Submitted by Aelson Maciera (aelsoncm@terra.com.br) on 2017-05-23T16:37:49Z No. of bitstreams: 1 DissACSL.pdf: 1413127 bytes, checksum: 7dbecaaee9367e8b4a3418fd234c75b2 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Ronildo Prado (ronisp@ufscar.br) on 2017-05-31T17:57:40Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 DissACSL.pdf: 1413127 bytes, checksum: 7dbecaaee9367e8b4a3418fd234c75b2 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Ronildo Prado (ronisp@ufscar.br) on 2017-05-31T17:57:47Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 DissACSL.pdf: 1413127 bytes, checksum: 7dbecaaee9367e8b4a3418fd234c75b2 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-05-31T18:03:18Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 DissACSL.pdf: 1413127 bytes, checksum: 7dbecaaee9367e8b4a3418fd234c75b2 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-03-13 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / This paper aimed to understand the potential relationships between the telenovela "Side by Side" (Rede Globo, 2012) and the clashes and discussions about Affirmative Actions that occurred in the Brazilian media in the year 2012, driven by the judgment of the Supreme Federal Court (STF) on the unconstitutionality of the system of racial quotas, applied by the University of Brasília (Unb) and the target of a lawsuit filed by the Democratic Party (DEM). In this way, the research sought to understand to what extent the novel and its discourse could be related and reverberating the voices of this debate, since it had as its narrative axis the post-abolition period of slavery and the conflicts about the insertion of the black population In the class society of the early twentieth century; period well remembered in the media debate to highlight the historical prejudice and the systematic marginalization of black people in Brazil. Thus, we start from the hypothesis that in both life and art discourses were produced about racism and the racial inequalities of Brazilian society. As a theoretical foundation for the constitution of such understanding, we anchor ourselves in the studies of the Circle of Mikhail Bakhtin (BAKHTIN, 2009; BAKHTIN, 2010; BAKHTIN, 2011; VOLOCHINOV, 2013; BAKHTIN, 2014), establishing a dialogue with The perspective of Cultural Studies on the media (MARTÍN-BARBERO, 1997; KELLNER, STAM, 2010; HALL, 2010; NEWCOMB, 2010), which gave us conditions to think mass communication in its dialogical character and as a terrain Confronted by both hegemonic values and dissenting values. In order to understand the statements produced in "Side by Side" (Rede Globo, 2012) in relation to the mediatic statements of the discussion on racial quotas in 2012, we have taken the text as a methodological path (BAKHTIN, 2011), in order to understand the statements produced in "Lado a Lado" (Rede Globo, 2012) in relation to the mediatic statements of the discussion on racial quotas in 2012, considering the responsiveness of the telenovela as a statement and considering it as a work of art that takes on meaning in its relation with the broader extra-verbal dimension (VOLOCHINOV, 2013). In this way, we seek the reconstitution of the ideological threads of the discourse on racial inclusion in the telenovela, in order to understand how these can constitute a consensus or transgression in relation to the conflicts of life. / O presente trabalho teve como objetivo compreender as potenciais relações entre a telenovela “Lado a Lado” (Rede Globo, 2012) e os embates e discussões sobre Ações Afirmativas que ocorreram na mídia brasileira no ano de 2012, impulsionados pelo julgamento pelo Supremo Tribunal Federal (STF) acerca da inconstitucionalidade do sistema de cotas raciais, aplicado pela Universidade de Brasília (Unb) e alvo de uma ação movida pelo Partido Democratas (DEM). Desta forma, a pesquisa buscou compreender em que medida a novela e seu discurso poderiam estar relacionados e reverberando as vozes desse debate, uma vez que a mesma teve como eixo narrativo o período pós-abolição da escravidão e os conflitos acerca da inserção da população negra na sociedade de classes do início do século XX; período muito rememorado no debate midiático para ressaltar o prejuízo histórico e a marginalização sistemática do negro no Brasil. Assim, partimos da hipótese de que tanto na vida como na arte foram produzidos discursos sobre o racismo e as desigualdades raciais da sociedade brasileira. Como alicerce teórico para a constituição de tal compreensão, nos ancoramos nos estudos do Círculo de Mikhail Bakhtin (BAKHTIN [VOLOCHÍNOV], 2009; BAKHTIN, 2010; BAKHTIN, 2011; VOLOCHÍNOV, 2013; BAKHTIN, 2014;), estabelecendo um diálogo com a perspectiva dos Estudos Culturais sobre a mídia (MARTÍN-BARBERO, 1997; KELLNER, 2001; STAM, 2010; HALL, 2010; NEWCOMB, 2010), o que nos deu condições de pensar a comunicação de massa em seu caráter dialógico e como um terreno conflituoso constituído tanto por valores hegemônicos como por valores dissidentes. Isto posto, tomamos o cotejo de textos como um caminho metodológico (BAKHTIN, 2011), no intuito de compreender os enunciados produzidos em “Lado a Lado” (Rede Globo, 2012) em relação aos dizeres midiáticos da discussão sobre cotas raciais de 2012, tendo em vista a responsividade da telenovela como enunciado e considerando-a como uma obra de arte que se emprenha de sentidos em sua relação com a dimensão extra-verbal mais ampla (VOLOCHÍNOV, 2013). Deste modo, buscamos a reconstituição dos fios ideológicos do discurso sobre a inclusão racial na telenovela, com o objetivo de compreender em como estes podem se constituir em consenso ou transgressão em relação aos embates da vida.

Made available in DSpace on 2015-05-14T13:24:11Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivototal.pdf: 255141 bytes, checksum: 98e670f47c50d9ffdd66c6689e5c32db (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-07-20 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / Discussions about the racial question in Brazilhave become more polemic after two universities of Rio de Janeiro had implemented social and racial quotas in 2003. Afterwards, in several universities there was in increase of census to identify the race/color if students, with the aim of knowing how racial segments are represented at universities. In this context, the goal of our study is to draw a racial portrait of Paraíba Federal university s graduate students in 2003 and to find out what is UFPB s color . The data, coming from a secondary source namely PGR (graduation s Pró-reitoria), has been analyzed to find out how many black, mixed, yellow and Indians exist at the university and in each graduation. As theoretical background, it has been assumed there is on racial democracy in Brazil. Results show that, in 2003, of the 21.283 graduation students, 40.3% were white, 2.9% black, 2.4% yellow, 20.5% mixed, 1% indian and 32.9% did not answer. Management was the graduation with more white students, while pedagogy was the graduation with more black and yellow students (41 e 44 respectively). Furthermore, the psychology and agro-industry graduations had no black students, while the Portuguese/English graduation ha only one white student. It has also been observed an under-representation of black students in the graduation, which implies a disparity between the number of white and non-white students. As observed in other universities with similar results, such factors as wrong income distribution, educational inequality and absence of a democratic process to access higher education might influence the under-representation of black students in graduations. Our conclusion is that UFPB s colour in white. / As discussões acerca da questão racial no Brasil tornaram-se mais polêmicas após a implantação de cotas sociais e raciais em duas universidades no Rio de Janeiro, em 2003. Posteriormente, intensificaram-se em inúmeras instituições de ensino superior os censos para identificar a raça/cor dos alunos, com o intuito de conhecer como estão representados os segmentos raciais nas universidades. Diante deste contexto, o objetivo do presente trabalho é investigar um retrato racial dos estudantes da graduação da Universidade Federal da Paraíba, em 2003; e conhecer qual é a cor da UFPB . Os dados utilizados são de fonte secundária, auferidos junto a Pró- reitoria de graduação PRG, para conhecer quantos negros, brancos, pardos, amarelos e indígenas existem na universidade e em cada curso. Para o acervo teórico adotou-se o conteúdo que compactua da postura que inexiste democracia racial no Brasil. Os resultados encontrados expuseram que em 2003, dos 21.283 alunos da graduação: 40,31% são brancos; 2,88% negros; 2,42% amarelos; os pardos representam 20,5% e os indígenas correspondem a 1% dos discentes; além do percentual de 32,89% daqueles que não declararam sua raça / cor. O curso com maior contingente de brancos é administração; a graduação com mais negros e amarelos é pedagogia, contendo 44 e 41 discentes respectivamente. Foi constatado também que, os cursos de psicologia (formação de psicólogos) e agroindústria não tinham nenhum negro; e a graduação em letras (habilitação em português/inglês) contava com apenas um aluno branco. Mediante interpretação dos dados observou-se ainda uma sub representação do negro entre os alunos da graduação, o que acarreta uma disparidade entre o número de alunos brancos e não brancos. Conforme observado em outras universidades que alcançaram resultados semelhantes, supõe-se que fatores como: má distribuição da renda, desigualdade educacional e ausência de um processo democrático no ingresso ao ensino superior podem influenciar a sub - representação dos negros nos cursos. Conclui-se que a cor da UFPB é branca.

No presente trabalho nós pretendemos discutir e analisar o alcance da política de ações afirmativas no combate às desigualdades raciais, decorrentes das práticas racistas no Brasil. Partimos da hipótese de que, uma vez diminuídas as desigualdades raciais, haverá promoção da justiça social pois os recursos serão distribuídos objetivando maior equidade. Desta feita, as ações afirmativas para a população negra constituem-se em instrumento para a Justiça Social. A desigualdade racial é uma violação ao direito humano à igualdade, e a relação das ações afirmativas com os Direitos Humanos refere-se tanto ao direito à igualdade como ao direito à diferença, pois os negros representam um grupo social vulnerável na sociedade. As ações afirmativas para a população negra justificam-se pelas perdas históricas acumuladas, perdas que as tradicionais políticas macro-sociais ou universalistas não seriam capazes de minimizar. Relevantes estudos e pesquisas realizados em ciências sociais nas décadas de 50 e 70 e as pesquisas estatísticas recentes não deixam dúvida sobre as gritantes desigualdades raciais entre brancos e negros, contrariando a propalada democracia racial. Há quem defenda que as ações afirmativas são inconstitucionais, por ferirem o princípio da igualdade de todos perante a lei, porém é a própria Constituição que impulsiona a busca pela igualdade material, em vários dos seus artigos, o que justifica as ações afirmativas. A partir de 2001 começaram a ser implementadas políticas de cotas para negros nas universidades públicas, o que causou grandes polêmicas e debates acalorados que persistem até hoje. Para uma melhor compreensão das políticas de ações afirmativas como forma de justiça social, serão examinados primeiramente seus antecedentes históricos e alguns conceitos-chave. Posteriormente, aspectos da teoria de justiça social de John Rawls serão criticamente analisados para aclarar o conceito de justiça social. Por fim, através de um levantamento de experiências de ações afirmativas em diversas Instituições Públicas de Ensino Superior (IPES), poderemos observar a prática dessa justiça social voltada para a população negra. Conclui-se que as ações afirmativas oferecem uma alternativa válida no processo de promoção da justiça social em beneficio desse segmento da população brasileira historicamente injustiçado. / In this study we intend to discuss and examine the scope of the policy of affirmative action to combat racial inequalities, arising from racist practices in Brazil. Starting from the assumption that, once reduced racial inequalities, it will promote social justice because the resources will be distributed seeking greater fairness. This time, the affirmative action for the black population is itself an instrument for Social Justice. The racial inequality is a violation of the human right to equality and affirmative action with respect of Human Rights refers to both the right to equality and the right to difference, because the blacks are a social vulnerable group in society. The affirmative action for the black population is justified by historical accumulated losses, losses that the traditional macro-social or universalist policies would not be able to minimize. Relevant studies and research in social sciences in the decades of 50 and 70 and the recent statistics studies leave no doubt on the blatant racial inequalities between blacks and whites, contrary to disclosed racial democracy. Some argue that affirmative action is unconstitutional, injure by the principle of equality of all before the law, but is the Constitution itself that drives the quest for equality material in several of its articles, which justified the affirmative action. From 2001 began to be implemented policy of quotas for blacks in public universities, which caused great controversy and heated debates that persist today. For a better understanding of the policies of affirmative action as a form of social justice, will be first examined its historical background and some key concepts. Subsequently, aspects of the theory of social justice of John Rawls will be critically examined to clarify the concept of social justice. Finally, through a survey of experiences of various affirmative actions in Public Institutions of Higher Education (IPES), we can observe the practice of social justice toward the black population. It was concluded that affirmative action offers a viable alternative in the process of promoting social justice for the benefit of that segment of the population historically wronged.

This essay argues that Mark Twain’s novels The Adventures of Huckleberry Finn and Pudd’nhead Wilson can be applied in Swedish upper secondary schools to address racial inequality in the purpose of achieving intercultural competence and understanding. Racism is a vast issue, evident in both schools and in our society, locally as well as globally, where ethnical minorities are abused or disfavored societal privileges. This leaves teachers with the vital task of counteracting racism in classrooms, in accordance with the educational goals of imparting democratic values. The essay is conducted through a Close Reading, which is beneficial in exposing a text’s complexity by examining its literary aspects. The primary focus from the Close Reading is put on narration and its subordinate categories. Word choice, repetition or metaphors are highlighted and analyzed from the selected passages as they are literary aspects that the students can react to and further discuss in relation to racism in their everyday lives. The findings show that Twain’s ways of narrating racism and stimulating empathy are integral features in promoting an increased understanding to meet the curriculum’s requirements.

Cette thèse analyse les effets redistributifs du salaire minimum. Le premier chapitre montre que l’introduction du salaire minimum en 1967 dans un certain nombre de secteurs de l’économie qui en étaient exclus jusqu’alors peut expliquer plus de 20% de la réduction des inégalités entre Blancs et Noir-Américains dans les années 1960 et le début des années 1970 aux États-Unis – la seule période (depuis la seconde guerre mondiale) au cours de laquelle les inégalités raciales sur le marché du travail ont diminué. Cette réforme a eu un rôle aussi déterminant dans l’évolution des inégalités raciales que l’augmentation du nombre d’années d’études pour les Noir-Américains ou les lois contre la discrimination. Le deuxième chapitre de cette thèse est consacré à l’estimation de la transmission des augmentations de salaire minimum dans les prix des produits vendus dans les supermarchés américains.Une augmentation moyenne de 10% du salaire minimum se traduit par une augmentation de 0.2% dans les prix des supermarchés entre 2001 et 2012. Cette elasticité-prix est cohérente avec une tranmission de l’intégralité de l’augmentation des coûts du travail dans les prix de vente aux consommateurs. L’augmentation des prix des supermarchés réduit les gains de revenu nominaux liés à l’augmentation du salaire minimum entre de 3 à 12%, selon le niveau de revenu du ménage. Le troisième chapitre calibre un modèle du marché du travail qui permet de simuler les effets d’une augmentation du salaire minimum au niveau fédéral à $15 d’ici 2024 aux États-Unis. Il s’agit de comparer les niveaux d’emploi obtenus si la réforme est adoptée aux niveaux d’emploi obtenu si la réforme n’est pas adoptée, et ce, selon les valeurs d’une série d’élasticités bien identifiées. / This dissertation studies the redistributive effects of minimum wage policies. The first chapter provides the first causal evidence of how the minimum wage has affected the historical evolution of racial inequality in the United States. It shows that the extension of the federal minimum wage to new sectors of the economy in 1967 can explain more than 20% of the decline in the racial earnings gap observed during the Civil Rights Era -- the only period of time (post World-War II) during which racial inequality fell in the United States. This effect is as large as previously studied policies and economic factors, such as the improvement in schooling for African-Americans or federal anti-discrimination policies. The second chapter estimates the pass-through of minimum wage increases into prices of US grocery stores, using high-frequency scanner level data. A 10% minimum wage hike translates into a 0.2% increase in grocery prices between 2001 and 2012. This magnitude is consistent with a full pass-through of cost increases into consumer prices. Depending on household income, grocery price increases offset between 3 and 12% of the nominal income gains. The third chapter estimates a calibrated labor market model to analyze the likely effects of a $15 federal minimum wage by 2024. It compares employment numbers if the policy were adopted to employment numbers if the policy had not been adopted using a wide range of well-identified elasticities.

O mercado de trabalho brasileiro é marcado por um contexto de reprodução do racismo e da desigualdade racial, os quais criam distâncias persistentes entre brancos e negros em seu interior. Diante do importante papel da educação como forma de garantir melhores posições na estrutura ocupacional, a política de cotas, uma política pública de acesso ao ensino superior, representa instrumento capaz de minorar as disparidades de cunho racial existentes na esfera produtiva. A presente dissertação versa sobre a trajetória acadêmica e a inserção profissional de diplomados da Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Sul beneficiados pela política de cotas. Realizamos um total de 24 entrevistas semiestruturadas, objetivando compreender como as desigualdades de cunho racial existentes na sociedade brasileira, em geral, e no mercado de trabalho, em particular, incidem sobre a trajetória de profissionais negros beneficiados pela política de cotas sociorraciais, em comparação com os profissionais brancos beneficiados pela política de cotas sociais. Constatamos que o acesso ao ensino superior representou para ambos os grupos o alargamento do campo de possibilidades, tendo permitido à maioria um aumento de escolarização em relação aos pais. No que diz respeito à dimensão racial, os interlocutores negros sofreram discriminação tanto ao longo de sua trajetória acadêmica quanto posteriormente, em sua busca por emprego. No entanto, os mesmos criaram uma série de estratégias de resistência à discriminação racial como forma de permanecer na universidade, além de se engajarem na luta antirracista através de sua atuação profissional. / The Brazilian labor market is marked by a context of reproduction of racism and racial inequality, which create persistent distances between whites and blacks within. Faced with the important role of education to guarantee better positions in the occupational structure, the quota policy, a public policy of access to higher education, is an instrument capable of alleviating racial disparities in the productive sphere. The present dissertation deals with the academic trajectory and the professional insertion of graduates of the Federal University of Rio Grande do Sul, Brazil, benefited by the quotas policy. We carried out a total of 24 semi-structured interviews, aiming to understand how the racial inequalities existing in Brazilian society, in general, and in the labor market, in particular, affect the trajectory of black professionals benefited by the politics of socio-racial quotas, in comparison with the white professionals benefited by the policy of social quotas. We found that access to higher education represented an expansion in the scope of possibilities for both groups, allowing the beneficiaries an increase in schooling compared to their parents. With regard to the racial dimension, black interlocutors suffered discrimination both during their academic career and subsequently in their search for employment. However, they have created a series of strategies of resistance to racial discrimination to stay in University, in addition to engaging in antiracist struggle through their professional performance.

Made available in DSpace on 2015-03-05T20:04:16Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 5 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Objetivo: Investigar o acesso de mulheres negras e brancas aos exames de detecção precoce de câncer, mama e citopatológico (CP), em duas cidades no sul do Brasil. Métodos: Estudo transversal de base populacional realizado a partir da junção de duas amostras representativas de mulheres dos 20 aos 60 anos, residentes em São Leopoldo e em Pelotas, cidades localizadas no sul do Brasil. As análises foram ajustadas por renda, escolaridade, classe econômica e idade para verificar a associação entre raça/cor e o acesso ao CP e ao exame de mama. Resultados: Foram entrevistadas 2030 mulheres, das quais 327 (16,1%) eram negras e 1703 (83,9%) brancas. Houve maior percentual de mulheres negras pertencentes aos estratos mais baixos de renda, de classe econômica e de escolaridade comparados com as mulheres brancas. A probabilidade das mulheres não realizarem os exames citopatológico e de mama foi significantemente maior nas negras. A desigualdade racial no acesso aos exames de detecção precoce de câncer persistiu após con / Objective: To investigate the access of both Black and White women to cancer early detection exams, breast and pap-smear, in two cities in Southern Brazil.Methods: A population based cross-sectional study that combines two representative samples of women aged from 20 to 60 years, from São Leopoldo and Pelotas, south Brazil cities. The analyses were adjusted according to income, education, economic class and age in order to verify the association of race/color with the access to pap-smear and breast exam. Results: Out of 2030 women interviewed, 327 (16.1%) were Black and 1703 (83.9%) were White. In comparison with White women, there were higher percentages of Black women in the lower strata of income, economic class and education. The probability of not accomplishing pap-smear and breast exam was significantly higher among Black women. Racial inequalities in access to cancer early detection exams persisted after controlling for age and other socioeconomic variables. In the previous year, Black women, regardl

Submitted by Jorge Silva (jorgelmsilva@ufrrj.br) on 2017-04-05T19:56:30Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2012 - ?ngela Ferreira Pace.pdf: 1149010 bytes, checksum: 895783ef467cbc9c60ade82ef35d17bf (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-04-05T19:56:30Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2012 - ?ngela Ferreira Pace.pdf: 1149010 bytes, checksum: 895783ef467cbc9c60ade82ef35d17bf (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-03-29 / The contemporary globalized scenery has brought people a greater range to information and hence to opportunities in the labor market. In this context, there was the emergence and the consolidation of public exam, as the main mechanism for admission to public jobs. It is believed that through public exams, there is room for all those who fill the requirements for a particular public job and have equal conditions of competition. This investigation has emerged from the interest of the researcher to understand the real role that public exams can play in the selection process for joining the public jobs, in Brazil, particularly, with regard to the access democratization of Afro-Brazilians to public service careers. It has been aimed to analyze many relevance aspects, since the appearance of the exam in the legal system till nowadays. Historical aspects that influenced the implementation of the competition are discussed as a mechanism of access to service employee career in Brazil, as well as the laws that rules this instrument, since the Imperial period. Emphasis is given to its importance as a vehicle for democratization by examining, therefore, existing legal regulations and documents on the subject. The research has a strong qualitative bias, using statistical data resources. The survey sample covers data extracted from SIAPE system in relation to self-declarations related to color and ethnicity of teachers and technical-administrative servers from UFRRJ, especially those hired in the past 6 years. It has also been adopted as methodological procedure, the application of semi-structured interviews with teachers of public universities, who are researchers of ethnic-racial relations in Brazil, coming from IES located in different geographical regions, following the method of critical discourse analysis, based on I?iguez, It has still been focused the influence of institutional racism in Brazilian society, from its roots and, highlighted, in the conduction of public exams, especially those who have stage presence. It should be noted that the analysis of material collected in the field has been made according to the basic theoretical research, as well as other academic support. It has been demonstrated how education, in the way it is presented is a major factor in perpetuating racial inequality and, therefore, hoe it interferes in a negative manner on the effectiveness of the meritocratic system. It has also tried to evidence how the system of compensatory actions can help to make up for the servile past to what the black people were submitted and how ethnic-racial inequalities were constructed and legitimated by the state, that insists on imposing them the myth of racial democracy that brings a scene of discriminations, prejudices and inequalities. / O cen?rio contempor?neo globalizado trouxe ?s pessoas um alcance maior a informa??es e, consequentemente a oportunidades no mercado de trabalho. Neste contexto, houve o aparecimento e a consolida??o do concurso p?blico, como principal mecanismo de ingresso aos cargos p?blicos. Acredita-se que mediante o concurso p?blico, abre-se espa?o para que todos aqueles que preencham os requisitos para determinado cargo p?blico, tenham condi??es igualit?rias de competi??o. Esta pesquisa surgiu a partir do interesse da pesquisadora em compreender o real papel que o concurso p?blico pode desempenhar nos processos de sele??o para o ingresso nos cargos p?blicos, no Brasil, em especial, no que diz respeito ? democratiza??o de acesso de Afro-brasileiros ?s carreiras do servi?o p?blico. Foram analisados aqui v?rios aspectos de relev?ncia, desde o surgimento do concurso no ordenamento jur?dico brasileiro at? os dias atuais. S?o abordados fatos hist?ricos que influenciaram a implementa??o de concurso como mecanismo de acesso ? carreira de servidores p?blicos, no Brasil, assim como a legisla??o que regula esse instrumento, desde o per?odo Imperial. ?nfase ? concedida ? sua import?ncia como ve?culo de democratiza??o examinando-se, para tanto, diplomas legais e documentos existentes sobre o tema. A pesquisa possui forte vi?s qualitativo, com recurso a dados estat?sticos. A amostra da pesquisa abrange um levantamento extra?do do sistema SIAPE, no que se refere ? autodeclara??o relativa ? cor e etnia dos servidores docentes e t?cnico-administrativos da UFRRJ, principalmente os nomeados nos ?ltimos 6 anos. Foi adotado, tamb?m, como procedimento metodol?gico, a aplica??o de entrevistas semi-estruturadas a professores de universidades p?blicas, pesquisadores das rela??es ?tnico-raciais brasileiras, oriundos de IES localizadas em diferentes regi?es geogr?ficas brasileiras, seguindo a modalidade de an?lise cr?tica do discurso, fundamentada em I?iguez (2004),. Foi enfocada, ainda, a influ?ncia do racismo institucional na sociedade brasileira, desde suas ra?zes e, em destaque, na condu??o dos concursos p?blicos, especialmente aqueles que possuem fase presencial. Ressalta-se que a an?lise do material coletado no campo foi feita ? luz do referencial te?rico basilar da pesquisa, bem como outros acad?micos como suporte. Demonstrou-se como a educa??o ? um fator preponderante para perpetuar as desigualdades raciais e, portanto, como interferem negativamente na efic?cia do sistema meritocr?tico. Procurou-se, tamb?m, evidenciar como o sistema de a??es compensat?rias pode contribuir para compensar o passado servil a que foram submetidos os negros e como as desigualdades ?tnico-raciais foram constru?das e legitimadas pelo Estado, que insiste em impor-lhes o mito da democracia racial, que traz na bagagem um cen?rio de discrimina??es, preconceitos e desigualdades.

The purpose of this study was to understand the perceptions of first-generation college students of color in a predominantly White institution (PWI) who successfully completed the first two years of college. This qualitative research utilized semi-structured interviews to understand the perceptions of first-generation college students of color and how they viewed their secondary and post-secondary experiences. The conceptual framework was supported through the literature by analyzing the intersectionality of historical factors, socioeconomic status, critical race theory, and educational programs. Although these students of color faced the anxieties, confusion, and difficulties that all college students encounter when they transition to college, their challenges are heightened when coupled with other factors such as lower levels of college readiness, living in high crime communities, a lack of financial resources, a lack of family support, and limited knowledge pertaining to postsecondary education (Brown, 2008; Pascarella, et al. 2003; Strayhorn, 2006). Such factors create unique challenges for first-generation students of color, resulting in disparate academic achievement (Strayhorn). Participants in this study were selected using a criterion-based selection process. This study aimed to give voice to 12 students who self-identified as first-generation students of color, were classified as juniors attending the University of North Florida, and who were a part of the Jacksonville Commitment program. The Jacksonville Commitment program was selected for further study because the program provided students with wrap-around services that supported first-generation students’ persistence and social and academic development. Eisner’s (1998) educational criticism was the primary data analysis approach used in this study, supported by Hatch’s (2002) typological and interpretive analysis. Typological analysis divided the overall data set into categories or typologies. The four typologies identified in this study were: family relationships, socioeconomic status, resilience, and college retention and persistence. Interpretive analysis was used to extrapolate meaning and attach significance to the data. Thematics was used it identify recurring messages within the data (Eisner, 1998; Patton, 2002). Data analysis of the present study led to the development of three themes: (a) Students perceived that they persisted in college as a result of being exposed to a rigorous K-12 curriculum; (b) Students perceived that they persisted in college due to their support network; (c) Previous academic experiences contributed to the development of student self-efficacy. Students in this study challenged the deficit model which suggests that students without resources will not achieve. Instead, they were more aligned with the asset model that connects student success with the positive attributes that they possessed. The major implication from this study is that first-generation students of color have a greater chance of academic success if provided focused supports and academic preparation in primary and secondary schools to prepare them for the collegiate culture.

Submitted by Renata Lopes (renatasil82@gmail.com) on 2017-05-17T15:41:55Z No. of bitstreams: 1 anacristinacostasoares.pdf: 998419 bytes, checksum: 97454608cf6a9babbaee756fc47a8017 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2017-05-17T16:17:25Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 anacristinacostasoares.pdf: 998419 bytes, checksum: 97454608cf6a9babbaee756fc47a8017 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-05-17T16:17:25Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 anacristinacostasoares.pdf: 998419 bytes, checksum: 97454608cf6a9babbaee756fc47a8017 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007-09-28 / Pesquisas realizadas sobre a desigualdade racial no Brasil têm indicado, dentre outras áreas de exclusão, a baixa presença de negros (pardos ou pretos), nas instituições superiores de ensino. A partir desta constatação, as ações afirmativas que objetivam facilitar o acesso de pretos e pardos no ensino superior têm sido implantadas em várias universidades federais no Brasil. Na Universidade Federal de Juiz de Fora/UFJF esta política foi iniciada no ano de 2006. Através dos dados disponibilizados pela UFJF este estudo identificou situações de igualdades e de desigualdades no perfil e no acesso tanto do candidato inscrito quanto do candidato aprovado, de acordo com sua cor autodeclarada. Os resultados obtidos revelaram desigualdades entre os grupos de cor seja no perfil sócio-econômico, seja no grupo de ingresso, mostrando como atua a discriminação racial no estilo brasileiro. / Research studies on racial inequality developed in Brazil have indicated, among other exclusion fields, the low presence of afro-descendent Brazilians in college education. Departing from this evidence, affirmative action aiming to facilitating access of black students (“pretos” or “pardos”) in higher education has been implemented in several Brazilian federal universities. At the Federal University of Juiz de Fora (UFJF) this policy was initiated in 2006. Using data made available by UFJF administration, this study has identified both equality and inequality situations concerning both candidates and accepted students according to their self-declared skin color. The results have showed inequalities among color groups concerning both their socio-economic profiles and access groups, showing how Brazilian-style racial discrimination works.