The purpose of this study is to find explanations for why Göran Persson and Stefan Löfvén and their respective governments chose different political expressions towards the state of Israel. The two theories I have chosen are about whether the political leadership of these two different prime ministers has been significant for the political relationship with the state of Israel, and whether there has been an existing personal interest in the foreign policy context precisely with regard to Israel. I want to know if the different attitudes of these two prime ministers to Israel may be due to the two different types of leadership styles that Persson and Löfvén had. Göran Persson has also seemed to expressed a deeper interest in the Jewish state, which results me wanting to investigate whether this may be a factor in Göran Persson being more anxious to change the Social Democrats' foreign policy towards Israel, compared toStefan Löfvén. What I find remarkable is that these two prime ministers who belong to the same ideological party with the Social Democratic political principles as their basis still ended up on two such different levels when it comes to relations with Israel. I will do study with a qualitative method, and with a research design called a comparative case study. To my help I will use the “Most Similar Design System” which is a research design that compares two similar cases, in this context two Social Democratic prime ministers, but which stands out remarkably on one point; the foreign policy and the relationship with the state of Israel.

Thèse numérisée par la Direction des bibliothèques de l'Université de Montréal. / La carence en vitamine A (VA) reste encore de nos jours un véritable problème de santé publique dans les Pays en développement (PED) en général et au Burkina Faso en particulier. L'efficacité des approches de diversification alimentaire en conditions de vie réelle comme moyen de corriger la carence ou d'améliorer le statut est peu documentée. Un projet pilote a été mis en œuvre pendant 24 mois dans une région du Burkina Faso qui ne produit pas et ne consomme pas habituellement cette huile, pour démontrer la faisabilité et l'efficacité de l'introduction de l'HPR sur une base commerciale, sur le statut en VA des femmes et des enfants en bas âge, dans un contexte d'achat et de consommation libre et volontaire. Les hypothèses posées étaient que l'HPR serait acceptée, achetée et consommée, et que sa consommation se traduirait par une réduction des taux de rétinolémie inférieure à 0,70 µmol/1 de 30% chez les enfants de moins de cinq ans et les femmes en âge de procréer.

Cette thèse analyse les formes et les effets de l’utopisme qui sous-tend le projet politique du SAP (parti social-démocrate suédois) entre 1932 et 1986. Dans le cadre d’une approche conceptuelle du politique nous nous interrogeons sur le pouvoir des idées, des symboles et de l’imaginaire dans la constitution d’un roman national original, mais aussi à travers la mise en oeuvre de l’action publique. A partir d’un important corpus inédit de discours et d’écrits rédigés par les trois leaders qui se sont succédés à la tête du gouvernement pendant un demi-siècle(Hansson, Erlander, Palme), la thèse s’efforce de mettre à jour « la cristallisation sémantique » qui a structuré le lexique politique du SAP. En son coeur figure la métaphore du Folkhem qui fonctionne comme un mythe mobilisateur pour la nouvelle société, avant de se transformer en élément essentiel de l’identité nationale et de la culture politique de la Suède. Autour du Folkhem, se noue le contrat social suédois, et la notion se transforme en source etressource de légitimité politique. L’histoire des récits du Folkhem permet de mieuxcomprendre les origines du modèle suédois et les modalités récentes de son évolution. Par son extrême plasticité, le Folkhem continue de nos jours à faire l’objet d’appropriations politiques nombreuses et diverses, confirmant ainsi son rôle fondateur d’institution de sens. / This thesis relates the forms and effects of the utopianism that underlies the SAP (Swedish Social-Democratic Party) political project between 1932 and 1986. The power of ideas,symbols and imaginary in politics is our theoretical base. The political discourse of the SAP leaders and the importance of words in the creation of public policy are studied. Our corpus consists of a vast archive material. Guided by utopianism, the leaders express their will to create a new society. The Folkhem political metaphor, narrative at the heart of the political glossary of the SAP, is in the centre of this utopianism. The notion is used as a mobilizingmyth for the new society and it works as a social contract for the Swedes. The Folkhem narratives help us understand the Swedish model and contemporary Sweden. By its extreme plasticity and by being part of the Swedish identity, the notion is still a source of political legitimacy and continues to produce meaning.

No description available.

<p>Abstract</p><p>The topic of the present dissertation is argumentation in the late statesman Olof Palme (1927-1986). One may reasonably think that the fascination for Palme is mainly due to his way of expressing his policy, and therefore also to his argumentation strategy. The theoretical background consists of Lloyd F. Bitzers’s theory on the rhetorical situation, Stephen E. Toulmin’s theory on the description of argumentation structures and on the notion of fallacy, as it appears in pragma-dialectics and informal logic. The rhetorical situation is used to identify vital presuppositions and conditions surrounding the analysed argumentation.Toulmin’s theoretical model is used to analyse structures in the argumentation, and the notion of fallacy is used to discover infringements upon these structures. The object of this analysis is the decisive electoral debates of autumn 1976 between Olof Palme and Thorbjörn Fälldin, held in Scandinavium, Gothenburg, Sweden. Palme had to think of a number of surrounding conditions, such as that the debate was decisive, the composition of the audience. Palme and Fälldin otherwise appeared to be rather equally equipped for the debate. Palme’s task was primarily to gain the number of votes needed to continue to keep social democracy in power. There seem to exist several levels making up his argumentation, grouped under attack and defence. Defence is in most cases based upon a strong connection with the social democrat tradition. The attack is more complicated, linked to Palme’s overall argumentative intention: to depict the non-socialists as a bad governing alternative, and the social democrats as a better one. Fallacies are regarded as instances of breaking the frame of rules that govern a critical discussion. Palme has several fallacy-like features in his argumentation. Among those, most common, are that he attacks the person Thorbjörn Fälldin, instead of the policy or party that he represents. Palme also starts from presupposed premises and tries to link the economic policy of the alliance to an intellectually-thought delimiting between liberal and conservative capitalism and social-democrat solidarity. He strives to portray the liberals and conservatives as money-orientated, whereas social democracy is depicted as people-orientated.Palme goes arguably too far at several moments during the debate,which possibly hurts his own argumentation.</p><p>Keywords: Olof Palme, argumentation, argumentation analysis, rhetoric, rhetorical situation, Toulmin´s argumentative model, fallacy, informal logic, pragma-dialectic, critical discussion, debate, Thorbjörn Fälldin, social democracy, election</p>

<p>I uppsatsen kommer det fram att människor är mer medvetna om risker och hot än vad de var för 20 år sedan. Detta framkommer genom att artiklarna som analyserats angående mordet på Olof Palme var mer inriktade på hur chockerande det var för Svenska folket och hur oväntat ett dåd av detta slag var. I artiklarna angående Anna Lindh var människor även där chockade över dådet men det chockerande var i stället att det kunde hända en gång till i Sverige. I de artiklarna har koncentrationen mer legat på gärningsmannen och polisens arbete.</p><p>I och med detta kunde vi se att befolkningen i Sverige lever med en större medvetenhet om de risker och hot som finns omkring dem i samhället. Detta stämmer väl med de teorier som uppsatsen tar upp om att det finns risker och hot som en del av vardagen på ett annat sätt än för 20 år sedan.</p>

I uppsatsen kommer det fram att människor är mer medvetna om risker och hot än vad de var för 20 år sedan. Detta framkommer genom att artiklarna som analyserats angående mordet på Olof Palme var mer inriktade på hur chockerande det var för Svenska folket och hur oväntat ett dåd av detta slag var. I artiklarna angående Anna Lindh var människor även där chockade över dådet men det chockerande var i stället att det kunde hända en gång till i Sverige. I de artiklarna har koncentrationen mer legat på gärningsmannen och polisens arbete. I och med detta kunde vi se att befolkningen i Sverige lever med en större medvetenhet om de risker och hot som finns omkring dem i samhället. Detta stämmer väl med de teorier som uppsatsen tar upp om att det finns risker och hot som en del av vardagen på ett annat sätt än för 20 år sedan.

Based on the concept of rhetorical situation, the purpose of this study is to compare and describe the three Socialist leader's May Day speech from the years 1954, 1978 and 2011. The results of the analysis showed that there is a big difference in how the leaders chooses to appeal to the rhetorical audience. Erlander, 1954, never appealed directly to his audience which Palme, 1978, did both initially as repeatedly throughout his speech. Juholt, 2011, has a personal and frequent appeal which is repeated throughout his speech, which is interpreted as a sign of the intimization of the public language. It proved difficult to discuss the Socialist rhetoric as one unified form. The rhetoric realm is influenced by too many external factors, such as the media, which makes it impossible to speak of it as one. The analysis revealed that the language of the 1th may-speeches is characterized by the people who use it. It is inevitable that the speaker puts his utmost emphasis, in both language and speeches. It would require a larger and more comprehensive analysis to allow any conclusions about a social-democratic language.Keywords: Rhetorical situation, genre, ethos-logos-pathos, 1th May, the Swedish Social Democratic Party, Tage Erlander, Olof Palme, Håkan Juholt

Environmental degradation and climate change are complex cross-cutting issues. They both call for a high level of policy coordination by all actors. This thesis examines the experienceof two Swedish popular movements integrating sustainable development as a cross cutting theme in their development cooperation: an approach known as mainstreaming. I seek to show how sustainability is understood and further how it is realized in the application of the work plans. The two case studies are the International Department of the Church of Sweden and Olof Palme International Centre. I have accounted for practical experiences via using informants as the main data source. Mainstreaming theory has been applied as tools foranalysation. Sustainability has been used in relation to sustainability of results andenvironmental aspects of the work plan. There is an increased demand to report on results and the longevity of the results in addition to address environment in all works undertaken in development cooperation organisations. The significance in studying the current interpretations and above all the challenges in application is to enable consideration in futur eamendments to strategies, policies and efforts made to mainstream sustainability. The findings conclude that there are similarities between the two cases in the identification of sustainability as pertaining to results and in the need for sustainability to focus on relationships to partners. Mainstreaming of environmental concerns is stated as a good and wanted aim. However, the actual negative environmental impact caused by the work plan is seen as low and sometimesenvironmental mainstreaming is even understood as a risk to partnerships. Environmental impact is only identified and addressed when seen as relevant and not as a concept to mainstream, this based on the relative low impact. This is in accordance with Sida guidelines but not with the stated policy wants.

La thèse analyse le rôle des organisations de conservation dans la contradiction croissante entre, d'une part, la formalisation continue d'un cadre politique - juridique - institutionnel - financier - médiatique pour la conservation de l'orang-outang de Sumatra et, d'autre part, le constat avéré du déclin continu de son habitat et de ses populations. Partant du niveau global, elle se concentre ensuite dans le contexte indonésien, porteur d'un conflit aigu autour de la transformation de la forêt de basse altitude -habitat de l'orang-outan de Sumatra- en culture de palmier à huile.Le rôle des organisations de conservation sont étudiées à travers quatre dimensions sociologiques : l'établissement des référentiels globaux de conservation, la construction scientifique des indicateurs de référence, la mise en œuvre du droit indonésien et l'application de l'accord volontaire du RSPO.La thèse a trouvé des réponses concluantes pour chaque dimension et transversalement. Sans minimiser le rôle de l'état et du secteur privé, les ONG jouent aussi un rôle décisif dans le maintien du problème. Deux constantes sont observées : l'une est leur difficulté à tenir compte de la société qui abrite les populations d'orangs-outans, l'autre est leur propension à privilégier leurs propres intérêts afin de perdurer dans le champ social au détriment de leur objectif initial de conservation. Se préoccuper à ces deux manquements est le défi contemporain de la conservation. Des pistes sont donc données dans la conclusion pour refondre la gouvernance internationale de la conservation et pour redéfinir stratégiquement le rôle des ONG de conservation. Cette thèse est basée sur près de vingt ans d'expérience dans la gestion de l'environnement - à la fois pour des organisations de conservation et les Nations Unies - et 49 entretiens semi-directifs.