En afhandling om parti-rationalitet belyst gennem en undersøgelse af dansk deltagelse i fredsstøttende operationer og EU-forbeholdet på forsvarsområdet med henblik på at vurdere hvorvidt der eksisterer en diskrepans mellem disse to forhold. / The aim of this paper is to examine and explain the rationale of political parties behind, on the one hand, their desire to have Denmark participate in peace support operations and, on the one hand, the parties 1992 decision not to take any part in the elaboration and the implementation of decisions and actions of The European Union which have defence implications. It can thereby be determined whether or not there is an inconsistency between the two subjects. The parties who are subject to this examination are Socialdemokratiet(Social Democrats), Det Radikale Venstre(Social Liberals) and Socialistisk Folkeparti(Socialist People’s Party). The theory used is focusing on the fact that political parties have to make trade-offs in order to achieve their political goal or at least as many of these as possible. The theory puts foreward that parties have a small and well-defined set of objectives which in the simplest term can be seen as ”policy-seeking”, ”office-seeking” and ”vote-seeking”. The method used  is a descriptive analysis of the two areas where the decision to participate in peace support operations in The Persian Golf 1990, Bosnia 1995 and Kosovo 1998 is based on the parties arguments in Folketinget (The Danish Parliament). Due to the fact that there is no official documentation of the negotiations prior to the decision on The European Union question (the reservation) this area is mainly based on interviews with persons who took part in the negotiations and books on the subject. The aim of the descriptive analysis is to determine the rationale of the parties in both areas and thereby why the parties decides to participate in peace support operations and not to participate in The European Unions decisions and actions which have defence implications. This is followed by a comparative analysis of the conclusions from the descriptive analysis in order to determine any inconsistency in the parties rationale and the aims of the decisions. This leads to the conclusion of the thesis; Is there or is there not an inconsistency between Denmark’s wish to participate in peace support operations and the decision not to take any part in the elaboration and the implementation of decisions and actions of The European Union which have defence implications. The conclusion is; that there is an inconsistency. The inconsistency is due to the consequence of the implementation of the reservation, and not due to the aim of the reservation . As to the rationale of the parties the paper concludes that the parties seek different objectives. One party generally seeks policy and less office and/or votes, one party generally seeks office and less policy – votes and one party generally falls close to the center of the line policy and/or votes and only marginally in the direction of office. On the way to the conclusion the paper points to possible reasons to why it will not be possible to correct the inconsistency for a (long) time to come. / Avdelning: ALB - Slutet Mag 3 C-upps.Hylla: Upps. ChP 99-01

This thesis aims at investigating the conflict development of Swedish foreign policy debates during 1989-2000. It is rather assumed that the Swedish foreign policy debates have been highly characterized by a large consensus. Despite that, there have been certain occurrences where the political parties have flushed into party struggle and shown disagreements over the party frontiers. This has raised questions about the range of conflict and consensus in such debates where I have studied the political parties' backchats. I have studied situations where the political parties replicate each other in order to investigate the range of consensus and controversy that exists within different foreign policy areas. The purpose has been to determine if Swedish foreign policy has undergone substantial changes during the 1990s and transformed into a more conflict-ridden foreign policy in contrast to earlier post-war era. The empirical analysis reveals that the foreign policy of Sweden has undergone minor changes over time. The period of 1990s consists of a larger amount consensus than conflict and more controversy within internationalistic issues instead of national interests issues during the post-war era. The parties that are most given to politicize within different foreign policy issues are the Social Democrats, the Moderate Party and the Left-wing Party during the 1990s.

<p>The political development in the Western world is transforming. Political party participation decreases as well as other non-profit associations. This individualistic development is described as a threat to democracy. Nevertheless, some scholars argue that the political participation is a transformation into a new type of participation that instead could strengthen the democracy.</p><p>The political parties are the foundation of the democratic system and they receive their power by representing the citizens in the decision making process. Yet, the parties transform from organisations with a close linkage to their core groups, to catch-all organisations that aim to maximise votes. Since the goal for parties is to attain as much power as possible, new parties and other political actors have effectively been kept out of political system.</p><p>The individualistic development is observed through the political consumerism in this thesis. The political consumption is described as a political activity where consuming is used as the mean to impact. To actively select products that represent certain values influence companies to work for those values. It is a free individualistic movement without rules. If asked to describe the typical political consumer it would be a young female with a higher education and thus, an income above average. The political consumer prefers to be involved in issues of personal interest rather than broad party politics. Companies are believed to contain a great deal of power in society and must therefore also obtain responsibility.</p><p>The problems associated to political consumerism are connected to poor information. Citizens may make wrong political decisions since the information presented to them is poor or faulty. Another problem is the lack of tools to measure political consumption; we do not know how important it is in comparison to other political activities.</p><p>It is difficult to compare traditional politics with political consumerism since they target different issues and work in different ways. However, political consumerism is not a threat to traditional politics and should instead be recognised as a compliment.</p> / <p>Den politiska utvecklingen i västvärlden håller på att förändras. Deltagandet i politiska partier och ideella organisationer minskar och denna individualistiska trend anses vara ett hot mot demokratin. Dock finns det forskare som hävdar att det politiska deltagandet påvisar en förändring till en ny typ av deltagande som kan stärka det demokratiska systemet.</p><p>De politiska partierna utgör basen för det demokratiska systemet. Partiets makt grundas i att representera medborgarna i beslutsprocessen. Trots det utvecklas partierna från organisationer med en klar koppling till sina kärnväljare till röstmaximerande organisationer som vill attrahera den breda massan. Eftersom partiernas mål är att få så många röster som möjligt har nya partier och andra politiska aktörer effektivt kvarhållits utanför systemet.</p><p>I den här uppsatsen observeras den individualistiska trenden genom politisk konsumtion. Den politiska konsumtionen beskrivs som en politisk aktivitet där konsumtion används som påverkningsmetod. Att aktivt välja produkter som representerar vissa värden påverkar företag att jobba mot dessa värden. Det är en fri och individualistisk rörelse utan klara regler. Den typiska polisiska konsumenten är en ung kvinna med högre utbildning och en inkomst över genomsnittet. De politiska konsumenterna föredrar att involvera sig i frågor av personligt intresse istället för bred partipolitik. Företag anses ha mycket i samhället och måste därför också ta ett ansvar.</p><p>Problemen med politisk konsumtion är kopplade till dålig information. Medborgare kan ta felaktiga politiska beslut när den disponibla informationen är dålig eller oriktig. Ett annat problem är att det saknas verktyg att mäta politisk konsumtion. Vi vet inte hur viktigt fenomenet är i förhållande till andra politiska aktiviteter.</p><p>Det är svårt att jämföra politisk konsumtion med traditionell politik eftersom de jobbar på olika sätt mot olika frågor. Hursomhelst, politisk konsumtion är inte ett hot mot traditionell politik utan bör snarare ses som ett komplement.</p>

No description available.

Diss. Stockholm : Stockholms universitet, 2006.

Diss. Umeå : Umeå universitet, 2006.

Denna studie undersöker europeiseringen av svenska politiska partier från 1998 till 2016. Syftet har konkretiserats i frågeställningen ”På vilka sätt har svenska politiska partiers skrivande om samt inställning till EU-medlemskapet och unionen generellt utvecklats över tid?” och dess underfråga ”Har en europeisering av dessa partier skett?”. Det empiriska materialet har erhållits med hjälp av både kvalitativ och kvantitativ ansats i form av text- och innehållsanalys, och har innefattat Vänsterpartiets, Centerpartiets och Liberalernas partiprogram och valmanifest. De mätpunkter som har varit i fokus är omfång, inställning och policy vs. polity. För att analysera materialet användes europeiseringsteorin. Studieresultaten visade att samtliga partier har europeiserats inom åtminstone en av mätpunkterna. I Vänsterpartiet syns en svag europeisering vad gäller omfånget av vilket de nämner EU eller ord kopplade till unionen, i Centerpartiet syns en europeisering vad gäller inställningen till EU och det svenska medlemskapet och i Liberalerna syns en svag europeisering vad gäller inställningen till EU och det svenska medlemskapet såväl som vad gäller indelningen av olika politikområden kontra unionen i sig. Slutsatserna som dragits är att Europeiska unionen alltså har påverkat de svenska politiska partierna, men att denna europeisering tar tid och är väldigt varierande beroende på parti, mätpunkt och årtal. / This study examines the Europeanisation of Swedish political parties from 1998 to 2016. The purpose has been concretised in the research question “In what ways have the Swedish political parties’ writing of and attitude towards the EU-membership and the Union in general developed over time?” and its sub question “Has a Europeanisation of these parties occurred?”. The empirical material has been obtained by both a qualitative and a quantitative approach in the form of text and content analyses, and has included the Left Party’s, the Centre Party’s and the Liberals’ party platforms and manifestos. The measurement points that have been in focus are range, attitude and policy vs. polity. To analyse the material the Europeanisation theory was used. The study results showed that all parties have been Europeanised in at least one of the measurement points. In the Left Party a weak Europeanisation regarding the range of which they mention the EU or words linked to the Union was visible, in the Centre Party a Europeanisation regarding the attitude towards EU and the Swedish membership was visible and in the Liberals a weak Europeanisation regarding the attitude towards EU and the Swedish membership as well as regarding the dividing of different political areas contra the Union itself was visible. The conclusions that have been drawn are that the European Union thus have affected the Swedish political parties, but that this Europeanisation takes time and is very varying depending on party, measurement point and year.

The aim of this paper is to investigate what influences the degree of sympathy for the Sweden Democrats in between 2007-2015 and how this has changed over time. The essay is based on two different theories, one of which claims that the Sweden Democrats' sympathizers are ”losers of modernisation”, where the socio-economic factors are the most important explanation factor for explaining their sympathy for the Sweden Democrats. The second theory highlights instead that the Sweden Democrats' sympathizers focus on issues and party leaders, so their preferences in these areas are the most important explanatory factors for their sympathy for the Sweden Democrats. This essay is based on regression analyzes that utilize data from Super-Riks-SOM, which is collected by the SOM-Institute in Gothenburg. The essay concludes that the issues and the party leadership are the most important factors explaining  to the degree of sympathy for the Sweden Democrats in 2007-2015, and that the importance of these factors have gradually increased during these years while the importance of socio-economic factors have decreased.

Den regionala nivåns gränser och funktion har återkommande debatterats sedan mitten på förra seklet. Efter regeringsskiftet 2014 påbörjade den rödgröna regeringen arbetet med en ny läns- och landstingsindelning. Initiativet kom ursprungligen ifrån organisationen Sveriges Kommuner och Landsting (SKL) där alla partier enats om behovet av en reform. När de politiska samtalen på nationell nivå påbörjades hösten 2016 stod det dock klart att enighet inte rådde bland partierna på riksdagsnivå. Samtalen avslutades i november med att allianspartierna ett efter ett lämnade förhandlingarna, trots att de alla tidigare uttryckt sig positiva till någon typ av regionreform. I denna uppsats kartläggs händelseförloppet och de inblandade aktörernas ställningstaganden analyseras för att skapa förståelse kring varför de politiska förhandlingarna avslutades. För att på ett systematiskt sätt analysera aktörernas argument utvecklas ett analysverktyg utifrån tidigare forskning där olika konfliktlinjer i debatten om en regionreform tydliggörs. Undersökningen visar att Liberalerna och Moderaterna tidigt var kritiska till reformförslaget. Idéanalysen visar att deras åsikter avviker från regeringens i alla de avseenden som analyserats. Kristdemokraternas argumentation liknande däremot regeringens och de var mer positiva till en reform. Partiets syn på välfärdens organisering avvek dock från regeringens, vilket förklarar varför de lämnade samtalen. Regeringen var från början inställd på en överenskommelse med Centerpartiet och prioriterade därför deras krav. Detta kan förstås utifrån att de båda, till skillnad från övriga, förespråkade en decentralisering av välfärdsverksamheter. Kartläggningen av händelseförloppet visar att de politiska samtalen i slutändan avslutades för att Centerpartiet och regeringen inte kom överens i frågan om hur en decentralisering av makt och ansvar skulle sammankopplas med regionreformen. Centerpartiet efterfrågade mer konkreta åtgärder än vad regeringen var beredd att gå med på utan att först utreda dem.

This masters’ thesis aim is to find out what has been the historical (1946-2016) and current political and judicial discourse and regulations in Sweden when it comes to political opinion forming and the presence of political parties at Swedish schools and also if the Swedish schools and politicians have been working accordingly to these regulations. By primarily analyzing historical and present curriculums from the Swedish school system and documents from the Swedish Parliamentary Ombudsman (Justitieombudsmannen) I have found that the discourse and with it the rules and regulations has changed over time. I have also found both historical and present situations when the rules and regulations on the subject have not been applied.