados à Espanha e à França e sua conformidade com os principais instrumentos internacionais e europeus de proteção às crianças e aos imigrantes. Também é analisado o papel da sociedade civil tanto no suporte ao acolhimento e integração de menores imigrantes desacompanhados, como na defesa seus direitos através de campanhas de advocacy. / [en] Since the beginning of the 20th century, European Union countries have been the destination of thousands of children and adolescents who arrive unaccompanied without the protection of an adult. They come primarily from Africa and the Middle East through three main routes, which lead to Spain, across the Straits of Gibraltar (Western Mediterranean), Italy (Eastern Mediterranean), and Greece and the Balkans (Western Border). This study aims to analyse public policies for the reception and protection of migrant minors who arrive unaccompanied in Spain and France and their compliance with international and European principles for protecting children and immigrants. The role of civil society in supporting unaccompanied minors reception and integration and defending their rights through advocacy campaigns is also explored.