Submitted by Geandra Rodrigues (geandrar@gmail.com) on 2018-03-20T19:28:29Z No. of bitstreams: 1 alvarosalanavieira.pdf: 9139810 bytes, checksum: 7825a96e4943f1cf519b5f69a7f892d4 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2018-03-21T12:51:23Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 alvarosalanavieira.pdf: 9139810 bytes, checksum: 7825a96e4943f1cf519b5f69a7f892d4 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-03-21T12:51:23Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 alvarosalanavieira.pdf: 9139810 bytes, checksum: 7825a96e4943f1cf519b5f69a7f892d4 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-11-06 / Esta dissertação foi desenvolvida no âmbito do Mestrado Profissional em Gestão e Avaliação da Educação (PPGP) do Centro de Políticas Públicas e Avaliação da Educação, da Universidade Federal de Juiz de Fora (CAEd/UFJF). Teve como objetivo geral investigar as dificuldades e os avanços na implementação da política do Território Etnoeducacional (TEE) Rio Negro, no município de São Gabriel da Cachoeira. O trabalho contextualiza o Decreto nº 6.861/2009, que cria a política do Território Etnoeducacional com participação de indígenas, instituições governamentais e não governamentais, assim como a Educação Escolar Indígena no Brasil, o movimento indígena, os conceitos de Território, Território Educacional, Territórios Etnoeducacionais. Além disso, focaliza o Território Rio Negro, bem como analisa o Território Etnoeducacional enquanto política pública. Para tanto, utiliza como metodologia a pesquisa qualitativa e, como instrumento, a entrevista semiestruturada com lideranças e professores indígenas. A dissertação apresenta, ainda, um Plano de Ação Educacional como proposta de intervenção para o estudo de caso, que objetiva o aprimoramento e aperfeiçoamento desta política, em âmbito regional. Tal plano poderá contribuir para nortear a implementação da política do TEE nos sistemas de ensino do TEE Rio Negro, especificamente no município de São Gabriel da Cachoeira, com ações compartilhadas entre as diferentes instituições e os povos indígenas, tal como define a política dos Territórios Etnoeducacionais. / The present dissertation it was developed in the professional master degree in Management and evaluation of Education (PPGP) of the center of the public politic and Evaluation, of the Federal University from Juiz de Fora (CAEd / UFJF), it had as an general objective of the politics investigate, the difficulties and advances in the implementation of the politics of the ethno-Educational Territory (TEE) politic in the municipality of São Gabriel da Cachoeira, as recommended by Decree 6.861/2009, with indigenous participation, from governmental and non-governmental institutions. The work contextualize the Indigenous School Education in Brazil, the indigenous movement, the Territory concept, Educational Territory, educational ethno-Territories. It focuses on the Rio Negro Territory, as well as analyzes the Ethno-Educational Territory as a public politic. For that, it uses as methodology the qualitative research and as instrument, the semi structured interview with indigenous leaders and teachers. The dissertation also presents an Educational Action Plan as a proposal for intervention for the case study, which aims to enhancement and improvement this politic at the regional level. Such a plan may contribute to guiding the implementation of the TEE politic in the TEE Rio Negro education systems specifically in the municipality of São Gabriel da Cachoeira, with shared actions between the different institutions and indigenous peoples, as defined by the educational ethno-Territories politic.

Dire qu’il n’est pas possible de séparer la religion de la politique avant le XVIIIe siècle, c’est énoncer un lieu commun. Mais comment étudier l’influence des représentations religieuses sur la politique ? Si depuis Marc Bloch et Ernst Kantorowicz de nombreuses études ont été publiées sur la légitimation religieuse du pouvoir temporel, les autres dimensions de la politique, c’est à dire le développement et la réalisation de politiques, ont souvent été négligées. Ainsi, l’historiographie sur la Guerre de Trente Ans et la politique étrangère française sous Louis XIII distingue d’un côté des acteurs motivés religieusement et de l’autre des acteurs motivés politiquement et, de ce fait, ne peut appréhender de manière satisfaisante les débats politiques du XVIIe siècle.En examinant l’impact de la Réforme catholique sur le calcul politique, cette thèse de doctorat propose une démarche qui rassemble la religion et la politique dans toutes ses dimensions. Ce faisant, elle tente de développer de nouveaux récits de l’histoire politique. Les questions du parti dévot, de la Fronde, du caractère de la Guerre de Trente Ans et de l’échec de la monarchie polonaise sont reconsidérées. En outre, elle cherche à donner une vue d’ensemble de la Réforme catholique et de ses conséquences politiques. Une grande attention est accordée à l’émergence de nouveaux cultes politico-religieux favorisant la construction étatique, et en particulier au patronage marial étatique. / Common wisdom says that it is not possible to dissociate religion from politics before the 18th century. But how is it possible to study the influence of religious patterns on political action? Since Marc Bloch and Ernst Kantorowicz, a great deal of scholarly work has been written on religious legitimization of political power, yet the other dimensions of politics - the development of policies and the struggles around it - have been somewhat neglected. Historiography about the Thirty Years’ War or French foreign policy under Louis XIII still postulates a dichotomy between religiously and politically motivated actors and, because of this, fails to analyse properly the political debates of the 17th century. Examining the influence of Catholic reform on political calculation in the first half of 17th century, the doctoral thesis proposes a way bridging religion and politics in all its dimensions, and in so doing develops new narratives of political history. The questions of the resistance to war in France, of the Fronde, of the character of the Thirty Years’ War, and of the failure of the Polish monarchy are re-considered. Furthermore, this work provides a general view of Catholic reform and of its impact on political life. It pays particular attention to the new religious-political cults propelling state construction, and especially to the State Marian patronage.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-07-18T17:54:26Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao Cidinha 10_03_2015 PUBLICAR.pdf: 17038942 bytes, checksum: 8bc703c6af7da340d0ac329408565e6d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-05-29 / The following study shows a reflection on policy education and the popular knowledge management that ensured the active citizenship occurred, in the planning and implementation of the National Program of Family farming PRONAF/ Infrastructure and municipal services, implanted in Alfredo Marcondes, state of São Paulo, as participants having family farmers organized in the Municipal Council of Rural Development CMDR and the Association of Rural Producers of Alfredo Marcondes APRAM. The main objective is to investigation the learning of active citizenship occurred in these space non-formal education, from the partnership with local government and co-manager experience of the farmers of this municipality, discussing the achievements and teaching the conflicts that permeate the experience of social management of public goods, available to the APRAM by the municipally city hall. The work will cover the structure and functioning of APRAM and CMDR and yours joints, with the municipal, state and federal spheres, trying to reflect the scale socioeducative of the political participation as it occurs in various public institutions and local government bodies. / O presente estudo apresenta uma reflexão sobre a educação política e a gestão dos saberes populares que garantiram o exercício da cidadania ativa ocorrida, no planejamento e implementação do Programa Nacional da Agricultura Familiar PRONAF/ Infraestrutura e Serviços Municipais, implantado em Alfredo Marcondes, Estado de São Paulo, tendo como partícipes os produtores familiares organizados no Conselho Municipal de Desenvolvimento Rural CMDR e na Associação dos Produtores Rurais de Alfredo Marcondes APRAM. O objetivo central foi investigar o aprendizado para o exercício da cidadania ativa ocorrido nesses espaços de educação não formal, a partir da relação de parceria estabelecida com o governo local e com a experiência cogestora dos agricultores familiares deste município, discutindo as conquistas e pedagogizando os conflitos que permeiam a experiência da gestão social dos bens públicos, colocados à disposição da APRAM pela Prefeitura Municipal. O trabalho percorreu a estrutura e o funcionamento da APRAM e do CMDR e suas articulações, com as esferas do governo municipal, estadual e federal, tentando refletir a dimensão sócio-educativa da participação política enquanto ela ocorre nas diversas instituições públicas e instâncias do poder local. Trata-se de pesquisa qualitativa cujos resultados apontam para a positividade educativa do processo de gestão participativa que engendra o cidadão ativo. Para a educação formal, caracterizada por práticas escolares e relações sociais hierarquizadas e formatadas, essa é a real contribuição dessa pesquisa.

La question du statut des femmes au Maroc est souvent traitée en termes d’affrontements entre les courants conservatiste et moderniste, et il est rare que l’on trouve une option qui ne s’inscrive ni dans un fondamentalisme religieux, ni dans un mimétisme occidental. Or, malgré le rôle prépondérant de la monarchie marocaine dans le domaine du droit de la famille, et la place de l’islamisme marocain, il est possible de reconsidérer les débats autour des réformes législatives et du principe d’égalité au sein de la famille. Les analyses traditionnelles qui opposent l’islamisme au féminisme peuvent être dépassées à travers la création et le développement d’un féminisme endogène et local lequel questionne les rapports de genre à l’œuvre et le patriarcat, et au sein duquel l’islamisme n’est pas exclu. Cela implique d’interroger les grilles d’analyses binaires qui opposent la modernité à la tradition et de renoncer à l’usage excessif de ces notions dans un sens antagonique. Notre recherche entend mettre en avant l’importance d’une approche pluridisciplinaire étant donné que les questions féministes se trouvent, dans notre contexte, au carrefour du politique, du théologique et du juridique. L’analyse des discours politique, juridique, militant et académique implique l’analyse du rôle de l’État dans la production de la norme juridique, ainsi que la position des courants islamiste et féministes marocains. L’objectif de notre thèse est alors d’entamer un réflexion profonde sur la production intellectuelle francophone au sujet du droit de la famille marocain et des différents positionnements qui s’inscrivent dans ce cadre. / The question of the status of women is often treated in terms of clashes between conservative and modernist currents, and it is uncommon to find an option which does not fit into religious fundamentalism or Western mimicry. However, despite the dominant role of the Moroccan monarchy in the field of family law, and the evolving role of Moroccan Islamism, it is possible to reconsider the debates on legislative reforms and the principle of equality within the family. The traditional analyses that oppose Islamism to feminism can be surpassed through the creation and development of an endogenous and local feminism that questions gender relations at work and patriarchy, and where islamism is not excluded. This involves questioning the grids of binary analysis that oppose modernity to tradition and give up the excessive use of these notions in an antagonistic sense. Our research seeks to emphasize the importance of a multidisciplinary approach since feminist issues are, in our context, at the crossroads of politics, theology and law. The analysis of political, legal, militant and academic discourse involves the analysis of the role of the state in the production of the legal norm, as well as the position of Moroccan Islamist and feminist currents. The purpose of our thesis is to begin a deep reflection on the French-speaking intellectual production about Moroccan family law and the different positions that fall within this framework.

Cette thèse réalise une étude ludo-politique du glitche vidéoludique (bogue, erreur logicielle, faille de design, échec du système, etc.). Elle problématise l’expérience du glitche comme un point d’inflexion entre deux postures d’engagement. Premièrement, une contrejouabilité paralogique désignant une attitude anarcho-communiste qui s’approprie le glitche comme artefact pour explorer, rediriger et (re)façonner la matérialité vidéoludique dans une optique subversive, critique et commune. Deuxièmement, une contre-jouabilité innovante consolidant un programme néolibéral qui exploite le glitche comme une marchandise pour renégocier, dominer et recoder le jeu dans le but de sécuriser un gain en capital. La méthodologie de l’archéologie des médias est mobilisée pour décortiquer les tenants et aboutissants de ces deux modes de contre-jouabilité. Une chasse aux glitches effectuée à travers les discours, l’imaginaire collectif, les arts d’avant-garde et différentes sphères techniques retrace les rapports de continuité entre l’objet d’étude et une matrice de concepts, de formes esthétiques, de méthodes créatives et d’articulations rhétoriques. Un cadre théorique pluridisciplinaire focalisé sur les sciences du jeu, l’étude des médias, les sciences de la communication, la théorie de l'art et les études de fans est employé pour discerner la place singulière qu’occupe la poésie bruyante du glitche vidéoludique à l’intérieur de son vaste réseau d’héritages transhistoriques et transmédiatiques. L’aménagement d’un espace théorique de réflexion nommé la Carte ludo-politique du glitche structure l’analyse des implications idéologiques d’un corpus de glitches issu de la culture du jeu de tir à la première personne comprise comme champ culturel frontalement tiraillée entre la paralogie anarcho-communiste et l’innovation néolibérale. Ce tiraillement est exploré à l’aide d’un second modèle nommé le Circuit de l'économie socio-technique du glitche. Cet outil assiste l’exposition d’un tissu économique de pertes et de profits croisés entre les glitcheurs et l’industrie. Deux tendances prédominantes sont étudiées. D’une part, une culture de la marchandise basée sur des logiques compétitives de détournement et d’hameçonnage où la valeur d’échange du glitche est exploitée pour optimiser un rendement économique. D’autre part, une économie du don découlant d’un esprit de coopération et de partage où la valeur d’usage du glitche est cultivée et abritée au service du bien commun et de la diversité des pratiques. La démystification de ces dynamiques révèle des rapports d’exploitation économique ii et d’assujettissement politique reliant le glitche 1) à la transformation matérielle des jeux vidéo, 2) à la force de travail des développeurs de jeux, 3) à la force de jouavail des glitcheurs et 4) à la philosophie socio-économique du néolibéralisme qui règne dans la culture et l’industrie vidéoludique. Les dimensions matérielles, laborieuses et économiques du glitche sont discutées en fonction de leurs effets de politisation ambivalents. Sur le plan de la contre-jouabilité innovante, la notion de glitches de l’Empire est théorisée comme vecteur d’une subjectivité politique conformée aux préceptes du néolibéralisme. Cette attitude s’harmonise avec la privatisation des moyens de production, la propriété privée et intellectuelle, le libre marché, la recherche du profit, la liberté entrepreneuriale de soi, la compétition marchande et la quantification du vivant. Sur le plan de la contre-jouabilité paralogique, le concept de glitches de la multitude est présenté comme cristallisant une sensibilité anarcho-communiste. Cette dernière encourage un éthos de désobéissance qui défend la liberté d’expression et d’association, l’autonomisation des individus et des communautés, la socialisation des moyens de production, la collectivisation des ressources, l’autogestion et de la démocratie/action directe au sein de groupes affinitaires ainsi que la préservation du commun. / This thesis conduct a ludo-political study of videogame glitches (bugs, software errors, design flaws, system failures, etc.). The glitch experience is analyzed as an inflection point between two modes of engagement. First, a paralogical counterplay related to an anarchocommunist ethos that appropriates glitches as artifacts to explore, redirect and (re)shape videogame materiality in a subversive, critical, and communal manner. Second, an innovative counterplay consolidating a neoliberal agenda that exploits glitches as commodities to renegotiate, dominate and recode the game to secure capital gains. Media archeology is mobilized as a methodology to dissect the ins and outs of these two modes of counterplay. An academic form of glitch hunting through discourse, collective imaginary, avant-garde arts and various technical fields has been carried out to retrace the continuity between the object of study and a shared matrix of concepts, aesthetic forms, creative techniques and rhetorical articulations. A multidisciplinary theoretical framework built from game studies, media studies, communication studies, art theory and fan studies is used to determine the unique place of videogame glitches’ noisy poetry within its vast network of transhistoric and transmedia heritages. The development of a theoretical model named the Glitch Ludo-Political Map frames the analysis of the ideological implications of a body of glitches from the first-person shooter gaming culture understood as a cultural field in tension between the anarcho-communist paralogy and neoliberal innovation. This polarization is explored using a second model called the Circuit of the Glitch Socio-Technical Economy. This tool is used to expose a complex interplay of economic losses and gains between glitchers and the industry. Two predominant trends are studied. On the one hand, a culture of commodity based on a hijacking and harnessing competitive logic where the exchange value of glitches is exploited to optimize economic incomes. On the other hand, a gift economy resulting from a spirit of cooperation, sharing, and gratuitousness in which the use value of glitches is harvested and harboured in the service of the common good and the diversity of practices. The investigation of these dynamics reveals relationships of economic exploitation and political subjugation that link glitches to 1) the material transformation of videogames, 2) the labour force of game developers, 3) the playbour iv force of glitchers, and 4) the neoliberal socio-economic philosophy that shapes gaming culture and industry. The material, labour, and economic dimensions of glitches are discussed according to their ambivalent political effects. In terms of innovative counterplay, the notion of glitches of Empire is theorized as a vector of a political subjectivity consistent with the precepts of neoliberalism. This attitude is aligned with the privatization of the means of production, private and intellectual property, free market, search for profit, entrepreneurial freedom of the self, aggressive competition and quantification of life itself. In terms of paralogical counterplay, the concept of glitches of multitude is presented as crystallizing an anarcho-communist political sensibility. This political stance catalyzes an ethos of disobedience fostering freedom of speech and association, empowerment of individuals and communities, socialization of the means of production, collectivization of wealth, self-management and direct democracy/action within affinity groups, and the protection of the common good.

La presente tesis tiene como tema comparar los discursos periodísticos de “La República” y “El Comercio” en relación a la campaña municipal de la alcaldía de Lima el año 2018 y determinar si se utilizó la posverdad en las notas “informativas” digitales durante el último mes de la campaña electoral del 2018. Específicamente, se analizó el caso del candidato Ricardo Belmont, tratado por el diario “La República”, y del postulante Daniel Urresti, tratado por “El Comercio”. Del total de notas publicadas (62 sobre Urresti en “El Comercio” y 46 sobre Belmont en “La República”) solo se han considerado 5 notas “informativas” en cada caso, ya que son las únicas que manifiestan el desacuerdo que tiene el diario con el postulante en cuestión. Una lectura superficial podría hacer pensar que los periodistas que redactaron estas cinco notas pretenden ser neutrales. No obstante, el uso de palabras clave dentro del cuerpo del texto y los mecanismos utilizados en los discursos evidencia la presencia de la posverdad y así se explicita la postura crítica del medio frente al candidato. La conclusión principal es que los postulantes no fueron los favoritos de los diarios, pues su ideología y posición no era compartida por estos periódicos. En ese sentido la presente tesis, también, prueba que en los mencionados diarios, detrás de la apariencia de equilibrio informativo, se desarrollaron diversos mecanismos de la posverdad con el objeto de criticar y de desprestigiar a candidatos que no eran de su preferencia. / The subject of this thesis is to compare the journalistic speeches of “La República” and “El Comercio” in relation to the municipal campaign of the mayor of Lima in 2018 and determine if post-truth was used in the digital news reports during the last month of the 2018 electoral campaign. Specifically, were analyzed the case of the candidate Ricardo Belmont, treated by the newspaper “La República”, and the candidate Daniel Urresti, treated by “El Comercio”. Of the total notes published (62 on Urresti in “El Comercio” and 46 on Belmont in "The Republic") they have only been considered 5 ratings “information” in each case, as they are the only ones who express disagreement has daily with candidate in question. A superficial reading might suggest that journalists who wrote these five notes are intended to be neutral. However, the use of keywords within the body of the text and the mechanisms used in speeches showed the presence of posverdad and so the critical stance of the medium is explicitly against the candidate. The main conclusion is that the applicants were not the favorites of the newspapers, because their ideology and position was not shared by these newspapers. In this sense, the present thesis also proves that daily mentioned, behind the appearance of balance information, various mechanisms were developed posverdad order to criticize and smear were not candidates of choice. / Tesis

Las emociones se han convertido en un arma para utilizar en campañas políticas. El uso de la emocionalidad en el discurso de un candidato aporta una propuesta de valor diferente. La exposición del político -sea para un cargo nacional, regional o local- brinda a la población la posibilidad de conocer quién es o al menos la imagen que desea proyectar. El candidato por el partido Renovación Popular, Rafael López Aliaga, expuso su imagen política de campaña en base a polémicas declaraciones -además coincidieron con el alza de su nombre en las encuestas de opinión-, sustentadas en diversas emociones, que se ajustan a una estrategia similar empleada por Donald Trump o Jair Bolsonaro. El presente estudio cualitativo ha permitido entender cuál ha sido el rol del discurso emocional en una campaña política de gran envergadura, como lo fueron las elecciones generales 2021 en Perú. De esta manera, el análisis realizado permite entender la relación entre lo político y lo emocional, cómo ambos términos convergen y cómo los diferentes usos de la emocionalidad generan impacto en la estrategia de comunicación. / Emotions have become a weapon when it comes to political campaigns. The usage of emotions on a candidate’s speech provides a unique value proposition. The politician’s exposure- either for a national charge- regional or local- supplies to the population the possibility of getting to know them or at least to know the image they are trying to portray. The “Renovación Popular” candidate designed his political campaign image based on controversial statements – furthermore, concurred with the raise of his name on opinion polls –, sustained by different emotions, which comprehends a strategy very similar to the one proposed by Donald Trump or Jair Bolsonaro. This qualitative study allowed to understand what the role of emotional discourse has been in a political campaign, such as the first round of the electoral process of 2021 in Peru. In this way, the analysis allows us to understand the relation between the political and the emotional, how both terms converge and how the different uses of emotionality generate an impact on the communication strategy. / Tesis

Cette recherche de thèse de doctorat se propose de réaliser une anthropologie de la reconnaissance sociale au Brésil à partir des revendications de « dignité » du Mouvement social des travailleurs ruraux Sans Terre (MST).Pour comprendre cette exigence de reconnaissance (Taylor, 1992), et définir dans quelle mesure l’engagement des travailleurs ruraux dans la lutte du MST résulte d’une motivation affective issue d’expériences de mépris social (Honneth, 2000), la réflexion se centre dans un premier temps sur les conditions sociohistoriques de constitution des travailleurs ruraux au Brésil. L’étude de l’historiographie brésilienne permet ainsi de mettre en lumière comment les valeurs de la société brésilienne, la nature de la structure agraire héritée de la colonie portugaise, les rapports de domination entre grands propriétaires terriens et travailleurs ruraux basés sur la « domination personnelle » ainsi que les représentations des travailleurs ruraux ont participé de la construction de cette population comme une population subalterne (Spivak, 1988). La recherche s’intéresse ensuite aux pratiques développées par le MST pour reconquérir une dignité. Basées sur un usage politique de l’artistique, ces pratiques sont instituées dans le mouvement social au sein du « Setor de Cultura » (Secteur de la Culture) et combinent les deux aspects des théories de la reconnaissance sociale : l’« auto-reconnaissance » en termes d’estime de soi (Honneth, 2000), et, la reconnaissance sociale en termes de politiques publiques (Fraser, 2005). C’est pourquoi, l’analyse de ces pratiques s’appuie dans un premier temps sur l’ethnographie des moments de socialisation développés par le « Setor de Cultura » pour saisir jusqu’où ils permettent de créer un sentiment d’identification au MST et donnent aux travailleurs ruraux l’opportunité de se constituer en tant que sujets politiques. L’analyse interroge ensuite les usages de la musique et du théâtre visant à transformer la représentation dominante des « Sans Terre » dans la société brésilienne, et à rendre ainsi légitime la réalisation de la Réforme Agraire aux yeux de l’opinion publique. / This research takes aim to realize an anthropology of social recognition in Brazil based on the study of the Landness social mouvement’s (MST) revendications of « dignity ».To understand these recognition’s demands (Taylor, 1992), and how the commitment of peasants into the MST’s struggle is based on an affective motivation determinated by experiences of social comtempt (Honneth, 2000), this reflexion focus at first on the sociohistorical conditions of the peasant’s constitution in Brazil. The study of brasilian historiography allows to determine how the brasilian society’s values, the land structure’s nature inherited from the portuguese colony, the domination’s relations between the big landowners and the peasants based on the « personal domination » and the social representations of the peasants had participed to build this population as a subaltern population (Spivak, 1988). Then, this research take an interest in the pratices developped by the MST to recover a dignity. Making a politic use of the artistic, these pratices are instituted in the social movement in the « Setor de Cultura » (Culture’s Sector) and combine the two aspects of the social recognition’s theories : the « auto-recognition » in terms of self’s esteem (Honneth, 2000), and, the social recognition in terms of publics policies (Fraser, 2005). That’s why, the analysis of these practices is first based on the ethnography of the socialisation’s moments developed by the « Setor de Cultura » to understanding however they allow to create an identification’s feeling within the MST and give an opportunity to the peasant to form them as politic subjects. Then, the analysis questions the music and theater’s uses aiming to transforme the Landless dominant representation in brazilian society, making like this as legitimated the achievement of the Land Reform for the outside word. / Essa tese de doutorado tem como objetivo de realizar uma antropologia do reconhecimento social no Brasil a partir das reivindicações de « dignidade » do Movimento social dos trabalhadores rurais Sem Terra (MST).Para entender essa exigência de reconhecimento (Taylor, 1992), e tentar esclarecer de que maneira o engajamento dos trabalhadores rurais na luta do MST é o resultado de uma motivação afetiva alimentada de experiências de desprezo social (Honneth, 2000). Nossa reflexão se concentra num primeiro tempo sobre as condições socio-históricas de constituição dos trabalhadores rurais no Brasil. O estudo da historiografia brasileira permite salientar como os valores da sociedade brasileira, a natureza da estrutura agrária herdada da colonização portuguesa, as relações de dominação entre os latifundiários e os trabalhadores rurais baseadas na « dominação pessoal » assim como as representações dos trabalhadores rurais participaram da construção dessa população como uma população subalterna (Spivak, 1988). Depois, a pesquisa se interessa nas práticas desenvolvidas pelo MST pela reconquista de sua dignidade. Baseadas no uso político do artístico, essas práticas foram formalizadas no movimento social dentro do « Setor de Cultura » e combinam os dois aspectos das teorias do reconhecimento social : o « auto reconhecimento » em termos de autoestima (Honneth, 2000) e, o reconhecimento social em termos de políticas públicas (Fraser, 2005). No entanto, a análise dessas práticas se apoia num primeiro tempo sobre a etnografia dos momentos de socialização desenvolvidos pelo « Setor de Cultura » para entender até onde eles permitem de criar um sentimento de identificação ao MST e dão aos trabalhadores rurais a oportunidade de se constituir como sujeitos políticos. A análise interroga num segundo tempo os usos da música e do teatro que tem como objetivo transformar a representação dominante dos « Sem Terra » na sociedade brasileira, e assim defender e mostrar a legitimidade da realização da Reforma Agrária aos olhos da opinião pública.

La thèse questionne les facteurs permettant la pratique et l’usage des technologies numériques en soutien à la scolarisation dans le domaine des technologies éducatives au niveau des écoles secondaires. A partir d’un regard croisé entre différents terrains de l’espace francophone et s’appuyant sur les pratiques, le chercheur analyse des éléments comparatifs dans le secteur des technologies de l’information et de la communication (TIC) en éducation entre les pays suivants : le Viêt Nam, la Moldavie, le Burkina-Faso et la République Démocratique du Congo. Un regard croisé permet de comparer les conditions influençant l’usage des TIC au sein de la Francophonie institutionnelle. La recherche s’inscrit dans le cadre d’une thèse de doctorant menée au sein de Laboratoire Éducation et Apprentissage (ea 4071) à l’université Paris René Descartes et présente les résultats de quatre études de cas effectuées de 2010 à 2013 auprès d’élèves (n = 3 236) et des enseignants (n = 467) des pays ciblés membres de l’Organisation internationale de la Francophonie (OIF). Le chercheur décrypte les données collectées en liens aux conditions d’accès, aux pratiques et à l’usage des technologies numériques dans les établissements du niveau secondaire. La recherche a été effectuée par questionnaire pour collecter les données quantitatives. Le chercheur a également eu recours aux groupes d’entretien focalisé pour colliger les données qualitatives. La démarche croise, la territorialité du phénomène d’usage des technologies numériques en soutien à l’apprentissage en milieu éducatif. En Moldavie et au Viêt Nam, la recherche a porté une attention particulière à l’analyse de l’usage des TIC en soutien à l’enseignement et à l’apprentissage du français langue étrangère (FLE). Le champ de la recherche se situe dans l’espace Francophone, dans sa diversité et sa pluralité. Nous analyserons les évolutions et tenterons d’expliquer les raisons des retards pour certains pays ainsi que les nombreux obstacles d’accès aux TIC. Nous chercherons à jeter les voiles de l’usage des TIC dans des contextes qui semblent austères. Les résultats de l’enquête dévoilent que la démarche d’appropriation des TIC par les professeurs de français connaît un processus qui semble s’accroître au Viêt Nam et en Moldavie. Il ressort des pratiques contrastées lorsque l’on croise les résultats des enquêtes. L’analyse de l’accès aux outils informatiques et leur intégration en classe révèlent que les usages sont nettement plus soutenus par les enseignants dans les pays de l’est de l’Europe (Moldavie) et en Asie (Viêt Nam) par rapport aux pratiques observées sur le continent Africain (plus spécifiquement au Burkina-Faso et en République Démocratique du Congo). Enfin, une étude de cas a été menée au sein des espaces publics numériques : Maisons des savoirs de la Francophonie. / The thesis questions the different elements which allows the practice and use og Information and Communication Technologies in educational teaching in secondary schools. From a cross analysis between different fields within the francophone space and by leaning on the educational practices, the rechearcher analyses the comparing elements in the ICT sector in education between the following countries : Vietnam, Moldavia, Burkina-Faso and the Democratic Republic of Congo. A cross analysis allows the comparasion between the different inflencing conditions in the practices and use of the ICTs within the environment composing the diversity of the institutional Francophonie. The research has taken place during a doctorac theses at the Laboratoire Education et Apprentissage (ea 4071) at the Pris René Descartes university and presents the results of four case studies done between 2010 and 2013 with students (n=3236) and teachers (n=467) in target countries within members of the Organisation international de la Francophonie (OIF). The researcher analyze the data that has been collected related to the conditions of access, practises and the use of digital technologies in the secondary school level. The research has be done by questionnaires in order to collect the quantitative data. The researcher has also used focalized group interviews in order to collect quanlitativ data. The compared approach, the territoriality of the phenomenon of the use of digital technology as a support in an educational learning environment. In Moldavia and i Vietnam, the research has paid special attention to the analysis ot het use of ICT as a support in teaching and learning French as a second language, français langue étrangère (FLE). The research fiel is situated within the Francohpone space, with all its diversity and plurality. We analyse the evolution and seek to explain the reasons for the delays of certain countries as well as numerous obstacles to ICT access. We seek to reveal the use of ICT in austere contexts. The results reveal that the CTI appropriation process by French teachers is a growing process in Vietnam and Moldavia. Contrasting practices are standing out when crossing the survey results. The analysys of access to IT tools and the integration in teaching reveals that the user is significantly more sustained by teachers in eastern Europe (Moldavia) and Asia (Vietnam) as to practices on the African continent (specificity Burkina-Faso and the Democratic Republic of Congo). Finally, a study has been done within the public digital space as Multimedia center named : Maisons des savoirs de la Francophonie. / Teza examinează factorii care permit practica și utilizarea tehnologiei digitale pentru susținerea școlarizării, în domeniul tehnologiilor educaționale din școlile de nivel secundar. Plecând de la o nouă perspectivă între diverse teritorii din lumea francofonă și bazându-se pe practicile din mediul educațional, cercetătorul analizează elementele comparative din domeniul tehnologiilor de informație și a comunicațiilor (TIC) în domeniul educației dintre următoarele țări : Vietnam, Moldova, Burkina Faso și Republica Democrată Congo. O nouă perspectivă permite compararea condițiilor care influențează utilizarea TIC în zona care constituie diversitatea Francofoniei instituționale. Cercetarea este parte a unei teze de doctorat din cadrul Laboratorului de Educație și Învățământ (ea 4071) la Universitatea Paris René Descartes și prezintă rezultatul a patru studii de caz efectuate între 2010 și 2013 pe lângă elevii (n=3 236) și profesori (n=467) din țările vizate, membre ale Organizației Internaționale a Francofoniei (OIF). Cercetătorul decriptează informațiile culese cu privire la condițiile de acces, practicile și utilizarea tehnologiei digitale pentru școli la nivel secundar. Cercetarea a fost efectuată printr-un chestionar pentru a culege datele cantitative. Cercetătorul a recurs de asemenea la focus-grupuri pentru a colecta date calitative. Noua abordare combină teritorialitatea fenomenului de utilizare a tehnologiei digitale susținând sistemul educațional. În Moldova și în Vietnam, studiul a acordat o atenție deosebită analizei utilizării TIC pentru susținerea predării și a învățării limbii franceze ca limbă străină (FLE). Domeniul cercetării este în spațiul Francofon, în diversitatea și pluralitatea acestuia. Vom analiza evoluțiile și vor încerca să explicăm motivele întârzierii în anumite țări, precumși numeroasele obstacole de acces la TIC. Vom încerca să influențăm utilizarea TIC în contexte care par a fi austere. Rezultatele cercetării arată că demersul de familiarizare cu TIC a profesorilor de franceză prezintă o creștere în Vietnam și Moldova. Acest lucru reiese din practicile contrastante în momentul în care sunt comparate rezultatele cercetărilor. Analiza accesului la mijloacele informatice și integrarea acestora în clasă arată faptul că utilizările sunt mult mai susținute de către profesorii din țările din estul Europei (Moldova) și Asia (Vietnam) decât din Africa (mai specific în Burkina-Faso și Republica Democratică Congo). În plus, s-a făcut un studiu de caz în cadrul spațiilor publice numerice : Maisons des savoirs de la Francophonie. / Luận văn đặt vấn đề về những nhân tố cho phép thực hành và sử dụng công nghệ số hỗ trợ dạy học trong lĩnh vực công nghệ giáo dục ở khối trung học. Từ một góc nhìn chéo giữa nhiều vùng miền khác nhau của không gian Pháp ngữ và dựa vào thực tiễn trong môi trường giáo dục, người nghiên cứu phân tích các yếu tố so sánh việc ứng dụng công nghệ thông tin (CNTT) trong giáo dục ở những quốc gia sau đây : Việt Nam, Moldavie, Burkina-Faso và Cộng hòa dân chủ Congo. Một góc nhìn chéo cho phép so sánh các điều kiện ảnh hưởng đến việc thực hành và sử dụng CNTT trong một không gian đa dạng của Tổ chức cộng đồng Pháp ngữ. Nghiên cứu thực hiện trong khuôn khổ luận văn tiến sĩ được tiến hành ở Phòng Nghiên cứu Giáo dục và Học tập (ea 4071) ở trường Đại học Paris René Descartes và trình bày kết quả của bốn trường hợp nghiên cứu thực địa từ năm 2010 đến 2013 đối với học sinh (n=3.236) và giáo viên (n=467) các quốc gia nói trên là thành viên của Tổ chức quốc tế Pháp ngữ (OIF). Người nghiên cứu giải mã các dữ liệu thu thập liên quan đến những điều kiện tiếp cận, thực hành và sử dụng các công nghệ số ở trường trung học. Nghiên cứu đã được thực hiện bằng bảng câu hỏi để thu thập dữ liệu định lượng. Người nghiên cứu cũng đã phỏng vấn một nhóm giáo viên và học sinh nhằm thu thập các dữ liệu định tính. Phương pháp tiến hành gặp nhau ở tính lãnh thổ của hiện tượng sử dụng công nghệ số hỗ trợ học tập trong môi trường giáo dục. Ở Moldavie và Viêt Nam, nghiên cứu đã đặc biệt lưu tâm phân tích việc sử dụng CNTT trong dạy và học tiếng Pháp ngoại ngữ (NN). Trường nghiên cứu trong phạm vi không gian Pháp ngữ đa dạng và đa chiều. Chúng tôi sẽ phân tích sự tiến triển và cố gắng giải thích lý do chậm trễ của một số quốc gia cũng như nhiều trở ngại khi tiếp cận CNTT. Chúng tôi cũng tìm hiểu việc sử dụng CNTT trong những bối cảnh tưởng như khó khăn. Kết quả điều tra hé lộ rằng tiến trình chiếm hữu CNTT của các giáo viên tiếng Pháp có gia tăng ở Việt Nam và Moldavie và làm nổi bật thực tế tương phản khi giao hòa các kết quả điều tra. Phân tích việc tiếp cận và đưa công cụ tin học vào lớp học đã tiết lộ rằng việc sử dụng CNTT nhận được sự ủng hộ rõ nét của giáo viên các nước Đông Âu (Moldavie) và châu Á (Việt Nam) so với thực tế quan sát được ở châu Phi (đặc biệt là ở Burkina-Faso và CHDC Congo). Cuối cùng, việc nghiên cứu trường hợp cụ thể đã được tiến hành ở các không gian số công cộng : các Nhà tri thức Pháp ngữ.

Avaliar as transformações apresentadas pelo processo de Planejamento Urbano, através do instrumento do Plano Diretor, na vigência do Estatuto da Cidade é o campo em que se situa esta pesquisa; cujos resultados deverão contribuir para a discussão acerca dos alcances e limites do Plano Diretor como instrumento de planejamento urbano. De modo a formar pressupostos teóricos que fundamentem a análise dos casos, estuda-se o processo de urbanização e o histórico do planejamento urbano no Brasil; as distintas concepções assumidas pelo Plano Diretor ao longo dos anos em que se desenvolveu e consolidou a prática do planejamento urbano no Brasil; o conteúdo regulamentado pelo Estatuto da Cidade; e a região do Vale do Paraíba paulista. Por fim, a partir do estudo e análise do processo de elaboração e do conteúdo dos Planos Diretores de 2006 dos Municípios de São José dos Campos e Pindamonhangaba, no Vale do Paraíba paulista, compreendido nas etapas de Diagnóstico e Proposições, verifica-se em que medida o processo de Planejamento Urbano, através do instrumento do Plano Diretor, vem incorporando os princípios, diretrizes e instrumentos urbanísticos regulamentados pelo Estatuto da Cidade, em 2001; no sentido de enunciar uma nova concepção de planejamento e gestão territorial. / To evaluate the transformations presented by the process of the Urban Planning, through the instrument of the Master Plan, in the validity of the Statute of the City is the field where it is pointed this research; which results may contribute for the discussion about the reaches and limits of the Master Plan as an instrument of the urban planning. In order to form theories which base the analysis of the cases, are studied the process of the urbanization and the historic of the urban planning in Brazil; the distinct conceptions assumed for the Master Plan during the years in which was developed and consolidated the practice of the urban planning in Brazil; the content regulated by the Statute of the City; and the region of the Valley Paraíba paulista. From the study and analysis of the process of elaboration and of the content of the Master Plans 2006 from the cities of São José dos Campos and Pindamonhangaba, in the Valley Paraíba paulista, comprehended by the stages of Diagnostics and Proposals, it is verified how the process of the Urban Planning, through the instrument of the Master Plan, incorporates the principles, directives and urbanistics instruments regulated by the Statute of the City, in 2001; in order to enunciate a new conception of territorial planning and management.