Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T18:15:45Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Tese Nirvana Marinho.pdf: 14501910 bytes, checksum: 270d6325adb33734545819f11b2a1c2b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006-08-18 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / The visibility that the media has been giving to the body brings a large dose of violence, which can be verified by the photos of mutilated bodies and victims of several kinds of abuses. These are images, official or subliminary, that populate our cultural imaginary. Those images refer to contexts that transform themselves in material to elaborate a critical discourse. This is the context in which are inscribed the works of the Brazilian choreographer Lia Rodrigues and of the French choreographer radicated in Berlin, Xavier le Roy. They transform the images seen on the media into artistic material in the form of tableaux vivants. The research s problem was motivated by the follow question: in the globalized world, crossed by similar kind of image about the body, would it be possible to produce a specific reading in these shared contexts? As they work in distinct places and since both are interested, basically, in similar questions in this mediatized world; Lia Rodrigues and Xavier le Roy were set side by side with an intention to configure a field where it would be possible to investigate an answer to this question. The challenge in this research path was to comprehend the relationship between the transformed questions in image by the media and their works. Once accomplished, the research arrived to the hypothesis that both construct a politic in the body . These are not discourses that the body speeches or interprets, but critical discourses about the own doing. The methodology applied was a bibliographic review about body & politic with an embodied reading followed by a field research with the choreographers. There were ten months of experience in Germany, in the case of Xavier le Roy, and by a sequence of internships in Rio de Janeiro, in Lia Rodrigues case. The objective of the thesis is to affirm that when the body approaches a certain kind of visibility, it becomes political. To achieve that, the research made use mainly of Jacques Rancière, Peter Pal Pelbart, Giorgio Agamben and Michel Foucault writings, as political philosophers, to read, on the bias of communication, the argumentations proposed by them / A visibilidade que a mídia tem dado ao corpo carrega uma grande dose de violência, o que pode ser conferido nas imagens de corpos mutilados e vítimas de vários tipos de abusos. São elas as imagens, oficiais ou subliminares, que povoam nosso imaginário cultural. Tais imagens se referem a contextos que se transformam em materiais para elaboração de um discurso crítico. É neste contexto que se inscrevem as obras da coreógrafa brasileira Lia Rodrigues e do coreógrafo francês radicado em Berlim Xavier le Roy. As imagens que vemos na mídia são por eles transformadas em material artístico em forma de tableaux vivants. O problema da pesquisa foi motivado pela seguinte questão: em um mundo globalizado, atravessado pelo mesmo tipo de imagem sobre o corpo, seria possível produzir uma leitura específica quando os contextos são compartilhados? Lia Rodrigues e Xavier le Roy, como operam em locais distintos, foram aqui colocados lado a lado com a intenção de configurarem um campo onde seria possível investigar uma resposta para essa pergunta. Afinal, ambos se interessam, à princípio, por questões semelhantes no mundo midiatizado. O desafio, no percurso de pesquisa, foi o de compreender a relação entre as questões transformadas em imagem pela mídia e as suas obras. Depois de realizada, a pesquisa chegou à hipótese de que ambos constróem uma política no corpo . Não são discursos que o corpo fala/interpreta, mas discursos críticos acerca do próprio fazer. A metodologia empregada foi a revisão bibliográfica acerca do tema corpo& política, à qual se agregou também uma leitura corporificada, e uma pesquisa de campo junto aos coreógrafos. Foram dez meses de vivência na Alemanha, no caso de Xavier le Roy, e uma sucessão de estágios no Rio de Janeiro, no caso de Lia Rodrigues. O objetivo da tese é afirmar que o corpo, ao se aproximar de um certo tipo de visibilidade, se torna político. Para tal, a pesquisa recorreu, sobretudo, à Jacques Rancière, Peter Pal Pelbart, Giorgio Agamben e Michel Foucault, filósofos da política, de modo a ler, no viés da comunicação, os argumentos por eles propostos

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-28T14:16:10Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Bartira Macedo de Miranda Santos.pdf: 435044 bytes, checksum: 63a71fed71cf98856b24594c5e7d5159 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-11-10 / This research seeks to demonstrate the significance of social protection ideas that have shaped the criminal justice system like the Criminal Code and the 1940 s Code of Criminal Procedure. It discusses the ideas of social defense made by the Italian Positive School, as justification of the punitive system. For this school, the social defense is the reason of criminal justice. Given the biological determinism of the born criminal, Lombroso, Ferri and Garofalo are committed to building a criminal science that is able to promote an effective social defense. Appart from the metaphysical approach of the classics and its theorizing abstract regarding the legal concept of crime, the Italian positivists sought to understand the causes of crime within the criminal person, replacing the deductive method by the inductive one. From 1884 the anthropological positivism was widely spread in Brazil. By not having their proposals adopted by the Criminal Code of 1890, the positivists have used this law, the fame of "the worst of all the known codes . Originally from the legal discourse, the social defense shall be incurred, since the first decades of the twentieth century, as a movement of Criminal Policy with a strong influence on the laws of the period, including the Brazilian laws / Esta pesquisa busca demonstrar o significado das idéias de defesa social que modelaram o sistema penal brasileiro, com o Código Penal e do Código de Processo Penal de 1940. Aborda as idéias de defesa social formuladas pela Escola Positiva Italiana, enquanto justificação do sistema punitivo. Para esta escola, a defesa social é a razão da justiça penal. Diante do determinismo biológico do criminoso nato, Lombroso, Ferri e Garofalo se empenharam em construir uma ciência penal que fosse apta a promover uma eficaz defesa social. Afastando-se da abordagem metafísica dos clássicos, com suas teorizações abstratas acerca do conceito jurídico de crime, os positivistas italianos buscaram compreender as causas do crime na pessoa do criminoso, substituindo o método dedutivo pelo indutivo. O positivismo antropológico teve ampla divulgação no Brasil, a partir de 1884. Por não verem as suas propostas adotadas pelo Código Penal de 1890, os positivistas empregaram a este diploma, a fama de o pior de todos os códigos conhecidos . Oriunda do discurso jurídico, a defesa social passa a se constituir, desde as primeiras décadas do século XX, como um movimento de Política Criminal, com forte influência sobre as legislações da época, inclusive a brasileira

Le paysage médiatique arabe a connu un accroissement spectaculaire au cours de ces dernières décennies, notamment avec la création des grandes chaînes satellitaires comme Al-Jazeera, Al-Arabiya et MBC… et plus tard avec l’arrivée des chaînes occidentales arabophones à destination des publics arabes comme la BBC, France 24 et DW-TV Arabia. Les chaînes arabophones à destination du monde arabe constituent un phénomène médiatique pouvant servir des objectifs idéologiques, une diplomatie de séduction et des vecteurs d’influence pour atteindre des buts politiques et économiques. L’étude porte sur une de ces chaînes satellitaires, la DW-TV Arabia, et sur le rôle qu’elle joue pour le rayonnement de la culture et la position politique allemande, mais aussi pour promouvoir les valeurs et les pratiques démocratiques de la République fédérale. L’objet de cette recherche est de définir ses objectifs de création, sa ligne éditoriale dans la mesure où elle garantit la crédibilité, l’intégrité professionnelle, et son aptitude à forger un discours médiatique indépendant. Il convient par ailleurs de la situer dans le champ médiatique arabe mais aussi de montrer son rôle stratégique pour maintenir les intérêts économiques allemands dans le monde arabe. / The media landscape has known in the twentieth last years a spectacular increase, especially after the creation of satellite's channels with international vocation like Aljazeera, Al-Arabiya and MBC. Lately, the creation of occidental arabophones channels, like BBC, France 24 and DW-TV Arabia, comes to add a new dimension to the media field. The occidental arabophones channels that target Arab World can be considered as a phenomenon in the media field. They can be used to serving ideological objectives, to improve diplomatic relationships, and to make gains in politics and economics domains. This research is focalized in one of these channels; the DW-TV Arabia, this German channel in destination to the Arab World created in 2002. His role as a tool in the proliferation of Germany cultural and politics principles of the federal republic of Germany, to the Arab World, is one of the principals axes treated in this work. Therefore, the motifs of the creation of DW-TV Arabia occupy an important part of this study. The principal aspects who characterized the editorial line of this channel is based on the objectivity, credibility and independence; however, he play a strategic role in improving the economic interests of Germany in the Arab World countries.

A escrita epistolar de Caio Prado Júnior foi compreendida como via pedagógica de convicções políticas utilizadas em sua atuação político-educativa. Meio de luta cultural de esquerda através do qual foi estabelecendo relações e cooptando sujeitos para aprendizado de conceitos, métodos do marxismo e como via válida de conhecimento em geral. A pesquisa é constituída de uma seleção bibliográfica teórica, na qual se levou em consideração a importância da história cultural, Roger Chartier, tratamento de leitura de objetos e documentos, Carlo Ginzburg, concepção de intelectual-educador, Antonio Gramsci e outras referências que trabalham com historiografia e seus materiais, como, entre outros, Hélène Véndrine. O trabalho trata da história pessoal do historiador paulista em sua relação com a história do marxismo no Brasil e no exterior e com o campo do conhecimento nos quais se buscou uma análise dos elementos, autor, material produzido, trajetória na política e na educação na sua relação com campo intelectual marxista ou não. Daquela análise e analogia sua correspondência foi visada como elemento principal de sua luta cultural e para defender uma atuação independente no campo de conhecimento. / The epistolary writing by Caio Prado Júnior was understood as a pedagogical path for political convictions, used in his political and educational practice. It is a means of leftist cultural struggle through which he establishes relationships and co-opts individuals for learning Marxist concepts and methodologies as a valid means for knowledge in general. The research is constituted by a theoretical bibliographical selection, in which the following elements were considered: the importance of cultural history, Roger Chartier, the treatment of the reading of objects and documents, Carlo Ginzburg, the concept of intellectual-educator, Antonio Gramsci and other authors who work with historiography and its materials, such as Hélène Véndrine. The present work deals with the personal history of the historian, born in São Paulo, in its relation with Marxism both in Brazil and overseas, as well as with the field of knowledge in which there as an attempt to make an analysis of the elements, author, material produced, his journey in politics and in education in its relation with Marxist intellectual field or not. From that analysis and analogy his letters were viewed as a fundamental element of his cultural struggle and to defend an independent action in the field of knowledge.

Submitted by Rosivalda Pereira (mrs.pereira@ufma.br) on 2017-05-29T19:32:42Z No. of bitstreams: 1 HaylenoHossoe.pdf: 552257 bytes, checksum: 67574fc47a9a5830adf3bb8ea33116cd (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-05-29T19:32:42Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 HaylenoHossoe.pdf: 552257 bytes, checksum: 67574fc47a9a5830adf3bb8ea33116cd (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-02-06 / This thesis approaches, as the object of its investigation, the structural changes in the Brazilian public TV that emerge from the set of contraposition efforts of the civil society organizations and the Brazilian State against the dominance of the private sector in national television, embodied in the empirical field that is configured in the development of TV Brazil, public Brazilian TV station linked to The Brazil Communication Company (Empresa Brasil de Comunicação – EBC). Created by the Federal Government in 2007, this TV station is a central axis of a reordering movement of the public TV system, marked by historical and situational conditions that allowed the expansion of "public field" through the convergence of governmental interests in forming a counterpoint to the private TV system. Such movement is based on the precept of the complementary roles of private, public and State television systems, contemplated in the Constitution since 1988, however, specifically limited by an incipient, diffuse and incomplete action of the State. The aim is, therefore, to investigate whether the conversion of the educational ideal, which subsidized the long years of activity of educational TV stations in an experiment guided by the broader and plural concept of public television, is able to break away with what is defined as " functional complementarity" in the relationship between TV systems in the Brazilian case. For this purpose, it was developed, in the evaluation of public policies, a political evaluation of the policy in a systematic search for the set of forces which acts in the conception of TV Brazil project, as well as an evaluation of the process in relation to its implementation, focused on the critical analysis of the early years of the new public television. In these evaluations, the categories Democracy, Complementarity and Public and Private offer conceptual support to the qualitative approach of the investigation in which it was developed bibliographic and document analysis from data collected through bibliographic and documental research, and semi-structured interviews. Thus, we intend to present new elements to a broader discussion about the process of reconfiguration of the role of public television in Brazil. / Esta tese aborda, como objeto de sua investigação, as modificações estruturais no sistema público de TV brasileiro que emergem do conjunto de esforços de contraposição de organizações da sociedade civil e do Estado brasileiro ao predomínio privado no setor televisivo nacional, materializados no campo empírico que se configura no desenvolvimento da TV Brasil, emissora pública ligada à Empresa Brasil de Comunicação (EBC). Criada pelo Governo Federal em 2007, a emissora figura como eixo central de um movimento de reordenação do sistema público de TV, marcado por condicionantes históricos e conjunturais que permitiram a expansão do “campo público” por meio da convergência com interesses governamentais de constituição de um contraponto ao sistema privado de TV. Tal movimento sustenta-se no preceito da complementaridade dos sistemas privado, público e estatal de televisão, contemplado no texto constitucional desde 1988, porém, concretamente limitado pela atuação estatal incipiente, difusa e incompleta. Pretende-se, portanto, investigar se a conversão do ideal educacional, que subsidiou os longos anos de atuação das TVs educativas, em uma experiência pautada pelo conceito de TV pública, mais amplo e plural, é capaz de romper com o que delimitamos como “complementaridade funcional” na relação entre os sistemas no caso brasileiro. Para tanto, desenvolve-se, no âmbito da avaliação de políticas públicas, uma avaliação política da política, em busca da sistematização do conjunto de forças atuantes na concepção do projeto da TV Brasil, assim como uma avaliação do processo, no que se refere à sua implementação, voltada para a análise crítica dos primeiros anos da nova TV pública. Na avaliação, as categorias Democracia, Complementaridade e Público e Privado oferecem suporte conceitual à abordagem qualitativa da investigação, na qual se desenvolveu análise bibliográfica e documental a partir dos dados levantados por meio de pesquisa documental, bibliográfica e entrevistas semi-estruturadas. Dessa forma, pretende-se descortinar novos elementos para a ampliação do campo de debates acerca do processo de reconfiguração do papel da TV pública no Brasil.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T18:17:33Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Cicilia de Sousa Frazao.pdf: 20175932 bytes, checksum: 8a46b0341e3180c0a4cff5f6d8ffbd5a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-11-11 / Secretaria da Educação do Estado de São Paulo / This research examines the construction of public images (in special of Lula) in the weekly magazines during the electoral coverage to the presidency of Brazil of 2002 and 2006. Through inquires of mechanisms of construction verbal and visual, we will privilege images of (first form that reaches and awakes the look of the reader), with the objective to understand the way for which each periodic one produces the images of the politicians. Election of units published in years of 2002 and 2006 was necessary, prioritizing the ones that make reference to the president Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, with the intention to analyse the diversified texts that become presents in the cover and the interior of the magazine, in order to show as each one constructs, deconstructs or reconstructs the image of the candidate in these two historical moments, to unmask, therefore, the effect of precise meanings of the genre. According to Patrick Charaudeau, the genres in the media printed, come organized of a form that take them to approach the visibility, intelligibility and spetacularization and each one goes to explore the main characteristic of what it uses to pass the information, either it verbal or not verbal language, constituting true molds of information. The semiotics of Peirce supports us in the attempt to understand as the media speech of the magazines printed obtains through the signs (verbal and not verbal) cause certain effects of senses that act in society, achieving the desired effect in the field of information and publicity / Essa pesquisa examina a construção de imagens públicas (em especial a de Lula) nas revistas semanais durante a cobertura eleitoral à presidência do Brasil de 2002 e 2006. Através das investigações dos mecanismos de construção verbal e visual, privilegiaremos as imagens das capas (forma primeira que alcança e desperta o olhar do leitor), com o objetivo de compreender o modo pelo qual cada periódico produz as imagens dos políticos. A seleção de exemplares publicados nos anos de 2002 e 2006 foi necessária, priorizando as que fazem referência ao presidente Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, com a intenção de analisar os diversificados textos que se apresentam na capa e no interior da revista, a fim de mostrar como cada uma constrói, desconstrói ou reconstrói a imagem do candidato nestes dois momentos históricos, para desvendar, pois, os efeitos de sentidos próprios do gênero. Segundo Patrick Charaudeau, os gêneros na mídia impressa, vêm organizados de uma forma que nos leva a abordar a visibilidade, inteligibilidade e espetacularização, e cada um vai explorar a característica principal daquilo que utiliza para passar a informação, seja ela linguagem verbal ou não-verbal, constituindo verdadeiros moldes de informação. A semiótica de Peirce nos apóia na tentativa de entender como o discurso midiático das revistas impressas consegue através dos signos (verbal e não-verbal) provocar determinados efeitos de sentidos que agem na sociedade, alcançando o efeito desejado no campo da informação e publicidade

Au Liban, les identités politiques jouent un rôle important et sont souvent liées aux identités religieuses. Le pays a été le lieu d’un brassage d’une multitude de civilisations et de cultures, et est aussi un espace de tensions politiques et religieuses. D’un point de vue méthodologique, cette thèse se fonde sur la lecture et l’analyse de la presse et des médias, de la littérature d’autres expressions artistiques. Dans une première partie, la thèse se concentre sur le cadre et la problématique de la thèse. On présente les différents partis politiques libanais, leurs idéologies, leur relation au pouvoir et leur histoire, en particulier à la suite des accords de Taëf (1989). Les institutions politiques et les pratiques politiques libanaises, ainsi que les formes d’engagement, sont aussi étudiées. De même, dans cette partie, la thèse étudie le rôle politique important des grandes familles libanaises, et elle s’attache au charisme des acteurs politiques libanais. La deuxième partie concerne le lien entre les identités politiques et les identités religieuses dans l’espace public libanais. Elle étudie les rapports entre la religion et la politique au Liban, ainsi que les implications religieuses des guerres. Enfin, cette partie analyse la répartition géographique de l’ancrage des identités religieuses et politiques dans le pays. Dans un troisième temps, la thèse fait porter l’analyse sur les expressions des identités politiques. Elle propose une approche de la représentation des identités politiques dans les médias, dans la fiction (cinéma, littérature, etc), dans la chanson et dans les arts plastiques.Enfin, la dernière partie se concentre sur la censure, importante au Liban, compte tenu de la multiplicité des pouvoirs, aussi bien politiques que religieux, qui s’exercent sur la communication. D’une part, il s’agit des différents types de censure et des formes qu’elle peut prendre (censure politique, censure religieuse, censure des programmes d’enseignement, censure des pratiques sociales quotidiennes, et autocensure), et d’autre part, il s’agit des processus de décision qui conduisent à la censure. Cette partie présente aussi les formes de résistance à la censure. / The Lebanese political identities have often been linked to the existing religious identities. Lebanon has known in fact a number of civilizations and cultures, and has continuously been a place of political and religious tensions.From a methodological point of view, this thesis is based on readings and analysis of the press and the media, in addition to the literature of different artistic expressions. In the first section, the thesis focuses on the problematic. We present the multiple Lebanese political parties, their ideologies, their relationship with power and their history, especially after the Taef agreement (1989). We also study the political institutions and the political practices in Lebanon, as well as the multiple forms of political engagement. The thesis also tackles the important role of the traditional Lebanese families and the charisma of politicians. In the second section, we study the link between the political identities and the religious identities in the Lebanese public space. It focuses on the different kinds of relations that bound those two identities, in addition to the religious implications of wars. Also, this section analyses the geographical distribution of the political and religious identities in the country.In section number three, the thesis highlights the expressions of the political identities. It suggests an approach to the representation of these political identities in the media, in the fiction (literature, cinema, etc), in the songs and in fine arts. Finally, the last section focuses on the censorship, important concept in Lebanon, in the presence of a number of political and religious powers that influence the process of communication. We will define censorship, and focus on different kinds of censorship (political censorship, religious censorship, invisible censorship). We will also highlight the procedures and laws that lead to censorship, and the different ways followed by journalists and artists to face it.

Quel est le champ d’action des Amérindiens dans le contexte politique canadien? Malgré les tentatives de l’État canadien de briser la structure politique traditionnelle des Autochtones en introduisant le système électif et politique du conseil de bande, ceux-ci sont loin d'avoir été des victimes passives. L'étude du leadership interstitiel est la ligne directrice de cette thèse car il est la clé d’une pratique politique « in the cracks » qui confère un pouvoir marginal aux Amérindiens. En s'intéressant aux conditions historiques et sociales de déploiement de l’arène politique en milieu de réserve, il est possible de comprendre la quotidienneté et la contemporanéité de l’exercice du pouvoir au sein d’une population minoritaire fortement politisée. La recherche ethnographique porte sur la politique locale de la communauté algonquine de Kitigan Zibi (Québec). L’analyse des acteurs anishnabeg a montré une variabilité du leadership politique chez les Algonquins et l’existence de différents types de leader malgré l’imposition d’une fonction de chef par la Loi sur les Indiens. Le contrôle des affaires politiques officielles d’une bande par les agents coloniaux, c'est-à-dire les missionnaires et les agents indiens, n’a pas donné lieu à un contrôle total de sa dynamique politique interne et de ses membres. L'enquête de terrain a dévoilé que les diverses manifestations et actions politiques menées par les Anishnabeg s’avèrent être des stratégies du pouvoir dans la marge, une forme quotidienne de résistance face aux nouvelles façons de faire la politique établies par les autorités canadiennes, des ruses et des tactiques employées pour tenter de changer le système formel en remettant en question le pouvoir des Affaires indiennes. La contestation et la résistance ne sont toutefois pas l’unique moteur du leadership et de la politique amérindienne. En fait, le leadership politique chez les Kitigan Zibi Anishnabeg est aussi basé sur diverses représentations (traditionnelles, spirituelles, symboliques) qui ont permis aux Algonquins de préserver une identité politique malgré certaines ruptures et transformations introduites dans leur société par les colonisateurs. Les ambiguïtés, les contradictions et les paradoxes de la quotidienneté politique d’une bande autochtone ne sont pas que le résultat de la rencontre d’un univers politique Autre, mais aussi l’aboutissement de l’évolution et de la reconstruction d’un système sociopolitique traditionnel et de ses dynamiques internes reliées au pouvoir, d’une redéfinition de l’autorité et de la légitimité du politique, de l'essor de leaders nouveau genre pour répondre adéquatement aux exigences politiques de la vie en réserve. La politique de réserve n’est pas une chose concrète mais plutôt une dynamique dans un temps et dans un lieu donné, au chevauchement culturel de diverses traditions politiques et formes d’autorité, au truchement de divers espaces (imposé ou symbolique) et institutions (formelle et informelle). Les Algonquins se renouvellent continuellement politiquement au sein de leur système. Ceci n’est pas un effet de l’acculturation, d’une hybridité ou de la modernité mais relève bien de la tradition. Le rattachement de fonctions et dynamiques traditionnelles à la structure formelle constitue un début de gouvernance « par le bas ». Cette dernière renouvelle de l’intérieur, par l’établissement d’un dialogue, la relation entre les leaders autochtones et les représentants de l’État, ce qui donne aux acteurs locaux une marge de manœuvre. Les Algonquins ont saisi les incompatibilités des deux systèmes – blanc et autochtone – pour définir un nouveau territoire, « in the cracks », qui devient leur domaine d’action. L'analyse de la flexibilité du leadership algonquin, de la vision eurocanadienne du leadership amérindien, de l’usage instrumental des exigences de l’État, des élections et des éligibles contemporains, de l'empowerment des femmes algonquines et du leadership féminin en milieu de réserve, a révélé que le leadership interstitiel est une force politique pour les Kitigan Zibi Anishnabeg. En portant un regard critique sur la politique locale dans le quotidien d'une bande et en incluant les voix autochtones, il est possible d’observer le processus de décolonisation et des formes embryonnaires de pratiques postcoloniales au sein des réserves. Cette recherche a démontré que le chef et les autres leaders sont au cœur de cette dynamique politique dans les marges, de l’essor et de l’émancipation politique de leur bande. / What is the scope of Indian participation in Canadian politics? Despite the Canadian governments’ attempts to break traditional Indigenous' political structures by introducing the Band Council system, First Peoples are far from passive victims. The study of interstitial leadership is the theoretical framework of this thesis because it is the key to political practices that take place "in the cracks", thereby conferring marginal power to Indigenous Peoples. By examining the historical and social conditions for the development of the political arena in reserves, it is possible to understand the everyday and contemporaneity of the exercise of power within a highly politicized minority population. The present ethnographic research focuses on the local politics of the Algonquin community of Kitigan Zibi (Quebec). Anishnabeg stakeholder analysis showed a variability of Algonquin political leadership and the existence of different types of leaders in spite of the imposition of a single chief through the Indian Act. The control of the band’s official political affairs by colonial agents, that is to say the missionaries and the Indian agents, has not resulted in the complete control of internal political dynamics and members. The fieldwork revealed that the various political actions undertaken by the Anishnabeg prove to be power strategies from the margin, a form of everyday resistance to the new ways of doing politics established by the Canadian authorities. These actions were also tricks and tactics used to challenge the formal system and the Indian Affairs power. Opposition and resistance however are not the only instruments of Native leadership and politics. In fact, the Kitigan Zibi Anishnabeg political leadership is also based on various representations (i.e. traditional, spiritual, and symbolic) that helped preserve Algonquin political identity despite some disruptions and changes introduced into their society by the colonizers. Ambiguities, contradictions and paradoxes found in everyday band politics are not only the result of the meeting of an Other political universe. They are also the culmination of the development and reconstruction of a traditional sociopolitical system and its internal dynamics related to power, a redefinition of the authority and political legitimacy, the rise of a new leaders genre to adequately respond to the demands of the reserve’s political life. Reserve politics are not a concrete ‘thing’ but rather a dynamic that exists within a particular time and in a given place. Additionally, overlapping different cultural and political traditions as well as various forms of authority, occur in various spaces (imposed or symbolic) and institutions (formal and informal). The Algonquin are continually renewing themselves politically within their system. This is not an effect of acculturation, hybridity, and modernity but of tradition. The joining of traditional functions and dynamics to the formal structure represents the beginning of a governance "from below". The latter renews from within, through the establishment of a dialogue, the relationship between Aboriginal leaders and representatives of the State, which provides room for manoeuvre to local protagonists. The Algonquins seized upon the incompatibilities between the two systems - Settler and Aboriginal - to define a new territory "in the cracks" which became their field of action. The analysis of the flexibility of Algonquin leadership, the Euro-Canadien vision of the Native leadership, the instrumental use of State requirements, the contemporary elections and candidates, Algonquin women's empowerment and female leadership within reserve have showed that the interstitial leadership is a political force for the Kitigan Zibi Anishnabeg. By wearing a critical eye on local politics in daily band life and by including Indigenous voices, it is possible to observe the process of decolonization as well as the embryonic forms of postcolonial practices within reserves. This research has shown that the chief and other leaders are at the heart of this political dynamic in the margins and the political development and empowerment of their band.

Inscrite dans la tradition monographique en sociologie et en anthropologie, cette thèse prend pour objet la diversité des pratiques et des idéologies caractéristiques des différents types de populations rurales distingués en fonction de l'enracinement territorial, afin d'apporter un nouvel éclairage sur les conflits sociaux actuels dans tous les milieux ruraux québécois qui surgissent notamment de l'accroissement du nombre des néo-ruraux dont les visions du monde s'opposent à celles des agriculteurs, dont le nombre diminue sans cesse. Prenant un village comme observatoire, il s'agit de rendre compte du mouvement totalisant de l'expérience de la vie en société à la fois dans ses dimensions « matérielles » et « symboliques ». L'étude des principales formes de vie sociale (religieuse, économique et politique) se fait grâce à des méthodes diversifiées: l'observation participante, l'analyse statistique, l'analyse du discours, le travail sur les archives municipales et l'histoire orale. L'analyse des différentes formes de vie sociale montre que leur organisation est structurée par deux principaux modèles. Le modèle public et communautaire comprend les personnes qui valorisent l'implication de l'État et des professionnels dans la gestion collective de la redistribution des richesses et dans le développement des milieux ruraux. Ces personnes occupent une position économique « marginale » à l'intérieur de la localité et sont plus près des milieux urbains tant par leurs positions que par leurs visions du monde. Quant au modèle privé et familial, il comprend les personnes défendant le rôle prépondérant des réseaux familiaux dans le développement local et la fermeture de la localité face à la concurrence des marchés extérieurs et aux interventions politiques exogènes. Les représentants de ce modèle occupent une position économique locale dominante, mais se sentent de plus en plus dominés politiquement face aux interventions extérieures des représentants politiques régionaux et des professionnels ainsi qu'économiquement à l'échelle mondiale où ils occupent une position dominée. Les oppositions sous-jacentes à ces deux modèles s'inscrivent dans une histoire ancienne qui met en scène d'une part les élites traditionnelles liées à l'Église et les notables francophones scolarisées et d'autre part les élites industrielles et commerciales qui succèdent aux anglophones dès les années 1920. Le sens et le contenu des modèles varient légèrement avec les transformations récentes de la structure familiale et la régionalisation des pouvoirs politiques et religieux. / Pertaining to the monographic tradition in sociology and anthropology, this dissertation is about the diversity of the practices and ideologies of the different kinds of rural populations, which are in turn distinguished according to their "territorial establishment". I aim to shed a new light on the ongoing social conflicts in all of Quebec's countryside that are due to the increase of "new-inhabitants" whose world views are in opposition to the always decreasing farmers. With a village as observatory, I account for the "totalizing movement" of the social life experience in both its material and symbolic dimensions. I study the main forms of life (religious, economic, and political) with multivarious methods: "participant observation", statistical analysis, analysis of discourse, as well as the municipal archives and oral history. The analysis of the diverse forms of social life shows that they are organized according to two main models: the public and communautarian model, and the private and familial one. The former model comprises individuals who value the State's and professionals interference in the redistribution of goods as well as in the development of the countryside. These individuals occupy a marginal economic position in the village, and their positions and world views are closer to urban individuals. As for the private and familial model, it comprises individuals who defends both the predominant role of family network in the development of the village, and the separation of the village from the exogenous market competition and political interventions. This model's representatives occupy a local dominant economic position, but feel more and more politically dominated in the regional political scene by their representatives and professionals, as well as in the world economy where they occupy a dominated position. The underlying oppositions of these two models are anchored in an age-old history that displays, on the one hand, the traditional elite associated to the Church and the francophone educated notaries, and, on the other hand, the industrial and commercial elite that succeeded to the Anglophones in the 1920s. The meaning and content of the models lightly vary with recent transformations in the family structure and with the regionalization of the political and religious powers.

In the current contemporary Chinese context, still caught up with a governmental censorship of the media productions as well as information circulation, creators must find diverse ways to express themselves freely. Several styles of cinemas cohabit in this country hustled by political ideologies. Two main categories are divided, opposed and intermingled, the “mainstream” cinema and the “independent” cinema. It is via the medium of cinema and more particularly that of the present generation of Chinese directors that will be highlighted the emergence of new creative subjectivities. These subjectivities are in a constant dance with the State in the reaching of professional achievement while maintaining the status of artistic independence. The author will look into the evolution of the notion of Chinese identity from the 1990s until today. Rising from an opposition between tradition and modernism, the formation of new subjectivities is founded on a constant negotiation with the imposing forces of globalization but also in relation with the Chinese State. One currently speaks about an easing of communist rigidity and even the emergence of neoliberal tendencies. This would lead to the creation of a Chinese identity, brought up to date in tune with the assertion of individual desires at the expense of the community. The collective experiment is set aside to make room for the subjectivity of creative individuals, who create while positioning themselves as a unit in interrelationship with society. / Dans le contexte actuel d’une Chine contemporaine encore aux prises avec une censure gouvernementale des productions médiatiques ainsi que de la diffusion de l’information, les créateurs doivent trouver des voies détournées afin de s’exprimer librement. Plusieurs styles de cinémas cohabitent dans ce continent bousculé par les idéologies politiques. Deux grandes catégories se distinguent, s’opposent, s’entremêlent et se côtoient, c’est-à-dire, le cinéma « mainstream » et le cinéma « indépendant ». C’est via le médium du septième art et plus particulièrement celui de la génération actuelle de réalisateurs chinois que sera mise en relief l’émergence de nouvelles subjectivités créatives. Ces subjectivités sont engagées dans une danse constante avec l’État dans l’atteinte de l’accomplissement professionnel tout en maintenant le statut d’indépendance artistique. L’auteure tentera d’approfondir l’évolution de la notion de l’identité chinoise des années 1990 à aujourd’hui. Découlant d’une opposition entre tradition et modernisme, la formation de nouvelles subjectivités est fondée sur une négociation constante avec les forces imposantes de la globalisation mais aussi avec l’État chinois. On parle actuellement d’un assouplissement de la rigidité communiste, voire même l’émergence de tendances néolibérales, qui auraient pour effet de mener à la création d’une identité chinoise actualisée en diapason avec l’assertion des désirs individuels, et ce, au profit de la collectivité. L’expérience collective est mise de côté pour faire place à la subjectivité d’individus créateurs qui créent en se positionnant en tant qu’unité en interrelation avec la société.