Este trabalho apresenta um estudo exploratório do potencial do Paraguai e da Bolívia para o desenvolvimento de uma indústria de mobilidade elétrica, avaliando a viabilidade de substituição da frota convencional de veículos leves, propulsados atualmente por motores à combustão interna (VCI), por veículos elétricos (VE) equivalentes. O estudo leva em consideração critérios econômicos, energéticos, ambientais, geopolíticos e disponibilidade de recursos naturais. Por tanto, são consideradas duas situações de substituição. No primeiro, por veículos elétricos disponíveis no mercado internacional (VE) e, alternativamente, por veículos elétricos com baterias de Li-ion, resultado da implantação e desenvolvimento de uma indústria de VE`s e outra de baterias de íons de lítio (Li-ion). Aproveitando assim, as vantagens estratégicas de recursos naturais proveniente do Salar de Uyuni Bolívia e da disponibilidade de energia elétrica no Paraguai, considerando a utilização de parte da potência da usina de Itaipu, propriedade do Paraguai e atualmente cedida a seu sócio no empreendimento, o Brasil, bem como a partir das abundantes reservas de gás natural boliviano e o potencial de ambos os países para o desenvolvimento de projetos de fontes renováveis. A indústria de baterias para os automóveis elétricos pode ser localizada na Bolívia, perto dos recursos e com grandes avanços tecnológicos e investimentos do governo na área nos últimos anos, enquanto a de VEL pode ser sediada no Paraguai que na atualidade possui um grande interesse de investidores estrangeiros. Os governos poderiam fomentar o projeto com iniciativas, como subsídios no custo da energia utilizada para o abastecimento de VE`s, ou no custo de investimento inicial do veículo. Poderia também fornecer financiamento para a aquisição de VE`s a taxas menores as do mercado. As estimativas conduzidas neste trabalho mostram que uma eventual substituição da frota de veículos leves VCI por VE no período de 10 anos, geraria benefícios econômicos cumulativos para o Paraguai de US$ 1.031 milhões e para Bolívia de US$ 1.373 milhões. Essa substituição permitiria uma redução das emissões de Gases de Efeito estufa (GEE) de 8.398 GgCO2 para o Paraguai e 9.420 7 GgCO2 para a Bolívia. Inicialmente seriam produzidos 40 mil veículos por ano em cada país para atingir a escala necessária para a redução dos custos das BIL`s. A ideia subjacente é ganhar escala local para a cadeia de produção inicial e, em seguida, acessar os mercados de América latina e o mundo. / This document presents an exploratory study of the potential of Paraguay and Bolivia for the development of an electric mobility industry, assessing the viability of replacing conventional light vehicle fleet, currently driven by internal combustion engines (ICE), for electric vehicles (EV) equivalent. The study takes into account economic, energy, environmental, geopolitical, and availability of natural resources criteria. Therefore, two replacement situations are considered. In the first, for EV`s currently available in the international market and, alternatively, for electric vehicles with Li-ion batteries, due to the implementation and development of both, an electric vehicle and a lithium-ion batteries industry. Leveraging so, the strategic advantages of natural resources from the Salar de Uyuni - Bolivia and the availability of electricity. This considering the use of part of the over-potential of the Itaipu power plant, owned by Paraguay and currently assigned to his associated in the undertaken, Brazil, and from Bolivian natural gas abundant reserves and the potential of both countries for the development of renewable projects. The battery industry for electric cars could be located in Bolivia, because of the proximity of the lithium resources and the technological breakthroughs and investments in the area of the Bolivian government in recent years, while the LEV industry could be based in Paraguay, which currently has a great appeal for foreign investors. Governments could promote the project with incentives such as subsidies in the cost of energy used to supply EV`s, or the cost of the initial investment vehicle, it also could provide funding for the acquisition of EV`s at lower rates. Estimates conducted in this study in a ten year basis show that any replacement of the ICE light vehicle fleet for EV would generate cumulative economic benefits to Paraguay for US$ 1,031 million, and for Bolivia US$ 1,373 million. This substitution would reduce Greenhouse Gases emissions (GHG) in 8,398 GgCO2 for Paraguay and 9,420 GgCO2 for Bolivia. Initially, 40,000 vehicles per year in each country would be produced to achieve the scale required for reducing BIL`s costs. The underlying idea is to make local scale for initial production chain and then access the Latin America markets and the world.

Na segunda metade do século XVIII, acirraram-se as disputas entre espanhóis e portugueses pela definição da soberania territorial sobre as colônias americanas. Com as indefinições demarcatórias deflagradas pelo Tratado de Madrid (1750), ambas as Coroas buscaram estabelecer o uti possidetis sobre os territórios fronteiriços através da instalação de fortes militares, povoações e reduções de índios. Esta tese problematiza a expansão dos impérios ibéricos sobre os vales dos rios Guaporé e Paraguai, buscando analisar seus impactos sócioeconômicos sobre populações indígenas e colonos. O objetivo principal é analisar os dispositivos de controle social empregados pelas administrações de ambos os impérios sobre os grupos indígenas que habitavam essa área e sobre os colonos destacados para servir em fortificações e povoações, e as relações de poder entre uns e outros. Dividida em três partes, a tese estuda as formas de controle do espaço nas fortificações, vilas e reduções; as estratégias das políticas indigenistas para atrair e incorporar os grupos fronteiriços às povoações; e a vida cotidiana desses estabelecimentos, especialmente no que tange ao recrutamento militar, ao abastecimento e aos custos para colonos e provedorias das províncias. A hipótese defendida é a de que a delegação de poderes a caciques de grupos aliados e a transferência de parte dos custos da defesa militar das fronteiras aos colonos foram os dispositivos básicos que sustentaram, ainda que com especificidades de cada lado, tanto a expansão portuguesa quanto a espanhola sobre essas regiões centrais da América do Sul. / The disputes between Spaniards and Portuguese on the definition of the territorial sovereignty on American colonies were stimulated in the second half of the seventeenth century. With the fail of the Treaty of Madrid (1750) to demarcate the frontier, both Crowns pretended to establish the uti possidetis through the installation of military forts, villages and missions. This thesis analyses the expansion of the Iberian empires on the valleys of the rivers Guaporé and Paraguay, and focuses on their socioeconomic impacts on indigenous populations and settlers. The main objective is to analyze the mechanisms of social control used by the administrations of both empires on the indigenous groups that inhabited that area and on the settlers that serve in fortifications and lived in villages, and the relationships of power among them. Divided in three parts, this thesis studies the forms of control of the space in the fortifications, villages and missions; the strategies of the indigenist policy to attract and relocate Indians to reservations; and the daily life of those establishments, especially with respect to the military recruitment, provisioning and the costs for settlers and Real Treasury. I argue that the delegation of powers to caciques of allied groups and the transfer of part of the military costs to the same settlers were the basic devices with which the system could be sustained, although with specificities on each side, in both Portuguese and Spaniard expansion on those central areas of South America.

<p>This study focused on the level of success Unicef in Paraguay had in communicating its message concerning child street-workers to the press in Asunción. We also examined how the communication works between Unicef and the journalists, and how child street-workers appear in the press according to our sources. We based our study on the theoretical understanding of media logic and planned communication. These theories were useful to explain the possibilities and obstacles Unicef faces in its communication with the press. Our study builds on qualitative research interviews with journalists, communication staff at Unicef and the coordinator of the Global Agency of News, an organization that monitors how children appear in the Paraguayan press.</p><p> </p><p>We found that the communication between Unicef and the journalists is very important and highly valued by both Unicef and the Paraguayan newspapers. The relationship builds on constant trade, where both parts depend on each other. Unicef needs attention from the press in order to spread its message to the general public. The journalists need Unicef because the organization works as a trustable information source to back-up their articles regarding childhood.</p><p> </p><p>No one in our study was satisfied with the way child street-workers appear in the press. The children are often showed as victims or criminals and children’s rights are not always considered. A central problem is that awareness about children’s rights is low, both in the Paraguayan society and among many journalists. Unicef succeeds quite well in their communication with the journalists that are already aware of children’s rights. But the organization does not succeed in communicating with a big part of the press, as a lot of articles are still discriminative towards child street-workers.</p>

This study focused on the level of success Unicef in Paraguay had in communicating its message concerning child street-workers to the press in Asunción. We also examined how the communication works between Unicef and the journalists, and how child street-workers appear in the press according to our sources. We based our study on the theoretical understanding of media logic and planned communication. These theories were useful to explain the possibilities and obstacles Unicef faces in its communication with the press. Our study builds on qualitative research interviews with journalists, communication staff at Unicef and the coordinator of the Global Agency of News, an organization that monitors how children appear in the Paraguayan press.   We found that the communication between Unicef and the journalists is very important and highly valued by both Unicef and the Paraguayan newspapers. The relationship builds on constant trade, where both parts depend on each other. Unicef needs attention from the press in order to spread its message to the general public. The journalists need Unicef because the organization works as a trustable information source to back-up their articles regarding childhood.   No one in our study was satisfied with the way child street-workers appear in the press. The children are often showed as victims or criminals and children’s rights are not always considered. A central problem is that awareness about children’s rights is low, both in the Paraguayan society and among many journalists. Unicef succeeds quite well in their communication with the journalists that are already aware of children’s rights. But the organization does not succeed in communicating with a big part of the press, as a lot of articles are still discriminative towards child street-workers.

In this Master's of Public Issues Anthropology thesis I examine the perceptions of health and healthcare services within a small rural subsistence farming community in South-Western Paraguay from a political ecology of health perspective. Qualitative research data was collected from May to September of 2010 in Lindo Manantial, a subsistence farming village, and Piribebuy, the closest town to Lindo Manantial and the location of the nearest health centre, the Piribebuy Centro de Salud. The primary goals of this research project were to gain an ethnographic understanding of current local health perspectives and concerns, as well as the local frameworks for health provision in Piribebuy. I argue that the introduction of culturally competent healthcare services could greatly improve individual and community health statuses and outcomes in Lindo Manantial and other similar rural subsistence farming communities in Paraguay. / Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada (SSHRC)

La tesis aborda el análisis de los editoriales de <i>La Nación Argentina</i>, para examinar su posicionamiento frente al gobierno de B. Mitre, la conformación del Estado nación, al accionar de las montoneras, y la guerra de la Triple Alianza. También se indaga, a partir de considerarlo un actor político, su relación con los diarios más importantes de Buenos Aires. Para ello, se realiza un análisis de contenido de sus enunciados institucionales, empleando herramientas de la Lingüística, para advertir sus coincidencias y también sus desacuerdos con el Poder Ejecutivo. <i>La Nación Argentina</i> acompañó las políticas que priorizaron la consolidación del Estado nacional, así como la creación de la Corte Suprema, la instalación definitiva de la Capital Federal en Buenos Aires, la lucha contra las montoneras, y la participación en la Guerra del Paraguay, mediante la firma de la Triple Alianza. Todas estas significativas acciones de gobierno fueron apoyadas por el diario, porque respondían a los postulados del liberalismo. Sin embargo, su adhesión no le impidió criticar la inactividad, y luego los fallos, de la Corte Suprema, el interés del gobierno por intervenir en la economía, las acciones fraudulentas del Vicepresidente M. Paz, así como el asesinato de Peñaloza. A su vez, se señalan las particularidades de la superficie redaccional del diario, para señalar de qué manera el modelo del periodismo faccioso va dejando su lugar a un periodismo, que si no llega a ser moderno, comienza a mostrar características (comerciales, de diseño y de variedad de información) que permiten concebir el cambio que se suscitó a fines del siglo XIX. Para evaluar su comportamiento durante la guerra del Paraguay se emplean los conceptos de Propaganda y Alteridad Negativa, para escrutar las estrategias que <i>La Nación Argentina</i> aplicó en sus editoriales para informar al espacio público nacional las alternativas del conflicto.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:26:53Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2008-06-23Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T18:55:28Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 munhoz_p_me_assis.pdf: 872023 bytes, checksum: ad46398685b0b37403ef4613568fc99d (MD5) / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / Secretaria da Educação / Notre dissertation se propose à faire l’abordage des cinq récits qui composent le livre du vicomte de Taunay intitulé Narrativas militares: cenas e tipos, de 1878, tellement oublié par la critique et l’historiographie littéraires, à partir de quelques aspects qui justifieraient sa nature transitive. Telle “transitivité” s’explique tantôt par le profil “inorganique” des récits (dans leur mélange de plusieurs genres), tantôt par le cadre historique (le Brésil de la guerre contre le Paraguay) qui a vu leur naissance. Ainsi, outre la réflexion sur l’hybridité qui conforme chacun des textes narratifs – ce qui mène à la façon dont les éléments narratifs s’organisent et se conjuguent, ce travail se propose aussi à réfléchir sur la question de la guerre comme un arrière-fond historique générateur des récits et sur les conflits moraux qui, sous-jacents à chacun d’eux, nous font penser aux circonstances historiques du Brésil de la fin du XIXe siècle. Nous avons aussi l’intention de faire une édition commentée du livre, accompagnée d’une actualisation orthographique, ayant le but d’en faire une publication. / Nossa dissertação se propõe a abordar as cinco narrativas que compõem o livro do Visconde de Taunay intitulado Narrativas militares: cenas e tipos, de 1878, tão esquecido pela crítica e pela historiografia literárias, a partir de alguns aspectos que justificariam a sua natureza transitiva. Tal transitividade se explica tanto pelo caráter “inorgânico” das narrativas (em sua mescla de vários gêneros), quanto pelo substrato histórico (o Brasil da guerra contra o Paraguai) que as viu nascer. Desse modo, além da reflexão sobre o hibridismo que conforma cada um dos textos – o que leva à análise do modo como os elementos narrativos se organizam e se conjugam, este trabalho se propõe também a refletir sobre a questão da guerra como pano de fundo histórico gerador das estórias e sobre os conflitos morais que, subjacentes a cada uma delas, apontam para as circunstâncias históricas do Brasil do fim do século XIX. Pretendemos também fazer uma edição comentada do livro, com a sua correspondente atualização ortográfica, com vistas a uma eventual publicação.

Esta dissertação analisa uma novidade introduzida na política externa brasileira pelo governo de Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva: a não-indiferença. Esta diretriz surgiu como contraponto ao princípio da não-intervenção, no entanto o governo não delimitou adequadamente como aplicá-la, tendo em vista que em contextos similares a diplomacia Lula tomou atitudes diferentes. Para isso, são estudados sete casos de atuação do Brasil com relação a outros países: Venezuela, Bolívia, Paraguai, Honduras, Cuba, Irã e Haiti. A hipótese que orientou este estudo é de que na busca por aumentar o perfil político do Brasil, representado pela candidatura a um assento permanente no Conselho de Segurança das Nações Unidas, o governo brasileiro exerceu um excessivo ativismo que exigiu esforços políticos (omitindo-se inclusive em questões sobre direitos humanos), financeiros e militares. A diplomacia da solidariedade surge nesse contexto como justificativa à mediação de crises, cooperação técnica e até mesmo à intervenção, da qual o engajamento brasileiro no Haiti seria o melhor exemplo devido a sua multidimensionalidade. / The present dissertation analyzes an innovation in Brazilian foreign policy introduced by the Lula da Silva administration: the non-indifference. This guideline emerged in opposition to the principle of non-intervention, however the government did not define it properly nor have created rules to enforce it, considering that Lula`s diplomacy had different approaches to similar situations. To find out more about this trend, it was chosen seven case studies in which Brazilian foreign policy had to cope with other countries, such as: Venezuela, Bolivia, Paraguay, Honduras, Cuba, Iran and Haiti. The hypothesis which has oriented this research addresses that in order to increase Brazil`s political profile, represented by the pursue for a permanent seat in the United Nations Security Council, the government has excessively raised its initiatives abroad which required political (neglecting human rights), financial and military efforts. The diplomacy of solidarity emerges as an argument to justify the Brazilian role in peace talks, cooperation measures and even intervention, which makes Haiti the best example due its multidimensionality.

Esta dissertação parte de dois eixos de investigação: um deles é Crisanto Neranda, um Guarani letrado das missões jesuíticas do Paraguai, membro de uma congregação e integrante da administração da redução de São Luís; o outro, um relato escrito que é atribuído a esse sujeito. Esse registro narra as situações que Crisanto teria vivenciado no ano de 1754 após ser capturado por portugueses durante os conflitos conhecidos como “Guerra Guaranítica”, que estão associados à demarcação do Tratado de Madri (1750). O texto, no entanto, não se restringe a esse momento específico, pois o relato foi instrumentalizado por diversos outros personagens, se vinculando também a conjunturas posteriores. A primeira parte deste estudo examina a trajetória do documento, com o objetivo de compreender como ele foi difundido e conservado, e o papel desempenhado não apenas pelo “autor” da narrativa, mas também por aqueles que se encarregaram de copiá-la, traduzi-la e citá-la. As seções seguintes buscam identificar quem foi Crisanto Neranda e quais lugares ocupava no contexto reducional, bem como o conteúdo comunicado pelo relato, as formas pelas quais faz isso, as motivações para sua produção e quais seriam os seus possíveis destinatários, visando observar como esses aspectos se relacionavam ao manuseio do seu testemunho por outros sujeitos e ao caráter de “autor” que é conferido a esse indígena da redução de São Luís. A análise desse caso possibilita, assim, o estabelecimento de considerações acerca dos usos da escrita e das possibilidades apresentadas por essa tecnologia no contexto da fronteira americana meridional entre os impérios ibéricos na segunda metade do século XVIII. / This dissertation departs from two lines of investigation: one of them is Crisanto Neranda, a Guaraní from the missions of Paraguay who was a literate member and administrator at the Jesuit reduction of São Luís, and also belonged to a congregation; the other, a written report that is attributed to this person. This record narrates the situations that Crisanto would have experienced in the year of 1754 after being captured by the Portuguese army during the conflicts known as “Guaraní War”, related to the demarcation of the Treaty of Madrid (1750). This text, however, is not restricted to this specific moment, because the report was utilized by several other characters, and is also linked to later conjunctures. The first part of this study examines the document’s trajectory, with the objective of understandig how it was widespread and preserved, and the role played not only by its “author”, but also by those who took charge of translating, copying and citing it. The following sections seek to identify who was Crisanto Neranda and which places he ocuppied in the context of the mission, as well as the content communicated by the report, the ways in which it does this, the motivations for its production, and which would be its possible recipients, aiming to observe how these aspects were related to the handling of the testimony by other subjects and to the character of “author” that is conferred to this native of the reduction of São Luís. The analysis of this case makes it possible to establish considerations about the uses of writing and the possibilities presented by this technology in the context of the southern American frontier between the Iberian empires in the second half of the eighteenth century.

Values have been identified as important factors that guide decision-making and influence preferences in water governance. Comparing the values reflected in water governance decisions with the values held by stakeholders and the general public may inform the debate on the political legitimacy of water governance. The research presented in this PhD thesis draws on multiple research traditions on values, ranging from ecological economics and political ecology to social and environmental psychology, to investigate the value base of water governance in the Upper Paraguay River Basin, in the state of Mato Grosso, Brazil. It first introduces a novel conceptual framework that integrates these various research traditions and suggests that water governance is closely related to the fundamental values, governance-related values, and assigned values of stakeholders and actors in water governance more generally. These different types of values vary in their level of abstractness, as well as in their ‘locus’, i.e. where the valuing person locates them, and are hypothesised to be closely interrelated in a hierarchical structure, with fundamental values being the most abstract type of values. Water governance, in turn, is defined as the synthesis of water policy (the ‘content’ of decisionmaking), water politics (the ‘power play’ between actors) and water polity (the institutional framework). The thesis then proceeds to apply this novel conceptual framework in a case study on stakeholders’ values in the Upper Paraguay River Basin, and investigates the relationship of their values with their preferences regarding the construction of the Paraguay-Paraná Waterway through the Pantanal wetland, in the south of Mato Grosso. This water infrastructure project has a long history of conflict attached to it, as it might impact the hydrology and ecology of the Pantanal, the world’s largest tropical freshwater wetland and UNESCO biosphere reserve, while at the same time benefitting Mato Grosso’s rapidly growing agribusiness sector by lowering the cost of soybean exports. Based on 24 semi-structured interviews with relevant stakeholders, it was found that supporters and opponents possess different, clashing ‘value landscapes’ (i.e. groups of related values), which may explain the protracted nature of the conflict around the construction of the waterway, while at the same time highlighting political legitimacy deficits of the project. This research was followed up by a quantitative study with members of the general public (n=1067), which sought to measure and test the assumption that we can empirically identify such clashing value landscapes, and their relationship with preferences for or against the Paraguay-Paraná Waterway. Using structural equation modelling (SEM), statistically significant links between people’s values and their preferences in water governance could indeed be found, as well as between different types of values, which formed two contrasting value landscapes. This suggests that water governance conflicts may in part be explained by the presence of different value landscapes among involved actors, which may include even the most abstract level of fundamental values. The research presented in this thesis thus contributes to interdisciplinary debates on the role of values for water governance from multiple conceptual, as well as methodological perspectives. Additionally, through its application to a concrete case study, it highlights the policy relevance of such research, as addressing conflicts in water governance and examining alternative policy options may require a more explicit consideration of the values of the actors involved.