國際關係理論歷經第三次的理論大辯論後，理論的發展已朝向「自然主義－反自然主義」、「理論－實踐」、「基礎主義－反基礎主義」議題的論爭中。從這些論爭之中使我們發現做為國際關係學科的本體論、知識論及方法論，已經開始向社會學的方向轉折。其中，尤以新自由制度主義及建構主義的轉折更為明顯。然而，從更深層的視野來看目前各學派的理論，多多少少都含有霸權主義的成分於其中。基於此，本論文借用葛蘭西「文化霸權」的理論觀點，檢視現實主義、新現實主義、自由主義、新自由制度主義及建構主義等主流國際關係理論中的文化霸權因素，同時運用哈伯馬斯的「溝通行動理論」的概念，對上述主流國際關係理論的霸權性質進行反思，以期建構出一個在本體論、知識論、方法論上都能獲得解放的國際關係理論。 基於以上理念，本論文的發展與架構鋪陳共分為8章35節。 第一章為緒論，主要敍述論文的整個架構及重要理論說明，包括葛蘭西的「文化霸權」及哈伯馬斯的「溝通行動理論」，藉由上述兩種理論的哲學基礎，以分析說明目前國際關係理論的爭論議題，及其未來可能的發展趨勢。 第二章介紹國際關係理論三次大辯論及其理論的發展現況，然後闡明國際政治各個學派的哲學與後設基礎。 第三章概述葛蘭西「文化霸權」的理論，主要探討葛蘭西的文化霸權；它並不是一個實體的權力，而是一個意識形態及實體相互結合的領導權概念。 第四章是藉由葛蘭西的文化霸權概念，論析目前國際關係理論無論是在物質及精神意識方面，都具有文化霸權的成分。換言之，目前的國際關係理論並無法完達到解放國家受到壓迫的目標。 第五章介紹哈伯馬斯的「溝通行動理論」，主要研究溝通行動理論所涵蓋的範圍：包括了主體與主體、主體與客體及主體與社會之間的溝通關係。 第六章是運用哈伯馬斯溝通行動理論分析主體與主體（國家╱國家）、主體與客體（國家╱客觀世界）、主體與社會（國家╱國際社會、組織、制度…）之間的溝通關係，藉以解放國際關係理論所受到的壓迫與不公平現象。 第七章陳述反思下的國際關係理論其本體論、知識論及方法論。 第八章章為結論，提出本論文的主要貢獻：第一，以溝通行動為媒介的國際關係理論，會出現以國際社會的整體做為各個行動體溝通行動的場域，這個場域是一個「實體（物質）結構」、是一個「關係（權力、制度）結構」、也是一個「觀念（意義）結構」，更是經由實踐所織構出的「網絡結構」；第二，國際關係的本體論、知識論及方法論之間是一個相互辯證的過程，他們彼此之間可以相互辯證轉換。 關鍵詞：文化霸權、溝通行動理論、國際關係理論、國際政治、社會理論 / After three times of intensive debates, the direction of International Relations theory has moved to “naturalism-anti-naturalism”,”theory-implementation”, ”fundamentalism-anti-fundamentalism”. From the debates we can realize the International Relations is supported by Ontological, Epistemological, Methodological and it has change into sociology. Although the direction of neo- Liberalism and Constructivism has become clear and if we read of those theories, all of them have included some degree of Cultural Hegemony. This research takes Antonio Gramsci’s “Cultural Hegemony” theory to exam Realism, neo-Realism、Liberalism、neo-Liberalism and Constructivism. At the same time, I also use “theory of Communication” of Jurgen Habermas to talk about the hegemony among those theories, in order to let the ontological, epistemological and methodological can be applied to the theories. This research paper is divided into 8 sections and 35 chapters. Chapter one is introduction, of both theories of “Cultural Hegemony” of Gramsci and “theory of Communication” of Jurgen Habermas to illustrate today’s international disputes for International Relations and the possible development for the future. Chapter two is the three intensive debates for International Relations and the development of those theories, including international politics fundamental philosophy. Chapter three is the theory of “Cultural Hegemony” of Gramsci. It’s not an existing power but an ideal form in connection with concept of leading power. Chapter four is the use of the theory of “Cultural Hegemony” of Gramsci in the concepts of today’s international relations. Both substantial and spiritual aspects include hegemony. In other words, today’s theories of international relations can’t reach the goals of resolve the nations under pressure. Chapter five is the theory of Communication” of Jurgen Habermas, focusing on the relations of communication of Subjective to subjective, subjective to objective and subjective to community. Chapter six is the use of theory of Communication” of Jurgen Habermas in terms of the communicate relations among subjective to subjective(nation/nation), subjective to objective(nation/objective world), subjective to social(nation/ international community, organization, institution…) and then to prevent from the pressure and unfairness of theory of international relations. Chapter seven is the theory of international relations of ontology, epistemology and methodology. Chapter eight is the conclusion, with two major points: First, the use of communication actions on the theory of international relations will make the global community into a unique arena in order to provide it for different communication groups. These areas are a entity (substantial) structure, a relation(power, institutional) structure and also a aspect(meaning) structure and furthermore it can be implemented into network-structure；Second, the theory of international relations on ontology, epistemology and methodology is a dialogue and development process, that can be interacted and transfered to others. Key Word: Cultural Hegemony, Theory of Communication, International Relations theory, International Politic, Social Thiory

Esta dissertação teve como objetivo acompanhar o crescimento da Policia Política no Brasil, articulando-a ao papel desempenhado pela Delegacia Especial de Segurança Política e Social DESPS no combate ao chamado Perigo Estrangeiro, conceito desenvolvido pelas agências de segurança durante o governo Getúlio Vargas, bem como pelas atividades de informação e contra-informação durante a Segunda Guerra Mundial.Para alcançar este objetivo acompanhamos as investigações desenvolvidas pela DESPS sobre a comunidade britânica na cidade do Rio de Janeiro, entre 1939 e 1942, baseando-me em documentos produzidos pela Policia Política durante o período relatórios, boletins, cartas e notas que se encontram sob a guarda do Arquivo Público do Estado do Rio de Janeiro, arrolados no fundo DOPS/DPPS. / This dissertation has the purpose of following the growth of the Political Police, articulated to the role played by the Delegacia Especial de Segurança Política e Social - DESPS (Social and Political Special Security Department), fighting the so called "foreign danger" and the information and counter-information activities during the Second World War.So as to rich this aim, it concentrates itself on the investigations developed by the police around the British Community in the city of Rio de Janeiro, between 1939 and 1942, based on documents produced by the own Political Police during their duty period - reports, bulletins, letters and notes - gathered at the DOPS/DPPS files, under the care of the Public Archives of the State of Rio de Janeiro

La Nouvelle École de Paris est un objet à géométrie variable de l’histoire de l’art. Plus qu’une école nationale, elle est un concept résultant de la somme des discours qui n’ont de cesse de la définir de 1945 à 1980. L’École de Paris est une zone de transformation permanente au gré des projections et des interprétations des acteurs du monde de l’art (critiques, galeristes, artistes et historiens) ainsi que des intervenants extérieurs (politiques, milieux économiques). Chaque partie en a une lecture personnelle.Cette thèse, articulée en deux volets, revient sur les origines de ces interprétations contradictoires. Ainsi, la première partie concerne les lectures contemporaines de la Nouvelle École de Paris de 1945 à 1955. Cette période qui s’étend depuis la Libération de la France jusqu’au début de la guerre froide, revient sur les conditions d’émergence de la Nouvelle École de Paris et analyse les différentes acceptions qu’elle revêt. Le deuxième volet, intitulé l’École de Paris face à son histoire de 1955 à 1980, se concentre sur les réécritures de l’histoire de l’art. Au milieu des années 1950 la Nouvelle École de Paris atteint une stabilité qui relance la modernité et permet de réaffirmer la place de la France sur la scène internationale. Néanmoins, le modèle qui s’impose alors, va être fortement contesté tant au niveau national qu’international, alors que jusqu’ici l’École de Paris avait imposé un modèle historiographique basé sur la continuité des avant-gardes historiques françaises. À la fin des années 1960, l’école parisienne devenue trop embarrassante dans un monde de l’art internationalisé, devient un enjeu de relecture. L’histoire de l’art qui s’écrit dans les années 1970, frappée par la crise de l’avant-garde, réévalue les termes de son passé moderniste et ceux de la tradition nationale française. Il s’agit alors de déterminer la place et le rôle de l’École de Paris au sein du programme de refondation des politiques culturelles et de l’historiographie qui s’écrit de 1960 à 1980. Bien qu’officiellement condamnée, certains aspects de l’École de Paris entrent pourtant en résonnance avec la néo-avant-garde qui se développe entre 1970 et 1980, permettant de repenser et de dépasser les blocages engendrés par les définitions paradoxales de l’École de Paris. / The Nouvelle École de Paris is a “geometrical object” with multiple facets that have evolved throughout the History of art. More than a national school, the Nouvelle École de Paris arose from cumulative discourses that have been trying to define it from 1945 to 1980. The École de Paris is a permanent morphing zone, changing upon two main components. The first one includes the interpretations and projections stemming from various actors constituting the artistic community (i.e. critics, gallery owners, historians, artists, etc.) and the second one involves independent contributors (i.e. political and economic protagonists). Each one has a different reading. This thesis contains two parts, both exploring the multiple conflicting interpretations to understand the resulting artistic heritage of the École de Paris. Thus, the first part of the thesis named “The contemporary readings from 1945 to 1955” investigates the conditions and contexts allowing the rise of École de Paris and analyzes the multiple acceptations it faces through contemporary readings from the end of the Second World War in 1945, after the Liberation, to the beginning of the Cold War in 1955. The second part, named “L’ École de Paris facing its history, from 1955 to 1980” is focused on the way of rewriting the History of art. The Nouvelle École de Paris reaches enough stability to revive the modernity in the middle of the 50’s, allowing reinforcing the international position of France on the artistic scene. Nevertheless, the historiographical model based on the French historical avant-garde that has been so far imposed by the École de Paris will be strongly contested at both national and international levels. Becoming too embarrassing in such an internationalized artistic world, the École de Paris is again subjected to further reinterpretations at the end of the 60’s. Stricken by the artistic avant-garde crisis of the 70’s, the History of art is constrained to reappraise the terms defining its Modernist past and those of the artistic French national tradition. The new issues to determine the place and the role of the École de Paris within the rebuilding program of French cultural policies and through the historiography writing come up from1960 to 1980. Although officially condemned, the resonance of some aspects of the École de Paris within the neo-avant-garde arising between 1970 and 1980, allows rethinking and surpassing the blockages formerly engendered by all paradoxical definitions of the École de Paris.

Ce travail de recherche se propose d’analyser le rapport de Samuel Beckett (1906-1989) à la danse ainsi que la relation de deux chorégraphes contemporains Dominique Dupuy (1930-) et Maguy Marin (1951-) à ses œuvres. La première partie démontre que Samuel Beckett a été influencé par la danse moderne qu’il a découverte dans l’entre-deux-guerres. Son écriture est devenue plus gestuelle et son propos plus politique. Ainsi, aux corps sains et glorieux promus par les arts nazis, oppose-t-il dans son premier théâtre les corps vulnérables travaillés par la vieillesse et les handicaps, ceux d’hommes que le IIIe Reich a voulu rendre superflus. En 1953, la danse de Lucky d’En attendant Godot est un moyen de dire l’innommable de cette violence. En 1981, la danse de Quad fait resurgir les fantômes du passé pour prévenir le retour du pire. Comment le dire ? La danse, un art du « non mot » participe à cette recherche qui traverse l’œuvre de Samuel Beckett. Ce dont on ne peut pas parler, c’est cela qu’il faut danser. Dans un deuxième temps, cette étude montre comment les œuvres de Samuel Beckett sont à leur tour inductrices de danses où les êtres vulnérables résistent et appellent au care. Danser avec Oh les beaux jours, Acte sans paroles et Cap au pire permet à Dominique Dupuy d’interroger les possibles du grand âge et d’en transformer les représentations. A partir de Fin de partie, Maguy Marin écrit en 1981 May B, une pièce chorégraphique, aux antipodes de la danse performante, qui rend visibles les handicaps. Son œuvre invite à une lecture actualisante de l’œuvre de Samuel Beckett prenant en considération la condition des personnes handicapées et permettant d’entrevoir la possibilité d’une société plus inclusive. La dernière partie témoigne qu’une lecture éthique des œuvres de Samuel Beckett et de leurs projections chorégraphiques peut devenir le vecteur de pratiques d’inclusion et d’émancipation par l’école. Telle est la vocation du projet Meeting Beckett mené en 2016-2017 en partenariat avec le chorégraphe K Goldstein, avec les élèves en situation de handicap d’un dispositif Ulis (Unité localisée pour l’inclusion scolaire) et ceux d’une classe de 5ème. Il s’agit enfin de se demander dans quelle mesure les pratiques artistiques peuvent susciter de nouveaux gestes professionnels à l’école et initier une dynamique inclusive, capable de faire une place à chacun et chacune au sein de la société. / This research analyses the relationship of Samuel Beckett (1906-1989) to dance and the relationship of two contemporary choreographers Dominique Dupuy (1930-) and Maguy Marin (1951-) to his works. The first part shows that Samuel Beckett was influenced by the modern dance he discovered between the two World Wars. His writing became more gestural and his discourse more political. Thus, to the healthy and glorious bodies promoted by the Nazi arts, he opposed in his first theatre the vulnerable bodies weakened by old age and disabilities, those of men whom the Third Reich wanted to make superfluous. In 1953, Lucky's dance in Waiting for Godot is a way of telling the unnamable of this violence. In 1981, the dance of Quad brings back the ghosts of the past to prevent the return of the worst. How to say? Dance, an art of the "non word", is part of this research that runs through Samuel Beckett's work. What one can't talk about is what one has to dance about. Secondly, this study shows how Samuel Beckett's works induce dances in which vulnerable beings resist and call for care. Dancing with Happy days, Act Without Words I and Worstward Ho allows Dominique Dupuy to question the possibilities of old age and transform its representations. Starting with Endgame, Maguy Marin wrote May B in 1981, a choreography miles apart from high-performance dance, which makes disabilities visible. Her work offers an updated reading of Samuel Beckett's work that takes into consideration the condition of disabled persons and allows us to envision the possibility of a more inclusive society. The last part shows that an ethical reading of Samuel Beckett's works and their choreographic projections can become the vector of inclusion practices and emancipation at school. This is the vocation of the Meeting Beckett project conducted in 2016-2017 in partnership with choreographer K Goldstein, with disabled pupils from an Ulis (Unité localisée pour l'inclusion scolaire) and 5th graders. Finally, we need to ask ourselves to what extent artistic practices can encourage new professional gestures at school and initiate an inclusive dynamic, capable of giving a place for everyone in society.

Este trabalho visa discutir o papel do Legislativo Federal no governo Campos Sales através das discussões ocorridas entre 1900 e 1902 nas reuniões da Comissão Especial da Câmara dos Deputados responsável pela análise do Código Civil de 1917. Esse processo polêmico, intentado desde a Independência, foi considerado como uma das metas mais importantes do governo. Em tempos de inauguração da “Política dos Governadores”, este recorte visa perceber os movimentos de parlamentares em torno de polos, procurando problematizar a relação de controle do Legislativo aventada pela bibliografia clássica do período. Através de ferramentas da prosopografia, algumas definições da análise de redes e considerando as intenções dos autores em seus discursos favoráveis ou contrários ao projeto apresentado, esta dissertação relaciona os Deputados em torno de ideias e demonstra a pluralidade de posições divergentes apresentadas, buscando demonstrar que a lógica que demarcava a tônica era ditada pelo uso dos repertórios, como conceituados por Tilly. Finalmente, expõe o papel desses agentes no processo de aprovação buscando mostrar a centralidade que alguns assumem durante os trabalhos. / This work intent discusses the legislative role in the Campos Sales’ government by the meetings occurred between 1900 and 1902 in the Congress’ Special Commission for the analysis of the Brazilian Civil Code of 1917. This polemical process, wanted since the independence, was thought as one of the most important tasks for the executive. In the beginning of the “Politica dos Governadores”, this approach intent perceive the movements of the parliamentarians around deferments points of view, searching for questioning the control from the Legislative by the Executive, suggested by the classical works on this period. Using some prosopographical tools, some definitions on the network analysis and considering the actors intentions in theirs speeches for or against the Project, this work groups the parliamentarians on some different ideas and shows the range of divergences in positioning, showing that the logical for these was the same as the Repertoir, as conceived by Charles Tilly. In the end, expose the role of these actors in the aprovation process to show the centrality assumed by some parliamentarians during this works.

Since independence, Burundi has lost over a million of its inhabitants to ethnic conflict. Political collaboration is divided along ethnic lines and this has destroyed the ethnic solidarity and good social relationships that characterized the pre-colonial period. Ideally, the mission of the Evangelical Church of Central Africa (ECCA) when faced with Burundi’s tragic and successive socio-ethnic wars should have been to promote peace, social justice, ethnic cohabitation, national reconciliation, respect for human rights, national reconstruction and to denounce all harm and discrimination against the human being. The ECCA has a sacred mission to announce the gospel to all humanity and to assist the people towards the positive socio-economic and political transformation of Burundi. This study will be of help to missiological scholars and to the church so that it may better carry out its prophetic mission according to God’s vision and with the purpose of positively transforming Burundian society. / Christian Spritituality, Church History and Missiology / M. Th. (Missiology)

Essa dissertação de mestrado apresenta um estudo com os trabalhadores demitidos de uma Empresa Pública, na década de 1990, por força da implementação de medidas neoliberais no Brasil. Apesar dos inúmeros impactos gerados a esses trabalhadores, após esta decisão do Estado, a proposta é analisar os impactos objetivos, sofridos pelos trabalhadores, originários da perda repentina de um contrato de trabalho formal e consequentemente, da perda de salários diretos, de salários indiretos, com a ausência de políticas sociais corporativas, e de direitos garantidos enquanto trabalhadores protegidos. As estratégias de sobrevivência adotadas por estes trabalhadores foram as mais variadas, porém, a grande maioria teve o trabalho por conta própria como a principal alternativa de reprodução social, saindo completamente do ramo de produção em que trabalhavam. Insatisfeitos com a demissão, esse grupo de trabalhadores lutou para retornar ao quadro de empregados da Corporação. Após cerca de uma década e meia, os trabalhadores conquistaram o direito de retornar e ser admitido pela Empresa V, uma das que compõem a Corporação, tendo em vista a extinção daquelas a que pertenciam. Com essa decisão, os trabalhadores e suas famílias estavam novamente assegurados pelas políticas corporativas e com novas possibilidades. No entanto, a adequação aos novos requisitos da Empresa V, fez com que alguns indivíduos não atendessem ao novo perfil de trabalhador exigido pela instituição e pelo mercado de trabalho, devido à idade e ao tipo de qualificação. Assim, ao mesmo tempo em que o retorno lhes trouxe novas possibilidades, com o acesso a um salário mensal e políticas empresariais de qualidade, por outro lado, também trouxe grandes desafios para alguns trabalhadores, devido a sua dificuldade de inserção nos processos de trabalho e nas normas da empresa. Conclui-se então, que o retorno à Corporação, após mais de uma década de luta, foi para esse grupo de trabalhadores, um processo contraditório, pois, ao mesmo tempo em que tiveram diversos direitos assegurados, alguns não conseguiram desenvolver suas atividades nos moldes do atual modo de produção. / This thesis describes a study of workers dismissed from a public company, in the 1990s, under the implementation of neoliberal measures in Brazil. Despite the numerous impacts generated by these workers after the decision of the State, the proposal is to analyze the impacts goals, suffered by workers originating in a sudden loss of formal employment contract and therefore the loss of direct salaries, wages indirect with the absence of corporate social policies, and guaranteed rights as workers protected. The survival strategies adopted by these workers were the most varied, however, most had self-employment as the main alternative of social reproduction and completely out of the industry in which they worked. Dissatisfied with the dismissal, this group of workers struggled to return to the staff of the Corporation. After about a decade and a half, workers won the right to return and be accepted by the Company V, which composes the Corporation in view the extinction of those to which they belonged. With this decision, workers and their families were again assured by corporate policies and new possibilities. However, the adaptation to the new requirements of Company V, meant that some individuals did not meet the new worker profile required by the institution and the labor market. Thus, while the return gave them new opportunities, with access to a monthly salary and company policy of quality, however, also brought great challenges to some workers, due to their difficulty of insertion in the work processes and the standards of the company. It follows then, that the return to the Corporation, after more than a decade of struggle, it was for this group of workers, an adversarial process, because while they had different legal rights, some failed to develop its activities in the manner the current mode of production.

Esta dissertação teve como objetivo acompanhar o crescimento da Policia Política no Brasil, articulando-a ao papel desempenhado pela Delegacia Especial de Segurança Política e Social DESPS no combate ao chamado Perigo Estrangeiro, conceito desenvolvido pelas agências de segurança durante o governo Getúlio Vargas, bem como pelas atividades de informação e contra-informação durante a Segunda Guerra Mundial.Para alcançar este objetivo acompanhamos as investigações desenvolvidas pela DESPS sobre a comunidade britânica na cidade do Rio de Janeiro, entre 1939 e 1942, baseando-me em documentos produzidos pela Policia Política durante o período relatórios, boletins, cartas e notas que se encontram sob a guarda do Arquivo Público do Estado do Rio de Janeiro, arrolados no fundo DOPS/DPPS. / This dissertation has the purpose of following the growth of the Political Police, articulated to the role played by the Delegacia Especial de Segurança Política e Social - DESPS (Social and Political Special Security Department), fighting the so called "foreign danger" and the information and counter-information activities during the Second World War.So as to rich this aim, it concentrates itself on the investigations developed by the police around the British Community in the city of Rio de Janeiro, between 1939 and 1942, based on documents produced by the own Political Police during their duty period - reports, bulletins, letters and notes - gathered at the DOPS/DPPS files, under the care of the Public Archives of the State of Rio de Janeiro

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:32:22Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2010-08-10Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T19:43:01Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 fonseca_aa_dr_fran.pdf: 3815676 bytes, checksum: ae699d308b78d7cda4e085b3d3683f9c (MD5) / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / Na década de 1950 o professor Mário Palmério (1916-1996), futuro autor de Vila dos Confins (1956), foi representado pela imprensa do Triângulo Mineiro como um verdadeiro mito da cultura política regional. Neste período, como candidato a deputado federal, ele irrompeu como uma espécie de herói salvador nas lutas de representações que procuravam impor um conjunto de ideias para responder às crises sociais, políticas, econômicas e identitárias dessa região historicamente agitada por movimentos separatistas. Para isso, tal como um personagem de si mesmo, o jovem professor atuou conscientemente durante mais de dez anos para teatralizar uma imagem pública, conquistar distinção social, acumular prestígio e consagrar o seu nome no cenário regional. Novato na vida partidária, este ator social interpretou os anseios de seu tempo, mobilizou os circuitos de opinião das elites e promoveu uma autopropaganda intensiva para afirmar a vinculação de sua figura a uma série de valores profundamente enraizados na cultura local. Neste período, as crises que perturbavam aquela sociedade fermentavam um campo muito propício para a elaboração de mitologias. Por tudo isso, em seu discurso, ao invocar o poder das forças históricas em nome da união de seu povo; ao apontar com firmeza o caminho “certo” e “seguro” para a superação das crises; e ao anunciar com entusiasmo a iminente conquista da civilização, da cultura e da prosperidade em sua região, o guerreiro messiânico encenado de modo espetacular pelo candidato Mário Palmério correspondeu à ansiedade dos eleitores por um signo de modernidade capaz de suplantar o monopólio da economia agrária que, naquele momento de instabilidade, parecia definitivamente condenada à bancarrota. A presente pesquisa procura compreender a ascensão profissional, social e política de Mário Palmério, relacionando as aspirações da cultura... / In 1950 Professor Mário Palmério (1916-1996), future writer of Vila dos Confins (1956), was represented by the press of Triângulo Mineiro as a great myth of the regional political culture. During this period, as a federal congressman candidate, he emerged as a hero savior in the representative campaigns that wanted to impose a set of ideas to respond to social, political, economic and identity crises of this region historically troubled by separatist movements. To do so, as a character of himself, the young teacher worked conscientiously for over ten years to dramatize his public image, achieve social distinction, get people’s prestige and consolidate his name in the regional scene. As a beginner in political life, this social activist interpreted the anxieties of his time, mobilized the opinion of the elite towards his name and promoted an intensive self-publicity to assert his linking to a series of values deeply rooted in the regional imaginary. In that time, the crises that plagued that society fed a very favorable field to the development of mythologies. For all that, in his speech, to invoke the power of historical forces on behalf of the union of his people; to firmly point the “right” and “safe” way to overcome the crisis; and when he enthusiastically announced the imminent civilization, culture and prosperity conquest in his region, the messianic warrior spectacularly staged by the enshrined Mário Palmério corresponded to the voters’ anxiety for a sign of modernity able to overcome the monopoly of an agrarian economy that, in that instable time, definitely seemed to be condemned to bankruptcy. This research aims to comprehend Mário Palmério’s professional, social and political rise, connecting the aspirations of the regional culture to the symbol denoted by this character on that society to play a sacred and heroic representation of his image and history / En la década de 1950, el profesor Mário Palmério (1916-1996), futuro autor de “Vila dos Confins” (1956), fue representado por la prensa del Triángulo Minero como un verdadero mito de la cultura política regional. En ese período, como candidato a diputado federal, él irrumpió como una especie de héroe salvador en las luchas de representaciones que procuraban imponer un conjunto de ideas para responder a las crisis sociales, políticas, económicas y de identidades de esa región históricamente agitada por movimientos separatistas. Para ello, tal como un personaje de uno mismo, el joven profesor actuó conscientemente durante más de diez años para teatralizar una imagen pública, conquistar distinción social, acumular prestigio hasta consagrar su nombre en el escenario regional. Novato en la vida partidaria, este actor social interpretó las ansiedades de su tiempo, movilizó los circuitos de opinión alrededor de su nombre y promocionó una auto propaganda intensiva para afirmar la vinculación de su figura a una serie de valores profundamente arraigados en la cultura regional. En ese periodo, las crisis que perturbaban aquella sociedad fermentaban un campo muy propicio para la elaboración de mitologías. Por todo ello, en su discurso, al invocar el poder de las fuerzas históricas en nombre de la unión de su pueblo , al apuntar con firmeza el camino “cierto” y “seguro” para la superación de las crisis; y al anunciar con entusiasmo la eminente conquista de la civilización, de la cultura y de la prosperidad en su región, el guerrero mesiánico protagonizado de modo espectacular por el consagrado Mário Palmério correspondió a la ansiedad de los electores por un signo de modernidad capaz de suplantar el monopolio de la economía agraria que, en aquel momento de inestabilidad, parecía definitivamente condenada a la bancarrota. La presente investigación busca... (Resumen completo clicar acceso eletronico abajo)

Este trabalho visa discutir o papel do Legislativo Federal no governo Campos Sales através das discussões ocorridas entre 1900 e 1902 nas reuniões da Comissão Especial da Câmara dos Deputados responsável pela análise do Código Civil de 1917. Esse processo polêmico, intentado desde a Independência, foi considerado como uma das metas mais importantes do governo. Em tempos de inauguração da “Política dos Governadores”, este recorte visa perceber os movimentos de parlamentares em torno de polos, procurando problematizar a relação de controle do Legislativo aventada pela bibliografia clássica do período. Através de ferramentas da prosopografia, algumas definições da análise de redes e considerando as intenções dos autores em seus discursos favoráveis ou contrários ao projeto apresentado, esta dissertação relaciona os Deputados em torno de ideias e demonstra a pluralidade de posições divergentes apresentadas, buscando demonstrar que a lógica que demarcava a tônica era ditada pelo uso dos repertórios, como conceituados por Tilly. Finalmente, expõe o papel desses agentes no processo de aprovação buscando mostrar a centralidade que alguns assumem durante os trabalhos. / This work intent discusses the legislative role in the Campos Sales’ government by the meetings occurred between 1900 and 1902 in the Congress’ Special Commission for the analysis of the Brazilian Civil Code of 1917. This polemical process, wanted since the independence, was thought as one of the most important tasks for the executive. In the beginning of the “Politica dos Governadores”, this approach intent perceive the movements of the parliamentarians around deferments points of view, searching for questioning the control from the Legislative by the Executive, suggested by the classical works on this period. Using some prosopographical tools, some definitions on the network analysis and considering the actors intentions in theirs speeches for or against the Project, this work groups the parliamentarians on some different ideas and shows the range of divergences in positioning, showing that the logical for these was the same as the Repertoir, as conceived by Charles Tilly. In the end, expose the role of these actors in the aprovation process to show the centrality assumed by some parliamentarians during this works.