Considering the South China Sea dispute as a flashpoint of regional stability and power balance within the Southeast Asian region, the first failure in ASEAN history to reach a consensus in 2012 and the deadlock in 2016 on this issue brought up uncertainty towards the ability of ASEAN member states to reach a consensus on the South China Sea issue. This thesis seeks to analyze this issue based on neo-classical realism and the two-level games theory to what extent, if any, do the ASEAN member states’ domestic factors and external relations influence their decision towards the South China Sea dispute. The theoretical framework of neoclassical realism provides three indicators for analysis, which are national interests, domestic politics, and the role and perception of political leaders. The two-level games theory addresses on the preferences and coalitions within states, political institutions, and the role of chief negotiators as the three indicators to determine the win-sets of the ASEAN member states. The conclusions show the different win-sets size of ASEAN member states vary accordingly from a larger win-sets size of an authoritarian state to a smaller win-sets size of a more democratic state.

This study uses a neoclassical framework aiming to explain why different changes in foreign policy towards Cuba has occurred under the Trump-era. The main research question of the study is therefore: To what extent can neo-classical realism explain US policy changes towards Cuba during Trump's 2017-2021 term? The study identified three major changes that occured during the set time period that has been analysed through a neoclassical realist perspective. The material consists of a wide range from government documentation, reports, remarks, newspaper articles, academic work, tweets and more, to get a complete picture as possible. Three intervening variables grounded in neoclassical theory has been set up to analyse and find the material. The analysis concluded that domestic politics can have broad effect on foreign policy, which the neoclassical realism theory can identify.

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No / This important and highly original book explores the application of economics to the subject of hate via such diverse topics as war, terrorism, road rage, witchcraft mania, marriage and divorce, and bullying and harassment.

新古典理論探析土地利用區位之決定，純粹從資源與技術因素探討理性人的經濟行為，而忽略經濟活動中人的受限理性因素，以及制度運行的交易成本因素，致無法圓滿解釋殯葬用地區位之形成。本文將抗爭交易成本當成都市地租理論的自變項，嘗試修正Alonso等人的新古典競租模型，並建構適合殯葬設施用途的競租理論，進而分析陰宅之負擔地租能力提高是否入侵陽宅用地，及抗爭阻力大小與殯葬用地區位距市申心遠近之關係。經實證結果發現，由於高額抗爭交易成本之存在，縱使人們對於陰宅需求增加，陰宅之負擔地租能力提高，亦可能無法入侵陽宅用地，迫使開發者往更遠離市中心之區位設置殯葬設施。高額抗爭交易成本隱含制度供給不足現象，同時阻礙了土地資源利用之合理有效配置。其次，殯葬設施設置之抗爭阻力大小與地點距離並無必然關係，顯示忽略交易成本因素，而純粹以地點距離為區位選擇考量的公共政策之缺陷。上開分析不但能深化新古典都市地租理論之意涵，也將有助於對鄰避型設施設置區位問題之掌握與了解，提供改善鄰避衝突公共政策問題之理論基礎。 經藉由交易成本理論觀點，探析殯葬用地區位管理政策之結果，發現我國之政策設計主要係基於確保公共衛生及避免妨害生活環境，於主要法規規範設置地點及距離，而忽略抗爭交易成本之制度因素存在。至於相關法規規範土地使用分區，其禁止設置的分區較多，容許設置的分區較少，有待調整改進。源於上述政策缺陷，本文研擬改進構想，包括賦予抗爭與反抗爭之間更多自主協商空間；強化殯葬設施規劃之人間性與文化性；改革不合時宜之殯葬禮儀文化；以及地方政府應慎選適當地點劃設專用區，供設置經營殯葬設施使用等，如欲落實至應用層面，有待制定法律將改進構想納入其中。 本文共分七章，第一章為緒論、第二章由文獻評述中獲得啟發，以建立分析架構。第三章從殯葬用地區位選擇之發展歷史中，探究在都市發展的過程中，殯葬用地相對於非殯葬用地的區位變遷情形，及其影響此種變遷的制度或非制度因素。第四章檢視傳統新古典區位理論運用於探究殯葬用地區位之限制，並從新制度主義交易成本理論之修正觀點建立本文之研究假設。第五章依研究假設實證估算抗爭交易成本之存在，並比較分析各殯葬設施設置抗爭案例，以了解抗爭交易成本大小與殯葬設施區位之關係及其隱含的制度、經濟與規劃意義。第六章根據實證分析結果，並配套考量行政管制及文化等其他制度因素，進而嘗試研議提供政府從事殯葬用地規劃與管理之參考決策。第七章為結論與建議。 關鍵字：殯葬用地、區位、交易成本、新古典競租模型、新制度主義 / Neo-classicalism explores the decision of the location of the land use by mainly analyzing the human economic behavior through the factors of resources and techniques. However, the theory is not able to explain the formation of the location of funerary lands well because it neglects people are restricted by the factors of bounded rationality in the economic activities and the transaction costs when the institutions is functioning. The paper tries to amend the Neoclassical Bid-Rent Model of Alonso by defining the factor of resisting transaction costs as the independent variable of the urban land rent theory, and establishes the suitable Bid-Rent theory for firnerary facilities. Furthermore, the paper analyzes if enhancing the ability of affording the rent of the firnerary Land will invade the nonfunerary land, the relationship between the degree of resisting obstruction and the distance from the firnerary land to the CBD. Through the identification, the funerary land won't invade the nonfunerary land due to the high resisting transaction cost even increasing the demand and the ability of affording the rent of the funerary land, thus, it will force the developer to establish the funerary facilities far away CBD. High resisting transaction costs imply the lack of system supply and hinder the reasonable and efficient allocation of the land resource use simultaneously. This expose the defect of the public policy for location decision only considering the site distance but neglect the factor of the transaction cost. The above analysis will not only deeply elaborate the Neo-Classical Urban Land Theory, but will also be helpful to understand the issue of sitting NIMBY facilities and to provide the basis of the theory to improve the public policies of NIMBY conflicts. Exploring the administrative policy of location selection through the transaction costs theory,The paper find out that in order to preserve public health and prevent disorder of living environment, the law regulates the site and distance from populous or water conservation areas without considering the transaction costs. In addition, the zoning system concerning the construction of funerary facilities puts more emphasis on prohibition than permission, which needs to be improved. Owing to the policy limitations, the paper proposes the improvement of the policies as follows. First, leave more spaces for negotiation between resistance parties and developers. Second, design the funerary facilities to meet human and cultural needs. Third, reform the culture of funeral rites. Fourth, choose the suitable site and plan special zones to provide the suitable areas for construction and management of funerary facilities. The relevant laws have to be amended or to be established so that the policies suggestion will be put to practice. Keywords : Funerary Lands, Location, Transaction Costs, Neoclassical Bid-Rent Model, Neoinstitutionalism

La décision d’intervenir militairement ou non dans un conflit est certainement l’une des plus importantes qu’un État puisse prendre. Ces décisions sont coûteuses et très prégnantes tant au plan financier, politique que social. La recherche exposée vise à analyser les processus décisionnels canadiens en matière d’intervention militaire lors de la guerre du Golfe, la guerre en Afghanistan ainsi que la guerre en Irak. Le Canada est un cas très intéressant à étudier, car malgré son statut de puissance moyenne, il a pris part à sept conflits armés depuis 1867. Cette recherche tentera donc de déterminer ce qui motive le Canada à investir des ressources financières et humaines dans certains conflits, alors qu’il choisit de ne pas s’impliquer dans d’autres. Certaines théories des relations internationales affirment que la politique de défense des États est guidée par le désir de maximiser leur puissance sur la scène internationale. D’autres théories mettent plutôt l’accent sur les valeurs des États, ou bien sur leur intégration dans des institutions internationales. Ces différentes hypothèses soulèvent l’importance des facteurs internes et externes, mais ne permettent pas de savoir lesquels priment. Ainsi, grâce à un modèle de prise de décision réaliste néoclassique, synthétisant ces deux types de facteurs, il est possible de déterminer lesquels des éléments internes (contraintes de politique interne, perception des dirigeants) ou externes (position relative du Canada dans le système international) prédominent lors de la décision d’entrer ou non en guerre. / The decision to intervene militarily or not in a conflict is certainly one of the most important a government can take. These decisions are extremely significant financially, politically and socially costly. The research presented in this document analyzes decision-making processes in Canada during the Gulf War, the war in Afghanistan and the war in Iraq. Canada is a very interesting case to study because despite its middle power status, it took part in seven armed conflicts since September 1867. This research will therefore try to identify the reasons for Canada to invest financial and human resources in some conflicts, while it chooses not to get involved in others. Some theories of international relations argue that the defence policy of states is guided by the desire to maximize their power on the international stage. Other theories will instead focus on values or norms internalized by states, or their integration into international institutions. These different assumptions raise the importance of internal and external factors, but do not tell which will prevail. Thus, using a neoclassical realism model of decision making synthesizing these two factors, it will be possible to determine which internal (internal policy constraints, perceptions of managers) or external factors (Canada's relative position in the international system) dominate in the decision to go to war.

Ce mémoire vise la compréhension du mécanisme des choix stratégiques de l’Inde en fonction de la menace perçue de la Chine. Selon une logique réaliste néoclassique, l’étude de l’effet des contraintes systémiques et domestiques présente un paradoxe dans les volontés stratégiques indiennes. L’Inde est soumise à la pression systémique de la montée de la Chine dans un monde post-Guerre froide qui la verrouille dans sa position traditionnellement défensive, alors que sa volonté de projection de la puissance guidée par sa perception, ses idées et sa culture stratégique la porte à adopter une position plus offensive. L’Inde perçoit la menace chinoise de manière dissonante avec l’orientation stratégique chinoi-se. Elle se concentre ainsi sur des signaux et des indices particuliers afin de justifier cette me-nace perçue. C’est pourquoi l’ambiguïté du langage diplomatique de la Chine envers l’Arunachal Pradesh et de sa présence dans l’océan Indien engendre un accroissement de la menace chinoise et une réponse plus agressive conséquemment. La réponse stratégique in-dienne doit s’adapter aux changements de la puissance relative de la Chine. N’ayant pas les capacités relatives suffisantes, l’Inde choisit une stratégie située entre une émulation dans une logique de poursuite aux armements afin de maintenir la parité technologique et un engage-ment afin de désamorcer la rivalité et éviter une réaction chinoise pré-emptive. La culture stratégique de l’Inde traditionnellement défensive se transforme vers une position offensive sous l’effet du nation building du nationalisme hindou. Les préférences stratégiques indiennes agressives s’illustrent principalement dans le choc multidirectionnel des sphères d’influence sino-indiennes en Asie. / This thesis seeks to understand the process of India strategic choice based on the perceived threat of China. According to a neoclassical realism framework, the study of the effect of sys-temic and domestic constraints shows a paradox in India strategic intentions. India is lock in a defensive posture by the systemic pressure of China rise in a post-Cold War era, although its desire to project his power lead by its perception, ideas, and strategic culture shows a progres-sive shift for an offensive posture. India perceives China threat in dissonance with the strategic aims of China. It is focusing on specific signals and indices in order to justify the perceived threat. This is why China’s ambi-guity toward its diplomatic discourse concerning Arunachal Pradesh and its presence in the Indian Ocean creates an increase Chinese threat and therefore a more aggressive response. India’s strategic response must cope with the changes in China’s relative power. Without the necessary relative capacity, India chooses a strategy between emulation defined by a pursuit of armaments logic in order to keep the technologic parity and engagement for the purpose of defusing the rivalry and avoiding a pre-emptive reaction from China. Traditionally defensive India’s strategic culture progressively transforms itself under the influence of the Hindu na-tion building that clash with the nehruvian nationalism. The aggressive Indian strategic pref-erences principally show themselves in the multidirectional clash of India and China spheres of influence in Asia.

L’objectif de la thèse est d’étudier les cycles économiques en Tunisie en se centrant principalement sur les questions suivantes : quel est leur degré de synchronisation avec les fluctuations économiques des pays développés et quels sont les mécanismes de transmission de ces fluctuations sur l’économie tunisienne ? Pour répondre à cette problématique, le travail est divisé en trois chapitres. Le premier chapitre cherche à retracer les cycles économiques tunisien comparés aux cycles économiques mondiaux, représentés par quatre pays développés (PDE) : la France, l'Italie, l'Allemagne (qui sont les principaux partenaires commerciaux de la Tunisie) et les Etats-Unis (du fait de leur poids dans l'économie mondiale). Dans le deuxième chapitre, le travail introduit l’extraction des composantes cycliques d’autres variables macro-économiques internes (globales et sectorielles) et externes à l’économie tunisienne, afin d’identifier les sources des chocs et les canaux à travers ces chocs sont transmis. Le dernier chapitre a pour objet une validation économétrique des résultats descriptifs des faits stylisés données au premier et au deuxième chapitre, et de savoir à quel degré la nouvelle synthèse néoclassique peut être appliquée à l'économie tunisienne. Les résultats des faits stylisés montrent que le cycle économique tunisien est sensible aux trois catégories de variables étudiées, réelles, monétaires et financières, confirmant ainsi la théorie de la nouvelle synthèse néoclassique. L'application des modèles, VAR structurel et modèle dynamique à composante inobservable, valide les résultats des faits stylisés. En effet, les estimations du modèle VAR structurel montrent que les trois chocs qui contribuent le plus à la variance du PIB tunisien sont les chocs d'offre, les chocs monétaires et les chocs extérieurs. Concernant l'évaluation de la synchronisation du cycle tunisien avec ceux des PDE à partir du modèle à facteur inobservable de Stock et Watson, les résultats montrent un rôle significatif du facteur commun sur le cycle tunisien. Pour les déterminants de la synchronisation du cycle tunisien avec ceux des PDE, la transmission des fluctuations des pays partenaires commerciaux paraît se faire à travers les demandes intérieures, l'indice des prix des matières premières et le taux du marché monétaire en zone euro. Les exportations et les importations tunisiennes n'ont montré un rôle significatif qu'avec le premier partenaire commercial, la France. Pour les Etats-Unis, les fluctuations sont transmises à travers deux variables "européennes", le taux du marché monétaire en zone euro et les envois de fonds des immigrés, suggérant le rôle intermédiaire des pays partenaires commerciaux européens dans la transmission des fluctuations américaines et internationales à l'économie tunisienne. / The aim of the thesis is to study the Tunisian business cycles. We focus mainly on the following questions: To what extent do they synchronize with the economic fluctuations of the developed countries and what are transmission mechanisms of such fluctuations on the Tunisian business cycles? To tackle this problem, the work is organized into three chapters. The first chapter seeks to compare the Tunisian business cycles to international business cycles, represented by four developed countries: France, Italy, Germany (which are the main trade partners of Tunisia) and the United States (due to their importance in the world economy). In the second chapter, the work introduces the extraction of cyclical components of domestic and external macroeconomic variables (global and sector levels) in order to identify the sources of shocks and channels through which these shocks are transmitted. The last chapter deals with an econometric validation of the stylized facts presented in the first and second chapter and seeks to find out the degree to which the new neoclassical synthesis can be applied to the Tunisian business cycles. The stylized facts show that the Tunisian business cycle is sensitive to three categories of variables, (real, monetary and financial variables), this result confirms the theory of the New Neoclassical Synthesis. The structural VAR model and the dynamic latent factor model validate the stylized facts. Indeed, the estimation of the structural VAR model shows that the three shocks that contribute the most to the variance of the Tunisian GDP are supply shocks, monetary shocks and external shocks. Concerning the synchronization of the Tunisian business cycle with those of developed countries according to unobservable factor model of Stock and Watson, the results show a significant role of the common factor on the Tunisian business cycle. For the determinants of synchronization of the Tunisian business cycle with those of developed countries, the transmission of fluctuations in trading partner countries seems to be carried out through domestic demand, the international price index of raw materials and the money market rates in the Euro zone. Tunisian exports and imports showed a significant role with the first trading partner, France. For the United States, the fluctuations are transmitted through two "European" variables, the money market rates in the euro zone and remittances of immigrants, suggesting the intermediary role of European trade partners in the transmission of American and international fluctuations to the Tunisian economy.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:48:51Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Alexandre Flavio Silva Andrada.pdf: 670430 bytes, checksum: d317a9a7393cab2f5438d96670a8d051 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-05-20 / The present work aims to provide a critique to the Walrasian approach in Macroeconomics. The debate between Keynesians (Keynes, New Keynesians and Post-Keynesians) and Neoclassical (Monetarists and New Classical) about method, expectations, and equilibrium is presented. Trying so to refuse Lucas s critique, which says that Keynes did not respect economic analyze straightjacket , i.e., selfish agents and clear markets. About unemployment a critical revision of General Theory s second chapter is made as well the concepts of natural rate and involuntary unemployment. The conclusions are: do not seem that Friedman s instrumentalist approach is the correct referential to Macroeconomics, rational expectations hypothesis do not explain men effective behavior, continuous market clear is tautological, and involuntary unemployment referred to a foreign economic agent individual characteristics situation. It is a Macroeconomic unemployment. At last while Microeconomics can avoid historicists considerations, Macroeconomics can not. Macroeconomics issues are related to historical moment, stage of institutions development and to a more human economic agent behavior / O presente trabalho visa apresentar uma crítica à abordagem walrasiana na Macroeconomia. Apresenta-se o debate entre Keynesianos (Keynes, Novos Keynesianos e Pós Keynesianos) e Neoclássicos (Monetaristas e Novos Clássicos) sobre o método, as expectativas e o equilíbrio na análise econômica. Tenta-se, assim, refutar a crítica de Lucas segundo a qual Keynes não teria respeitado a camisa-de-força da economia, isto é, agentes egoístas e equilíbrio nos mercados. A respeito do desemprego, faz-se uma revisão crítica do segundo capítulo da Teoria Geral, bem como dos conceitos de taxa natural de desemprego e desemprego involuntário. As conclusões obtidas são as seguintes: não parece ser correta a abordagem instrumentalista de Friedman como referência para a Macroeconomia, a hipótese de expectativas racionais pouco diz sobre o comportamento real dos homens, o equilíbrio contínuo dos mercados é tautológico e o desemprego involuntário diz respeito a uma situação alheia às características individuais do agente econômico. É um desemprego macroeconômico. Por fim, enquanto a microeconomia pode abster-se de considerações historicistas, a Macroeconomia não o pode. As questões Macroeconômicas estão ligadas ao momento histórico, ao grau de desenvolvimento das instituições e ao comportamento mais humano do homem econômico

於1991年底蘇聯解體後正式獨立的白俄羅斯共和國，其與俄羅斯之間特殊的地緣政治因素、經濟上的依存關係、相近的種族文化與歷史傳統，促使兩國建立相較於獨立國家國協（Содружество Независимых Государств, СНГ/ Commonwealth of Independent States, CIS）更為緊密的政治、經濟、軍事、外交組織，亦即使兩國走向整合的白俄羅斯─俄羅斯聯盟（Союз Беларуси и России/ Union State of Russia and Belarus）。自1996年4月始，時任白俄羅斯總統的盧卡申科（Лукашенко, Александр Григорьевич, Alexander Grigoryevich Lukashenko）與前俄羅斯總統葉爾欽（Ельцин, Борис Николаевич, Boris Nikolayevich Yeltsin），就俄白聯盟簽署一系列協議，諸如《俄白共同體組織條約》（Договор об образовании Сообщества Беларуси и России）、《俄白聯盟條約》（Договор о Союзе Беларуси и России）、《關於進一步整合宣言》（Декларация о дальнейшем единении России и Беларуси）、《兩國公民權利平等條約》（Договор между Российской Федерацией и Республикой Беларусь о равных правах граждан）、《建立國家聯盟經濟共同體協議》（Соглашение о создании равных условий субъектам хозяйствования государств-союзников）和《建立聯盟國家條約》（Договор о создании Союзного государства）等，朝俄白整合目標邁進的條約。 然俄白聯盟自成立之初至今，負面批評不斷，且除了在軍事同盟上兩國具有較為成功的碩果外，其他領域均無突破性的進展。此外，俄白雙方兩次的油氣之爭與白俄羅斯兩次經濟危機俄羅斯態度不明的事件，使俄白整合蒙上陰影。另一方面，歐盟與北約的東擴，明顯以白俄羅斯、烏克蘭與喬治亞等前蘇聯衛星國為主要拉攏目標，在此國際因素影響下，如何解釋俄白雙方政府仍決定繼續俄白聯盟，是為此論文關注的焦點，並試圖以新古典現實主義的角度，由個案研究的途徑，分析解釋並預測俄白聯盟的發展。 / After the Soviet Union disintegrated, post-communist countries in East-Central Europe were either divided (the USSR, Czechoslovakia, and Yugoslavia) or were reunited (the German Democratic Republic with Federal Republic of Germany). Meanwhile, these countries developed different patterns of association. Some of the newly independent states joined the European Union and NATO, while others formed the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) at the collapse of the USSR. Six of the former Soviet member states established the Collective Security Organization. Five of them established the Eurasian Economic Community. Four of them—Belarus, Kazakhstan, Russia, and Ukraine—formed the Single Economic Space. Among these nations, Belarus and Russia have built the closet relationship, first with a “Community” and then a “Union” in 1997. Belarus sits between Europe and Russia, but history shows its ambiguous leaning towards the latter. The country had been incorporated in the Russian Empire for two hundred years, and later also in the USSR. Belarus was also the Slavic republic that supported the USSR the most its the referendum on a “renewed union” held in March 1991. Furthermore, the referendum in November 1996 reconfirms the Russia-leaned stand of Belarus, which differs from other former Soviet member states in Middle-East Europe. Despite conflicts between the two countries and the political advancement from the West, Belarus and Russia still tend to compose Belarus-Russia Union on international platforms. This research focuses upon several analytic factors from the viewpoint of Neoclassical Realism, including ethnology, culture, geopolitics, economy, security, political interests, international environment, and leadership factors to examine the relationship between Belarus and Russia.