Inscrite dans la tradition monographique en sociologie et en anthropologie, cette thèse prend pour objet la diversité des pratiques et des idéologies caractéristiques des différents types de populations rurales distingués en fonction de l'enracinement territorial, afin d'apporter un nouvel éclairage sur les conflits sociaux actuels dans tous les milieux ruraux québécois qui surgissent notamment de l'accroissement du nombre des néo-ruraux dont les visions du monde s'opposent à celles des agriculteurs, dont le nombre diminue sans cesse. Prenant un village comme observatoire, il s'agit de rendre compte du mouvement totalisant de l'expérience de la vie en société à la fois dans ses dimensions « matérielles » et « symboliques ». L'étude des principales formes de vie sociale (religieuse, économique et politique) se fait grâce à des méthodes diversifiées: l'observation participante, l'analyse statistique, l'analyse du discours, le travail sur les archives municipales et l'histoire orale. L'analyse des différentes formes de vie sociale montre que leur organisation est structurée par deux principaux modèles. Le modèle public et communautaire comprend les personnes qui valorisent l'implication de l'État et des professionnels dans la gestion collective de la redistribution des richesses et dans le développement des milieux ruraux. Ces personnes occupent une position économique « marginale » à l'intérieur de la localité et sont plus près des milieux urbains tant par leurs positions que par leurs visions du monde. Quant au modèle privé et familial, il comprend les personnes défendant le rôle prépondérant des réseaux familiaux dans le développement local et la fermeture de la localité face à la concurrence des marchés extérieurs et aux interventions politiques exogènes. Les représentants de ce modèle occupent une position économique locale dominante, mais se sentent de plus en plus dominés politiquement face aux interventions extérieures des représentants politiques régionaux et des professionnels ainsi qu'économiquement à l'échelle mondiale où ils occupent une position dominée. Les oppositions sous-jacentes à ces deux modèles s'inscrivent dans une histoire ancienne qui met en scène d'une part les élites traditionnelles liées à l'Église et les notables francophones scolarisées et d'autre part les élites industrielles et commerciales qui succèdent aux anglophones dès les années 1920. Le sens et le contenu des modèles varient légèrement avec les transformations récentes de la structure familiale et la régionalisation des pouvoirs politiques et religieux. / Pertaining to the monographic tradition in sociology and anthropology, this dissertation is about the diversity of the practices and ideologies of the different kinds of rural populations, which are in turn distinguished according to their "territorial establishment". I aim to shed a new light on the ongoing social conflicts in all of Quebec's countryside that are due to the increase of "new-inhabitants" whose world views are in opposition to the always decreasing farmers. With a village as observatory, I account for the "totalizing movement" of the social life experience in both its material and symbolic dimensions. I study the main forms of life (religious, economic, and political) with multivarious methods: "participant observation", statistical analysis, analysis of discourse, as well as the municipal archives and oral history. The analysis of the diverse forms of social life shows that they are organized according to two main models: the public and communautarian model, and the private and familial one. The former model comprises individuals who value the State's and professionals interference in the redistribution of goods as well as in the development of the countryside. These individuals occupy a marginal economic position in the village, and their positions and world views are closer to urban individuals. As for the private and familial model, it comprises individuals who defends both the predominant role of family network in the development of the village, and the separation of the village from the exogenous market competition and political interventions. This model's representatives occupy a local dominant economic position, but feel more and more politically dominated in the regional political scene by their representatives and professionals, as well as in the world economy where they occupy a dominated position. The underlying oppositions of these two models are anchored in an age-old history that displays, on the one hand, the traditional elite associated to the Church and the francophone educated notaries, and, on the other hand, the industrial and commercial elite that succeeded to the Anglophones in the 1920s. The meaning and content of the models lightly vary with recent transformations in the family structure and with the regionalization of the political and religious powers.

Quel est le champ d’action des Amérindiens dans le contexte politique canadien? Malgré les tentatives de l’État canadien de briser la structure politique traditionnelle des Autochtones en introduisant le système électif et politique du conseil de bande, ceux-ci sont loin d'avoir été des victimes passives. L'étude du leadership interstitiel est la ligne directrice de cette thèse car il est la clé d’une pratique politique « in the cracks » qui confère un pouvoir marginal aux Amérindiens. En s'intéressant aux conditions historiques et sociales de déploiement de l’arène politique en milieu de réserve, il est possible de comprendre la quotidienneté et la contemporanéité de l’exercice du pouvoir au sein d’une population minoritaire fortement politisée. La recherche ethnographique porte sur la politique locale de la communauté algonquine de Kitigan Zibi (Québec). L’analyse des acteurs anishnabeg a montré une variabilité du leadership politique chez les Algonquins et l’existence de différents types de leader malgré l’imposition d’une fonction de chef par la Loi sur les Indiens. Le contrôle des affaires politiques officielles d’une bande par les agents coloniaux, c'est-à-dire les missionnaires et les agents indiens, n’a pas donné lieu à un contrôle total de sa dynamique politique interne et de ses membres. L'enquête de terrain a dévoilé que les diverses manifestations et actions politiques menées par les Anishnabeg s’avèrent être des stratégies du pouvoir dans la marge, une forme quotidienne de résistance face aux nouvelles façons de faire la politique établies par les autorités canadiennes, des ruses et des tactiques employées pour tenter de changer le système formel en remettant en question le pouvoir des Affaires indiennes. La contestation et la résistance ne sont toutefois pas l’unique moteur du leadership et de la politique amérindienne. En fait, le leadership politique chez les Kitigan Zibi Anishnabeg est aussi basé sur diverses représentations (traditionnelles, spirituelles, symboliques) qui ont permis aux Algonquins de préserver une identité politique malgré certaines ruptures et transformations introduites dans leur société par les colonisateurs. Les ambiguïtés, les contradictions et les paradoxes de la quotidienneté politique d’une bande autochtone ne sont pas que le résultat de la rencontre d’un univers politique Autre, mais aussi l’aboutissement de l’évolution et de la reconstruction d’un système sociopolitique traditionnel et de ses dynamiques internes reliées au pouvoir, d’une redéfinition de l’autorité et de la légitimité du politique, de l'essor de leaders nouveau genre pour répondre adéquatement aux exigences politiques de la vie en réserve. La politique de réserve n’est pas une chose concrète mais plutôt une dynamique dans un temps et dans un lieu donné, au chevauchement culturel de diverses traditions politiques et formes d’autorité, au truchement de divers espaces (imposé ou symbolique) et institutions (formelle et informelle). Les Algonquins se renouvellent continuellement politiquement au sein de leur système. Ceci n’est pas un effet de l’acculturation, d’une hybridité ou de la modernité mais relève bien de la tradition. Le rattachement de fonctions et dynamiques traditionnelles à la structure formelle constitue un début de gouvernance « par le bas ». Cette dernière renouvelle de l’intérieur, par l’établissement d’un dialogue, la relation entre les leaders autochtones et les représentants de l’État, ce qui donne aux acteurs locaux une marge de manœuvre. Les Algonquins ont saisi les incompatibilités des deux systèmes – blanc et autochtone – pour définir un nouveau territoire, « in the cracks », qui devient leur domaine d’action. L'analyse de la flexibilité du leadership algonquin, de la vision eurocanadienne du leadership amérindien, de l’usage instrumental des exigences de l’État, des élections et des éligibles contemporains, de l'empowerment des femmes algonquines et du leadership féminin en milieu de réserve, a révélé que le leadership interstitiel est une force politique pour les Kitigan Zibi Anishnabeg. En portant un regard critique sur la politique locale dans le quotidien d'une bande et en incluant les voix autochtones, il est possible d’observer le processus de décolonisation et des formes embryonnaires de pratiques postcoloniales au sein des réserves. Cette recherche a démontré que le chef et les autres leaders sont au cœur de cette dynamique politique dans les marges, de l’essor et de l’émancipation politique de leur bande. / What is the scope of Indian participation in Canadian politics? Despite the Canadian governments’ attempts to break traditional Indigenous' political structures by introducing the Band Council system, First Peoples are far from passive victims. The study of interstitial leadership is the theoretical framework of this thesis because it is the key to political practices that take place "in the cracks", thereby conferring marginal power to Indigenous Peoples. By examining the historical and social conditions for the development of the political arena in reserves, it is possible to understand the everyday and contemporaneity of the exercise of power within a highly politicized minority population. The present ethnographic research focuses on the local politics of the Algonquin community of Kitigan Zibi (Quebec). Anishnabeg stakeholder analysis showed a variability of Algonquin political leadership and the existence of different types of leaders in spite of the imposition of a single chief through the Indian Act. The control of the band’s official political affairs by colonial agents, that is to say the missionaries and the Indian agents, has not resulted in the complete control of internal political dynamics and members. The fieldwork revealed that the various political actions undertaken by the Anishnabeg prove to be power strategies from the margin, a form of everyday resistance to the new ways of doing politics established by the Canadian authorities. These actions were also tricks and tactics used to challenge the formal system and the Indian Affairs power. Opposition and resistance however are not the only instruments of Native leadership and politics. In fact, the Kitigan Zibi Anishnabeg political leadership is also based on various representations (i.e. traditional, spiritual, and symbolic) that helped preserve Algonquin political identity despite some disruptions and changes introduced into their society by the colonizers. Ambiguities, contradictions and paradoxes found in everyday band politics are not only the result of the meeting of an Other political universe. They are also the culmination of the development and reconstruction of a traditional sociopolitical system and its internal dynamics related to power, a redefinition of the authority and political legitimacy, the rise of a new leaders genre to adequately respond to the demands of the reserve’s political life. Reserve politics are not a concrete ‘thing’ but rather a dynamic that exists within a particular time and in a given place. Additionally, overlapping different cultural and political traditions as well as various forms of authority, occur in various spaces (imposed or symbolic) and institutions (formal and informal). The Algonquin are continually renewing themselves politically within their system. This is not an effect of acculturation, hybridity, and modernity but of tradition. The joining of traditional functions and dynamics to the formal structure represents the beginning of a governance "from below". The latter renews from within, through the establishment of a dialogue, the relationship between Aboriginal leaders and representatives of the State, which provides room for manoeuvre to local protagonists. The Algonquins seized upon the incompatibilities between the two systems - Settler and Aboriginal - to define a new territory "in the cracks" which became their field of action. The analysis of the flexibility of Algonquin leadership, the Euro-Canadien vision of the Native leadership, the instrumental use of State requirements, the contemporary elections and candidates, Algonquin women's empowerment and female leadership within reserve have showed that the interstitial leadership is a political force for the Kitigan Zibi Anishnabeg. By wearing a critical eye on local politics in daily band life and by including Indigenous voices, it is possible to observe the process of decolonization as well as the embryonic forms of postcolonial practices within reserves. This research has shown that the chief and other leaders are at the heart of this political dynamic in the margins and the political development and empowerment of their band.

Notre mémoire prend en charge de re-conceptualiser notre nouvel environnement audio-visuel et l’expérience que nous en faisons. À l’ère du numérique et de la dissémination généralisée des images animées, nous circonscrivons une catégorie d’images que nous concevons comme la plus à même d’avoir un impact sur le développement humain. Nous les appelons des images-sons synchrono-photo-temporalisées. Plus spécifiquement, nous cherchons à mettre en lumière leur puissance d’affection et de contrôle en démontrant qu’elles ont une influence certaine sur le processus d’individuation, influence qui est grandement facilitée par l’isotopie structurelle qui existe entre le flux de conscience et leur flux d’écoulement. Par le biais des recherches de Bernard Stiegler, nous remarquons également l’important rôle que jouent l’attention et la mémoire dans le processus d’individuation. L’ensemble de notre réflexion nous fait réaliser à quel point le système d’éducation actuel québécois manque à sa tâche de formation citoyenne en ne dispensant pas un enseignement adéquat des images animées. / This thesis re-conceptualizes our new audio-visual environment and analyses the experience we make of it. In the digital age marked by the dissemination of moving images, we circumscribe a category of images which we see as the most likely to have an impact on human development. We call it synchrono-photo-temporalized images-sounds. Specifically, we seek to highlight their power of affection and control by showing that they have some influence on the process of individuation, an influence which is greatly facilitated by the structural isotopy between the stream of consciousness and the flow of motion images. By examining the research of Bernard Stiegler, we also note the important roles attention and memory play in the process of individuation. This thinking makes us realize how the current education system in Quebec fails in its mission to give a good civic education by not providing an adequate teaching of moving images.

Il est d’actualité de parler de l’engagement politique des femmes en France dans un contexte qui se voudrait paritaire. A travers leurs biographies, leurs trajectoires militantes et électives, leurs carrières ainsi que l’exercice de leurs pratiques s’inscrivant dans ce champ particulier : qu’est-ce qui détermine une femme à se professionnaliser en politique ?Ainsi, pourquoi y a-t-il encore trop peu de femmes en France à briguer des mandats électifs alors que ces dernières se montrent sensibilisées aux problèmes que connaît notre société et, ont la volonté d’apporter des modifications à l’évolution sociale, tant par le biais de leurs actions qu’à travers leurs votes pour lesquels elles se mobilisent en nommant des représentants garants d’une politique déterminée. De toute évidence, les femmes sont totalement ancrées dans la politique puisqu’elles en débattent et en font comme n’importe quel-le citoyen-ne. Leur participation aux élections en témoigne. Dans ce cas, pourquoi sont-elles aussi peu intégrées dans le système politique ? Qu’est-ce qui freine alors leur participation publique ?Pour ce faire, notre étude traitera de la socialisation et de la professionnalisation des femmes dans le champ politique si particulier où pouvoir est synonyme de virilité, à travers une comparaison genrée des carrières féminines et masculines. / It is timely to talk about the political involvement of women in France in a context that would be equally represented. Through their biographies, their paths activists and elected office, their careers and the exercise of their practices undertaken in this particular field : what determines a woman to become professional in politics ?Thus, why there are still too few women in France to run for elective office while the latter show themselves aware of the problems facing our society and are willing to make changes to social evolution, both through their actions and through their votes for which they are mobilized by appointing representatives to guarantee a given policy. Clearly, women are totally entrenched in politics as they debate the issue and make it like any other citizen. Their turnout attests. In that case, why are they so poorly integrated into the political system ? What will lock their public participation ?To do, our survey will deal with the women’s socialization and professionalization in the peculiar political universe where the power is synonymous with manliness, through a gendered comparison of the feminine and masculine careers

This thesis focuses on the evolution of the Czechoslovak National Socialist Party between 1926 and 1929. The thesis focuses primarily on the internal development of the political party in this period and its opposition status. In the case of development are studied the causes of intra-party crisis in 1926, the reasons why Stříbrný and his supporters were expelled from the party by the XI. party congress in Brno in September 1926 and the consequences that followed as expelling members of the party, financial problems and break-up of the political alliance. This thesis also focuses how the Czechoslovak National Socialist Party acted as an opposition to the Gentlemen's coalition and its influence of mitigation government policy, which limited social legislations.

A escrita epistolar de Caio Prado Júnior foi compreendida como via pedagógica de convicções políticas utilizadas em sua atuação político-educativa. Meio de luta cultural de esquerda através do qual foi estabelecendo relações e cooptando sujeitos para aprendizado de conceitos, métodos do marxismo e como via válida de conhecimento em geral. A pesquisa é constituída de uma seleção bibliográfica teórica, na qual se levou em consideração a importância da história cultural, Roger Chartier, tratamento de leitura de objetos e documentos, Carlo Ginzburg, concepção de intelectual-educador, Antonio Gramsci e outras referências que trabalham com historiografia e seus materiais, como, entre outros, Hélène Véndrine. O trabalho trata da história pessoal do historiador paulista em sua relação com a história do marxismo no Brasil e no exterior e com o campo do conhecimento nos quais se buscou uma análise dos elementos, autor, material produzido, trajetória na política e na educação na sua relação com campo intelectual marxista ou não. Daquela análise e analogia sua correspondência foi visada como elemento principal de sua luta cultural e para defender uma atuação independente no campo de conhecimento. / The epistolary writing by Caio Prado Júnior was understood as a pedagogical path for political convictions, used in his political and educational practice. It is a means of leftist cultural struggle through which he establishes relationships and co-opts individuals for learning Marxist concepts and methodologies as a valid means for knowledge in general. The research is constituted by a theoretical bibliographical selection, in which the following elements were considered: the importance of cultural history, Roger Chartier, the treatment of the reading of objects and documents, Carlo Ginzburg, the concept of intellectual-educator, Antonio Gramsci and other authors who work with historiography and its materials, such as Hélène Véndrine. The present work deals with the personal history of the historian, born in São Paulo, in its relation with Marxism both in Brazil and overseas, as well as with the field of knowledge in which there as an attempt to make an analysis of the elements, author, material produced, his journey in politics and in education in its relation with Marxist intellectual field or not. From that analysis and analogy his letters were viewed as a fundamental element of his cultural struggle and to defend an independent action in the field of knowledge.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:48:49Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Nanci Souto de Assis.pdf: 1015428 bytes, checksum: 1c962c44a5cb064c56ace73695b1ff76 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007-11-05 / The aim of this thesis is to document the important fusion and acquisition process that was created during Real Plan, on this period at Brazil had one change in your system through the open market and the change of your cambial system. We believed that it is recent event and your documentation is very simple and generic, so we decided to create our interpretation about this subject. On the first chapter, we describing about main and important historic moments. On the next chapter, we are reviewing the economic and financial concepts through chronologic line. On the third chapter, we go to investigating how this alteration (monetary and cambial politic) to accelerate the financial structural system process. Finally, on the fourth chapter we are to exposure all numbers about the new brazilian financial structure and to context then in to the worldwide process in other words financial globalization process / Esta dissertação pretende documentar o processo de fusões e aquisições que ocorreu fortemente a partir do Plano Real, período em que o Brasil viveu a mudança de seu sistema através da abertura de seu mercado e modificação de seu sistema cambial. Acreditamos que esse evento, por ser recente, não foi explorado em toda a sua extensão, e este trabalho tem o objetivo de gerar uma interpretação sob tal fato. Inicialmente, iremos discorrer sobre o momento histórico que estamos analisando, nos atendo aos pontos que serão úteis no entendimento maior de nossa análise. Em seguida, iremos fazer uma revisão de conceitos econômicos e financeiros relativos ao sistema financeiro (bancário), construindo uma linha cronológica. Será dada especial ênfase aos fatores que constituíram o atual sistema. O passo seguinte consistirá na investigação e exposição de em que medida a alteração da política monetária e cambial brasileira acelerou o processo de estruturação do sistema financeiro/bancário. A dissertação, por fim, mostrará em números as modificações ocorridas e irá posicionar estes números dentro do processo mundial de monopolização financeira

Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-10T10:46:47Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 MARCOS RICARDO DA SILVA COSTA.pdf: 913598 bytes, checksum: 2893324f197e08e2eef8ffd756d57348 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-11-01 / Finding a balance between the environmental and economic development is on of the most difficult tasks that will have to be made through the public politics, mainly applying the Tax Law as an equilibrium this conflict. The tribute appears of efficient form, mainly in its extrafiscal meaning, as viabilizador on instrument of the ambient balance and one better quality of life next to the balanced economic development. The tax incentive gera the precaution and the ambient prevention in the economic development. The Brazilian Constitution of the 1988 say on the necessity to preserve the environment for the future generations, so called sustainable development. It is in this context that the IPVA enters the Brazilian legal-constitutional order in the attempt to contribute as a coactive mechanism of reduction of greenhouse effects in atmosphere. The present article intends to demonstrate like the promotion of public tax politics can be oriented to the environmental protection. This focuses on the contribution of the Tax on the Property of Vehicles (IPVA) in the protection in the preservation of the environment, making a parallel between articles 170 and 225 of the Federal Constitution. / Encontrar um equilíbrio entre o desenvolvimento ambiental e econômico é a das tarefas mais difíceis que terão de ser feitas através de políticas públicas, aplicando-se, principalmente, o Direito Tributário como um equilíbrio desse conflito. O tributo aparece de forma eficiente, principalmente na sua acepção extrafiscal, como viabilizador de instrumento do equilíbrio ambiental e uma melhor qualidade de vida ao lado do desenvolvimento econômico equilibrado. O incentivo fiscal gera a precaução e prevenção ambiental no desenvolvimento econômico. A Constituição brasileira de 1988 diz sobre a necessidade de preservar o meio ambiente para as futuras gerações, assim chamado desenvolvimento sustentável. É neste contexto que o IPVA entra na ordem jurídico-constitucional brasileira, na tentativa de contribuir como um mecanismo coercitivo de redução do efeito estufa na atmosfera. O presente artigo pretende demonstrar como a promoção de políticas fiscais públicas podem ser orientadas para a proteção ambiental. Este centra-se na contribuição do Imposto sobre a Propriedade de Veículos (IPVA) na proteção da preservação do meio ambiente, fazendo um paralelo entre os artigos 170 e 225 da Constituição Federal.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T20:21:38Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Fabiola Costa.pdf: 1816096 bytes, checksum: 347c39d9615a2fedba340dc3a6923af1 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006-06-01 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This study was developed pointing to the reflection about the reflexes of the Dwelling Politic on the life quality and the urban insertion of the living families in Residential Complex Roberto Panzarin , built between 1994 and 1997, in Porto Seguro District, inside the city of Itatiba, inland of the São Paulo State. The theoretical basis was the conceptions of territory, microterritory and urban insertion from authors like: Milton Santos, Dirce Koga, Ermínia Maricato e Cibele Rezek, making possible the historical, social and political perspective. Giving priority to the research qualitative broach, this work methodology priviliged an approaching and a deeper contact with the relationed subjects: the Residential Complex living families, the neighborhood and the professionals whose worked for it building and implantation. Through the interviews, the researcher observations, field diary recordings, it was possible to make the Residencial Complex historical reconstitution and the apprehension of significant elements that interfere in these people life quality. Along our investigation, it was possible to detect that an absence of a dwelling politic, well like the non-articulation between State and City interventions, carry on consequences that affect directly the Popular Residential Complex urban insertion. We understand that the public interventions in dwelling must be articulated with other urban politics, taking as a reference the local reality, the population and city features. We also believe that these politics can include the social work, contributing to the urban insertion of these people. / Este estudo foi desenvolvido com o objetivo de refletir sobre os reflexos da Política Habitacional na qualidade de vida e inserção urbana das famílias moradoras do Conjunto Habitacional Roberto Panzarin , construído entre 1994 e 1997,localizado no bairro Porto Seguro, no município de Itatiba, interior do Estado de São Paulo. A fundamentação teórica baseou-se nas concepções de território, microterritório e inserção urbana de autores como: Milton Santos, Dirce Koga, Ermínia Maricato e Cibele Rezek, possibilitando a perspectiva histórica, social e política. Priorizando uma abordagem qualitativa da pesquisa, a metodologia utilizada privilegiou uma aproximação e maior contato com os sujeitos envolvidos: as famílias moradoras do Conjunto Habitacional,a vizinhança do entorno e profissionais que trabalharam na sua implantação. Através das entrevistas, observações da pesquisadora, registros em diário de campo, foi possível uma reconstituição histórica desse Conjunto Habitacional e a apreensão de elementos significativos que interferem na qualidade de vida dessa população. No decorrer de nossa investigação, foi possível detectar que a ausência, no município, de uma política habitacional, assim como a falta de articulação nas intervenções estaduais e municipais, acarretam conseqüências que afetam diretamente a inserção urbana da população dos Conjuntos Habitacionais Populares. Entendemos que as intervenções públicas na habitação devem estar articuladas com outras políticas públicas, tomando como referência a realidade local, as características da população e do município, acreditamos que também podem incluir o trabalho social que contribui para a inserção urbana dessa população.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:55:51Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Fabiola Costa.pdf: 1816096 bytes, checksum: 347c39d9615a2fedba340dc3a6923af1 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006-06-01 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This study was developed pointing to the reflection about the reflexes of the Dwelling Politic on the life quality and the urban insertion of the living families in Residential Complex Roberto Panzarin , built between 1994 and 1997, in Porto Seguro District, inside the city of Itatiba, inland of the São Paulo State. The theoretical basis was the conceptions of territory, microterritory and urban insertion from authors like: Milton Santos, Dirce Koga, Ermínia Maricato e Cibele Rezek, making possible the historical, social and political perspective. Giving priority to the research qualitative broach, this work methodology priviliged an approaching and a deeper contact with the relationed subjects: the Residential Complex living families, the neighborhood and the professionals whose worked for it building and implantation. Through the interviews, the researcher observations, field diary recordings, it was possible to make the Residencial Complex historical reconstitution and the apprehension of significant elements that interfere in these people life quality. Along our investigation, it was possible to detect that an absence of a dwelling politic, well like the non-articulation between State and City interventions, carry on consequences that affect directly the Popular Residential Complex urban insertion. We understand that the public interventions in dwelling must be articulated with other urban politics, taking as a reference the local reality, the population and city features. We also believe that these politics can include the social work, contributing to the urban insertion of these people. / Este estudo foi desenvolvido com o objetivo de refletir sobre os reflexos da Política Habitacional na qualidade de vida e inserção urbana das famílias moradoras do Conjunto Habitacional Roberto Panzarin , construído entre 1994 e 1997,localizado no bairro Porto Seguro, no município de Itatiba, interior do Estado de São Paulo. A fundamentação teórica baseou-se nas concepções de território, microterritório e inserção urbana de autores como: Milton Santos, Dirce Koga, Ermínia Maricato e Cibele Rezek, possibilitando a perspectiva histórica, social e política. Priorizando uma abordagem qualitativa da pesquisa, a metodologia utilizada privilegiou uma aproximação e maior contato com os sujeitos envolvidos: as famílias moradoras do Conjunto Habitacional,a vizinhança do entorno e profissionais que trabalharam na sua implantação. Através das entrevistas, observações da pesquisadora, registros em diário de campo, foi possível uma reconstituição histórica desse Conjunto Habitacional e a apreensão de elementos significativos que interferem na qualidade de vida dessa população. No decorrer de nossa investigação, foi possível detectar que a ausência, no município, de uma política habitacional, assim como a falta de articulação nas intervenções estaduais e municipais, acarretam conseqüências que afetam diretamente a inserção urbana da população dos Conjuntos Habitacionais Populares. Entendemos que as intervenções públicas na habitação devem estar articuladas com outras políticas públicas, tomando como referência a realidade local, as características da população e do município, acreditamos que também podem incluir o trabalho social que contribui para a inserção urbana dessa população.