Syfte: Det generella syftet med denna studie har varit att nå en kvalitativ reflektion angående skillnader i framställning av en konflikt i två mycket skilda publikationer med mycket olika ekonomiska förutsättningar under två tidsperioder. Material från dagstidningen Göteborgs-Posten och tidskriften Sydasien är analyserade för att undersöka dessa skrifters behandling av konflikten på Sri Lanka under 1983 och 1998/1999. Teori: Diskursteori utifrån Norman Fairclough och Teun van Dijk. Sociologisk teori utifrån Pierre Bourdieu, genom begreppen angående produktionen av tro, kapital och fält som han arbetat fram. Metod: Kvalitativ kritisk diskursanalys (CDA) utifrån Faircloughs tredimensionella modell: text-diskursiv praktik-social praktik. Resultat: Genom den kritiska diskursanalysen nåddes en djupare bild av olika dimensioner i den problematik som framställning av ett komplicerat skeende som konflikten på Sri Lanka tillhör. Det korta svaret är att - ja – tidskriften Sydasien ger totalt sett en djupare, mer mångfacetterad och bredare bild av konflikten än Göteborgs-Posten. Detta kan man se under båda tidsperioderna som analyserats. Men – detta resultat kan man problematisera: för att få denna mångdimensionella bild så krävs det att man läser alla texter som Sydasien publicerar angående konflikten, om endast en artikel här och en där väljs ut, så riskerar man att få en begränsad bild likt den i Göteborgs-Posten. Stora krav ställs med andra ord på publiken.

The focus of this thesis is upon how conceptions of globalization is created by the labour-organizations Lands-organisationen (LO) and Svenskt Näringsliv. It is possible to discern two arguments for globalization in the texts, economy and democracy, and it is around these that the discourses of globalization are being constructed. Economy turns into a basic logic in the discourses of globalization. How to perceive the role of economy, as positive or negative, differs. Still, there is an agreement of the influence of economy. The ongoing power shift from the state towards the market is described as a significant consequence of globalization. With help from Ulrich Beck’s ideas about globalism the discourses then are placed in an overarching globalistic order of discourse. The conception of Democracy is an essential part of the talk about globalization. One can discern a similarity in the discourses; that is a division and separation in talking about the West and the Rest. This can be understood with the help of Stuart Hall’s idea of a discourse called "the West&the Rest" which stereotypes conceptions of Western respectively non-Western worlds.

Stridens etos är ett helt nytt begrepp i svenska doktriner som infördes i Doktrin för gemensamma operationer 2020. I och med att doktrinen är Försvarsmaktens förhållningsätt till gemensamma operationer och i förlängningen hur vi ska strida på taktisk och operativ nivå skapade begreppet ett intresse att genom diskurs studera dess funktion, position och påverkan inom den militära kulturen, doktrinen och i Försvarsmaktens som helhet. Hur förhåller sig begreppet till andra riktlinjer i redan befintliga försvarsmaktsbegrepp och dokument som beskriver förhållningsätt i Försvarsmaktens kärnverksamhet och i detta fall strid. Syftet med denna studie är att skapa förståelse om hur begreppet stridens etos påverkar Försvarsmakten genom att studera begreppets funktion, dess innebörd samt dess position inom sociala hierarkin som berör Försvarsmaktens kärnverksamhet väpnad strid. Syftet är även att bidra till diskussionen om den militära professionen och dess kultur. Studien visar att begreppet stridens etos rör sig i och påverkar flertalet sociala fält på grund av att det påverkar ett specifikt fält, nämligen striden. Begreppet påvisar en efterfrågan av ett krigarideal som kan antydas saknas idag. Stridens etos innehar en hög ställning i Försvarsmaktens hierarki, detta genom att poängtera det dödliga våldet och på så sätt även tillskriver sig en hög position i samhället. Begreppet kan påvisas revoltera mot rådande norm och förskjuta det mot en mer önskvärd position.

In early 1971, a year before he abandoned the art world, the American art dealer and independent curator Seth Siegelaub (1941-2013) published The Artist’s Reserved Rights Transfer and Sale Agreement (ARRTSA) in New York. Its stated aim was to change the power relations on the art market more in favor of the artists. This study departs from the observation that despite being a seemingly ideal way to assert artist’s rights, ARRTSA has only been used by a few artists. While the reason for this reluctance has not been sufficiently researched, my study also shows that there is a lack of academic work that considers this area of research in art history. In order to shed light on this field I am using Fairclough’s theory and by applying his dialectical method of Critical Discourse Analysis, I examine the discourses in which ARRTSA is included as a particular discourse and event. The analysis of Siegelaub’s practice and position in combination with a close linguistic analysis of his introductory text highlights aspects and dimensions that have been previously occluded or under- acknowledged. The result of the analysis shows that the discourse stresses solidarity, insistence and consistency for artists and makes a moral appeal to collectors, but the text also reproduces the idiosyncratic energy and ambiguities that was surrounding his driven persona. I argue that despite all the purported benefits of ARRTSA, artists are instilled with a sense of uncertainty and risk, because it becomes apparent how informal and unregulated the art world is and how the art market-logic yields more power than the artist. Hence, the idea of pursuing artist’s rights through the use of written agreements remains largely unexplored.

Muslims and islam are unquestionably a part of European social life. In recent times, however, different events, such as the enlargement of the EU and the fact that muslims to a higher extent demand their rights, have brought a number of questions to the fore concerning muslims and islam in Europe. Moreover, we can see an increasing level of islamophobia in contemporary Europe, but also that the EU has launched several programs to increase both the diversity and the unity throughout the Union and to combat islamophobia. However, most of these programs focus on islam as religion and muslims in general, and such a narrow viewpoint runs the risk of missing important issues. In this new context it would be interesting to widen the scope and ask what place not only the muslim community and islam, but also sharia (an important element in islam), may have in future Europe – especially when it comes to muslim identity? My main objects are to see how the concept of sharia is constructed in the debates in the European Parliament, how that discourse relates to a social practice – the increasing islamophobic ideas in Europe – and what effect this may have on muslim identity in a European context. The results shows that the Parliament constructs sharia as, for example, something archaic, threatening, inhuman and misogynistic. In that sense, the discourse fits in with the predominant order of discourse regarding islam and muslims (in Europe) – and strengthen it. Though my results are neither absolute nor uniform, they show, persuasively enough, that sharia (as it is seen by the Parliament) is not consistent with and can not be included in or accepted by “European norms and values”. However, this must be said with one reservation: sharia is not always excluded as a whole. Still, it is not difficult to maintain that it is sharia as such that activates the (negative and) excluding connotations. Thus, an “approved” European muslim identity, as it seems, can not have too close connections with sharia, if (any) at all. Moreover, there is a risk that muslims themselves take on a restricting practice concerning their identity. In all, this will to a large extent circumscribe the possible muslim identities in Europe. To form a substantial and really pluralistic diversity in Europe, the EU, and others, must liberate itself from the logic of these discourses. But this is not an easy thing to do. One way that might be profitable, is to challenge the prevailing discourse with new narratives – narratives and voices that for the most part must come from the muslims themselves. Despite the fact that these voices do exist, as has been shown, the question is how and under what circumstances they can be seen – or rather heard. Unfortunately the answer is not to be found in this thesis; the need of further research is obvious.

Muslims and islam are unquestionably a part of European social life. In recent times, however, different events, such as the enlargement of the EU and the fact that muslims to a higher extent demand their rights, have brought a number of questions to the fore concerning muslims and islam in Europe. Moreover, we can see an increasing level of islamophobia in contemporary Europe, but also that the EU has launched several programs to increase both the diversity and the unity throughout the Union and to combat islamophobia. However, most of these programs focus on islam as religion and muslims in general, and such a narrow viewpoint runs the risk of missing important issues. In this new context it would be interesting to widen the scope and ask what place not only the muslim community and islam, but also sharia (an important element in islam), may have in future Europe – especially when it comes to muslim identity? My main objects are to see how the concept of sharia is constructed in the debates in the European Parliament, how that discourse relates to a social practice – the increasing islamophobic ideas in Europe – and what effect this may have on muslim identity in a European context. The results shows that the Parliament constructs sharia as, for example, something archaic, threatening, inhuman and misogynistic. In that sense, the discourse fits in with the predominant order of discourse regarding islam and muslims (in Europe) – and strengthen it. Though my results are neither absolute nor uniform, they show, persuasively enough, that sharia (as it is seen by the Parliament) is not consistent with and can not be included in or accepted by “European norms and values”. However, this must be said with one reservation: sharia is not always excluded as a whole. Still, it is not difficult to maintain that it is sharia as such that activates the (negative and) excluding connotations. Thus, an “approved” European muslim identity, as it seems, can not have too close connections with sharia, if (any) at all. Moreover, there is a risk that muslims themselves take on a restricting practice concerning their identity. In all, this will to a large extent circumscribe the possible muslim identities in Europe. To form a substantial and really pluralistic diversity in Europe, the EU, and others, must liberate itself from the logic of these discourses. But this is not an easy thing to do. One way that might be profitable, is to challenge the prevailing discourse with new narratives – narratives and voices that for the most part must come from the muslims themselves. Despite the fact that these voices do exist, as has been shown, the question is how and under what circumstances they can be seen – or rather heard. Unfortunately the answer is not to be found in this thesis; the need of further research is obvious.

Våra attityder har stor betydelse för det kontrollkriminologiska fältets utseende och för de civil och straffrättsliga institutionernas funktion i vår samtid. Forumanvändarnas språkbruk är i den meningen ideologiskt och bidrar till att underbygga den rådande världsbilden. En världsbild som legitimerar etablerade maktförhållanden. Av denna anledning är medvetenhet om dominerande attityder betydelsefullt. En kritisk granskning av inläggen i Flashback Forum bidrar till att klargöra de sociala konsekvenserna av människors inställning till bidragsfusk. Syftet med uppsatsen är att genom Norman Faircloughs kritiska diskursanalys granska forumanvändarnas attityder om grovt bidragsfusk i Flashback Forum mot bakgrund av nyliberala tankegångar. Detta innebär att texten analyseras i förhållande till det bredare sociala sammanhanget. Analysen visar att forumanvändarnas krav på mer förebyggande säkerhetsarbete i form av nya lagar och en förändrad tillämpning av existerande civil- och förvaltningsrättsliga lagar uttrycks i förhoppning om att på ett effektivare sätt hantera inbillade källor till skada - en nyliberal föreställning besatt av osäkerhet. Samtidigt resulterar denna process i en kriminalisering av alla människor i behov av stöd från det offentliga välfärdssystemet.

This thesis analyzes the way of presenting the catastrophe called Sandy in the Czech media. The motivation for choosing this topic was the ascertainment that the information about Sandy narrows only on the information about New York in spite of the fact, that this hurricane, sometimes called tropical storm or "superstorm" caused many injuries in the area of Cuba, Jamaica, the Bahamas and especially Haiti. The analysis is realized by force of critical discourse analysis of Norman Fairclough, because this method is appropriate especially for analysing mass media texts in the way of offering complex view from the level of social context, through the process of production to the language form of texts. Consequently, theoretical background comes from the methods and concepts of Norman Fairclough, from the definition of media discourse, which is oriented on new media, news and news values. The analysis is oriented on the most readable Czech online news and the on the news web pages of the Czech public service television and the Czech public service radio. The goal of this thesis is primarily the comparison between the way of reporting about the hurricane between the commercial and public service online news articles; revealing ideological and powerful aspects in the way of this reporting; and the...

This diploma thesis with the title The phenomenon of Karel Gott in Czech press during 1960s-1980s researches a media representation of Karel Gott. Media representation of the most popular singer of Czechoslovakia is in this thesis constructed based on the analysis of media contents of three contemporary printed serials during the years 1959-1989. The theoretical part of this thesis focuses on the area of cultural politics, it deals with specific attributes of popular music in Czechoslovakia and it also presents the identity of Karel Gott. This part of thesis also deals with the press production with focus on the censorship. The aim of this thesis is to compile the media representation of Karel Gott using the method of critical discourse analysis presented by Norman Fairclough. The analysis uses mentioned method to research contents regarding Karel Gott and published in contemporary printed media, such as the serial Mladý svět, Vlasta, Pionýrské noviny, Sedmička and also Sedmička pionýrů. The purpose of this research work is to find out if and in which ways was the media representation of Karel Gott helping to establish the dominant discourse. This thesis designates research questions, whereas the set of answers to three subordinate questions helps to construct the answer to the main question. The...

Title: Values, Desirability and Ideology in CNN Travel -- a Discourse Analysis on Travel Stories Author: Emmi Laine Course: Journalistikvetenskap, Kandidatkurs, H13 J Kand (Bachelor of Journalism, Fall 2013), JMK, Stockholm University, Sweden Aim: The aim is to examine which values and ideologies CNN Travel fulfills in their stories. Method: Qualitative discourse analysis. Summary: This Bachelor ́s thesis asks what is desirable, which are the values of CNN Travel, the major U.S. news corporation CNN ́s online travel site. The question has been answered through a qualitative discourse analysis on 20 chosen travel stories, picked by their relevancy, diversity, and their expressive tone. Due to the limited space and the specific textual method, the analysis was restricted to the editorial texts of these stories. The chosen method was discourse analyst Norman Fairclough ́s model of evaluation, which revealed the explicit and implicit ways the media texts suggest desired characteristics. These linguistic devices took the readers ́ agreement for granted, as they imposed a shared cultural ground with common values, which is a base for a mutual understanding. After identifying the explicit and implicit evaluations, they were organized according to some major discursive themes found in the texts, and finally analyzed in order to expose their underlying values. The results showed how these certain values brought forth certain ideologies, to some extent in keeping with recent research of tourism and travel journalism. As the study has been put into a larger context of related research, the following pages will first explain some larger concepts of discourse analysis, such as representation, cultural stereotypes, ideology and power. A cross-section from older to more contemporary theories in culture studies has been utilized; moving from Edward Said ́s postcolonial classic Orientalism, an example of cultural stereotyping, to the more recent topics of ‘promotion culture’ and consumerism, and tourism researcher John Urry ́s ideas about the consumption of places and the ‘tourist gaze.’ In the end, the study considers what kind of power does travel journalism possess over the represented tourism destinations. Finally, when questioning the travel journalists ́ legitimacy and power to represent the travel destinations, poststructuralist Michel Foucault ́s theory about the ‘regime of truth,’ as well as Antonio Gramsci ́s ideas of ‘hegemony,’ theory of dominance through consent, were discussed and confirmed.