Some of the main goals of the present study are to understand what are the main problems that the “postmigrant generation” (descendants of immigrants, “mixed” people, and transnational adoptees) are forced to face in contemporary Norwegian society, how the authors present these challenges in diverse ways, and what strategies are put in place to critique and counter oppressive mechanisms. This means that it is also important to investigate the ways in which these works criticize a widespread understanding of the concept of Norwegianness, which a priori excludes all those who, for aesthetic, cultural, linguistic, and religious reasons, cannot be associated with a – false – idea of national homogeneity and Nordic purity. At the same time, it is intended to bring into focus all those cultural and linguistic practices and hybridisms that help to highlight how the old hegemonic paradigms are no longer able to represent contemporary Norway, whose national identity is constantly renegotiated in relation to migratory phenomena, which have triggered processes of transculturalization and transnationalization. In recent years, one of the most innovative and stimulating notions aimed at understanding this new era of migrations and hybridisms, which redefine societies from their foundations, is that of postmigration, which, among other things, proposes to consider the entire society as postmigrant, since migration has now greatly influenced not only the social fabric but also the identity status of European countries. One of the main goals of the postmigrant perspective is to overcome the dichotomies that contrast the figure of the migrant with that of the non-migrant, the idea of a homogeneous “us” with a “them” as a deviation from the norm, the majority population with minorities. This work seeks to combine the theoretical-methodological framework of postmigration with that of intersectionality. Intersectionality presupposes that the social, biological, and cultural categories of class, gender, race, ethnicity, sexual orientation, religion, age, disability, nationality, etc., are inseparable from each other if one wants to fully understand the identity of an individual or group of individuals and, above all, how systemic injustices and inequalities act simultaneously on multiple levels that overlap and intersect with each other. Chapter 1 is divided into three parts and is devoted to A) the theory, method and research objectives, B) the presentation of the postmigrant condition in Norway, and C) the description of postmigration literature – of which a new conceptualization is proposed based on the definition of postmigrant society – and the introduction of the works chosen for analysis: 1) Pakkis (Paki) by Khalid Hussain (1986); 2) Alle utlendinger har lukka gardiner (All Foreigners Have Their Curtains Closed) by Maria Navarro Skaranger (2015); 3) Tante Ulrikkes vei (Tante Ulrikkes Street) and 4) Gul bok (Yellow Book) by Zeshan Shakar (2017; 2020); 5) Kvinner som hater menn (Women Who Hate Men) by Sumaya Jirde Ali (2017); 6) La oss aldri glemme hvor godt det kan være å leve (Let Us Never Forget How Good It Can Be to Live) by Sarah Zahid (2018); 7) Hør her'a! (Listen Up!) by Gulraiz Sharif (2020); 8) Eg snakkar om det heile tida (I Talk About It All the Time); and 9) De må føde oss eller pule oss for å elske oss (They Must Birth Us or Fuck Us to Love Us) by Camara Lundestad Joof (2018; 2022); 10) Kvit, norsk mann (White, Norwegian Man) by Brynjulf Jung Tjønn (2022); 11) Da vi var yngre (When we were younger) by Oliver Lovrenski (2023). Chapter 2 focuses on the comparative analysis of two texts to show how themes and style change, from migration to postmigration literature, regarding the dynamism of migration-related social transformations in Norway. Chapter 3 focuses on the linguistic analysis of the only four novels written so far in the Norwegian multiethnolect (Kebabnorsk), while Chapter 4 aims to understand what translation strategies have been employed to render two of these novels in Italian. Chapter 5 discusses the multiethnic satellite towns on the outskirts of Oslo and how they are the focus of stigmatizing discourses of various kinds. Chapter 6 investigates the correlation between social class and migration background for descendants of immigrants, with a focus on processes of social mobility. Chapter 7 deals with Muslim Norwegians, Islamophobia and the counter-narratives deployed to fight stereotypes and as well as define their space within society. In Chapter 8, focusing on racialization and whiteness, an attempt is made to shed light on the processes of marginalization related to racial categorizations and the life experience of non-white people in Norway. In the conclusions, we reflect on how what has been said in the various chapters connects to the concept of Norwegianness, and in particular to the parameters of inclusion and exclusion from it in contemporary Norway. Norwegian society appears to be an arena in which conflicts, ambivalences, and negotiations occur. These can be traced back to the processes of identity and national redefinition that have been triggered by and related to migration phenomena. Certainly, the selected authors, through their works, contribute to criticizing and at the same time redrawing the boundaries of Norwegianness.

The present thesis explores intersectional and institutional conditions for counteracting domestic violence in the Swedish welfare state. Empirically, the study focuses on professional discourses and practices concerning fathers’ violence against mothers and children in the context of separation, in three domains of practice: 1) Children’s education; 2) Disputes concerning custody, contact and residence; and 3) Welfare benefits such as financial aid. Theoretically, the study draws on feminist political theory and sociology, childhood studies and critical race studies. The empirical material consists of court orders and interviews with staff and victimised mothers. Two main social processes that undermine implementation of children’s rights are identified and discussed: Familialisation and selective repression. The thesis is based on four articles: Article I, (Skolan, familjerätten och barnen) School, family law and children exposed to violence, explores how staff at school and preschool understands their professional task, when in encounters with children in difficulties due to family law proceedings. The results suggest that two competing perspectives shape staff understandings of risks, solutions and violence. When arguing from the child’s rights’ perspective, the staff prioritises children’s safety and participation, while an upbringing perspective tends to construct violence mainly as a problem of order, with disquieting implications for vulnerable children. Article II, (Pedagoger i det sociala uppdragets gränstrakter: Att hantera familjerättsliga processer, hot och våld)Pedagogues in the borderland of their social task: Dealing with family law proceedings, threats and violence, investigates strategies used by preschool and school staff, when encountering gendered conflicts and violence between parents. How do the staff cope with their own and children’s vulnerability? An analytical model of six types of proactive and reactive strategies, ranging from keeping distance to normalisation of own vulnerability, is utilised in the analysis and discussed in relation to organisational and professional circumstances and intersecting social relations of inequality. Article III, Contact and evaluations of violence: An intersectional analysis of Swedish court orders, examines obstacles to implementation of children’s rights in contested parental contact cases in which there are indications of violence. The analysis shows that the contact presumption is strong, and generally overrides protection. This norm applies even where there are convictions or explicit reports of child abuse or domestic violence. In cases with ‘non-Nordic’ fathers however, the contact presumption is less likely to override protection than in cases with ‘Nordic’ fathers. Article IV, Financial oppression and post-separation child positions in Sweden, deals with post-separation child positions in two domains of practice in the Swedish welfare state: Welfare benefits such as financial aid, and child contact. The area of concern is financial oppression in the context of parental separation. Findings suggest that financial abuse in the context of parental separation is a non-question in the domain of welfare benefits, and in the domain of child contact framed as a conflict between equal parties. The age order as a form of domination may be reinforced by the practice of both domains.

La race est autant une catégorie sociale qu’une catégorie analytique, et cette dualité représente un défi pour les chercheurs et chercheuses qui s’intéressent aux rapports de pouvoir dans les sociétés racialisées. Afin d’étudier la reproduction et la contestation de la race dans l’ordre racial multiculturel en Colombie, je propose d’analyser les discours et la pratique d’acteurs sociaux qui, en interaction avec les institutions étatiques, contribuent à la reproduction et à la transformation de la race et des ordres raciaux dans lesquels ils s’insèrent. Je m’intéresse en particulier à l’entreprise identitaire des acteurs sociaux et politiques racisés qui participent à la reproduction ou à la transformation de l’ordre racial multiculturel. Ces acteurs, nombreux et variés, vont des leaders ethniques jusqu’aux chercheurs. Si tous ces acteurs peuvent être qualifiés d’entrepreneurs raciaux, cette thèse se concentre sur un groupe spécifique de jeunes Afrodescendant.e.s de Bogotá, pour une grande partie d’entre eux provenant des familles mixtes, ayant eu accès à l’Université, faisant l’expérience d’une ascension sociale et travaillant dans des domaines relatifs à la défense des droits de la population noire en Colombie. Je montrerai l’importance de ces facteurs dans leur identification en tant qu’Afrodescendant.e.s à travers l’analyse de leurs discours et de leurs processus identitaires. En même temps qu’ils en sont exclus, ils reproduisent et contestent le cadre multiculturel en élargissant la conception ethnicisée de la population noire à une conception directement liée à l’expérience historique du racisme et de la racisation, qui s’insère dans le contexte global de la diaspora africaine. Enfin, en ayant recours à l’approche intersectionnelle, à travers l’analyse des relations familiales et intimes des personnes enquêtées, je mettrai en évidence non seulement comment le privé devient politique mais également comment le politique imprègne le privé, afin de rendre compte de la place centrale du corps et de la blanchité dans le processus de racisation et dans les stratégies qui visent à défier celle-ci. / Race is as much social as an analytical category. Its duality represents a challenge for researchers interested in power relations within racialized societies. To study how race is simultaneously reproduced and contested in Colombia’s multicultural racial order, I set out to analyze social actors whose discourses and practices, in interaction with official institutions, contribute to reproduce and transform race and the racial orders within which they are embedded. My focus is on the identity entrepreneurship of racized social and political actors who participate in both the reproduction and transformation of the multicultural racial order. From ethnic leaders to researchers, these actors are many and diverse. Although they may all be described as racial entrepreneurs, this dissertation is centered on a specific group of young Afro-descendants from Bogotá, many of whom come from mixed-race families, are college-educated, are experiencing upward social mobility, and are working with black rights advocacy organizations in Colombia. I will show the importance of these factors for their identification as Afro-descendants through an analysis of their discourses and identity processes. They reproduce and contest the multicultural framework of which they are excluded by broadening the ethnic conception of the Black population to a conception that is directly linked to the historical experience of racism and racialization, one that is embedded within the global context of the African diaspora. Finally, by turning to an intersectional approach, through the analysis of their family and intimate relationships, I will demonstrate how privacy is politicized and politics privatized, to account for the central position of the body and of whiteness in both the racialization process and the strategies that aim at challenging it

Historically, most research on Indigenous peoples has been framed by Western empirical positivism which fundamentally conflicts with Indigenous circular ways of knowing. Current research governing bodies, scholars, and Indigenous communities have generated new theories and guidelines for research structures that support respectful and meaningful practices with Indigenous peoples. Participatory action research (PAR) attempts to address the unequal power structures inherent in research relationships: participants set the agenda for the research and are co-researchers in the project. In this study, I placed PAR theory into action to problematize research practices and to generate new discourses for research within an Indigenous context. The Lil’wat Nation and I collaborated on a PAR project in 2006-2007 that led to the formation of the Lil’wat Girls’ and Women’s Affirmation Group. Through the process of reflection-in-action we identified several opportunities for growth as we examined PAR theory in practice. Using decolonizing research methods and a metaphor of the Lil’wat s7istken (pit house), the model of practice wove between three distinct worlds with divergent protocols and pedagogies: the worlds of the Lil’wat, academia, and the researcher’s racialized lived experiences. This model of practice aimed to disrupt the essentialized dichotomies of Indigenous and non-Indigenous relationships and to problematize research practices for the academic and research communities to consider for their practice. The findings exposed several lessons at sites of praxis pertaining to the intersection of PAR theory and practice: definition of the community; ethics in the community; racialized researcher space; and PAR incongruence. The model was intended not as a “how to” manual, but as an entry point for discussions to advance respectful decolonizing research practices.

Cette thèse interroge et compare les constructions des conditions noires entre Afrique et Amériques Latines. Plus précisément entre la société gabonaise et la société afro-mexicaine. Ces conditions noires sont travaillées par des restes idéologiques et des effets des phénomènes de racialisations et de subalternisations issus des expériences coloniales (Traite esclavagiste et Colonisation). Dans la première partie, il est décrit les itinéraires et les dynamiques de racialisations entre le Gabon et le Mexique Noir. La deuxième partie établit les logiques et les relations de pouvoir entre les deux sociétés. Ces dernières permettent de comparer les enjeux de citoyenneté incarnés sur la couleur des individus entre ces deux contextes. La troisième partie porte une attention aux réponses construites par les individus et les collectifs face à ces logiques et relations de pouvoir entre le Gabon et le Mexique. La quatrième partie montre l’essor des circulations des signes, idées « afro » et leurs incidences au niveau local entre les deux sociétés étudiées. Au travers d’une démarche transatlantique caractérisée par des ethnographies multi-situées, nous établissons une comparaison entre le Gabon et la Costa Chica. Cette dernière nous permet de rendre compte des logiques de pouvoir différentes et similaires, et des effets contemporains de la mondialisation « afro ». Cette dernière provoque des « découvertes » entre sujets afro-américains et africains produisant des sens en traversant l’Atlantique. / This thesis questions and compares the constructions of black conditions between Africa and Latin America. More precisely between the Gabonese society and afromexican society. These black conditions are worked by ideological remains and effects of the phenomena of racializations and subalternisations from the colonial experiences (Slavery and Colonization). The first part describes the pathways and racializations dynamic between Gabon and Black Mexico. The second part establishes the logical and power relationship between the two societies. They allow the comparison of the citizenship issues incarnated through the color of individuals in these two contexts. The third part pays attention to the responses built by individuals and groups facing these logics and power relationship between Gabon and Mexico. The fourth section shows the growth of traffic signs, ideas of 'Afro' and their impact at local level between the two societies studied. Through a transatlantic approach characterized by multi-located ethnographies, we compare Gabon and the Costa Chica. It allows us to account for the different logic of power and similarities, and contemporary effects of the globalization of "Afro". The latter causes "discoveries" among African-American and African subjects producing direction across the Atlantic.

A partir de six terrains d’étude menés dans plusieurs régions du Sénégal (Petite Côte, Saloum, Saint-Louis, Sénégal oriental et Dakar), cette thèse explore l’articulation différenciée des enjeux de classe et de race dans des contextes de mobilités et de migrations issues d’Europe et d’Amérique du Nord. Les trajectoires, pratiques et modes relationnels enquêtés sont liés au tourisme balnéaire et culturel, à l’entrepreneuriat individuel en situation post-touristique, à des mobilités pour étude, et aux parcours professionnels du volontariat et de l’expatriation. Ces configurations sociales mondialisées, souvent inscrites dans des champs de recherche dissociés, favorisent l’analyse croisée de la construction de deux ethnicités, la blanchité et l’africanité, conçues comme notions emic et etic. Leurs productions socio-identitaires se déploient, se croisent et se répondent, selon des mécanismes récurrents de hiérarchisation de classes et de confrontation raciale à l’échelle des interactions individuelles et des dynamiques collectives. Elles font aussi écho à des logiques de stratification et de sélection sociale, intrinsèques à la société sénégalaise, qui vont au-delà du marqueur chromatique et se combinent à des représentations culturalistes et ethniques. Les échelles socio-historiques, les asymétries de classe transnationales, les identifications religieuses, phénotypiques et genrées, présents dans les contextes de mobilités et migrations étudiés, soulignent la valeur heuristique des catégorisations identitaires de la blanchité dans les processus de classification sociale, racialisée et ethnicisée, au regard des définitions plurielles de l’africanité. Analyser ces mécanismes d’assignation et de distinction dans une société africaine telle que le Sénégal permet également de penser la question postcoloniale au cœur des ambivalences du champ social et invite à interroger la positionnalité des chercheur.e.s dans la pratique ethnographique et la production des savoirs sur l’Afrique. / Based on six fieldworks conducted in several regions of Senegal (Petite Côte, Saloum, Saint-Louis, Oriental Senegal and Dakar), this thesis explores the social mechanisms which articulate class and race issues in different contexts of mobility and migration from Europe and North America. The trajectories, practices and ways of socializing investigated are related to seaside and cultural tourism, individual entrepreneurship in post-tourist contexts, study abroad programs and professional flows of voluntary service and expatriation. These social and globalized settings, often addressed in distinct fields of research, underlie a cross analysis of the constructions of two ethnicity – whiteness and africaness – considered as emic and etic notions. The social identities they produce respond to one another and reveal recurring patterns in social hierarchy and racial confrontation throughout individual interactions and collective dynamics. They also echo logics of social stratification and selection within the Senegalese society, which are combined with culturalist and ethnic representations, beyond color markers. The contexts of mobility and migration investigated are embedded into specific socio-historical backgrounds, transnational asymmetry of class and process of identification based on religion, phenotype and gender. They all reflect the heuristic value of whiteness and its production of identity in social, racialized and ethnicized categorization, regarding multiple meanings of africaness. Analyzing these mechanisms of social distinction in an African society such as Senegal leads to face postcolonial thinking with the ambiguities of social spheres. It also questions the positionality of researchers through ethnography and in the production of knowledge about Africa.

Ce mémoire porte sur le processus de racialisation des personnes de confession et/ou de culture musulmane. Il cherche à éclairer la manière dont cette racialisation s’incarne à l’égard des personnes musulmanes qui prennent part aux débats sociopolitiques de leur société (plus spécifiquement ceux entourant les enjeux de laïcité et de signes religieux). La posture scientifique adoptée allie expérience individuelle et analyse sociologique. Dans le cadre analysé, la participation à un débat public au Québec, en 2013 et 2014, autour d’un projet de loi sur la laïcité et la neutralité religieuse de l’État (le projet de loi no 60) a donné lieu à une campagne de diffamation ciblant l’auteure de cette recherche et culminant en une démarche en justice. Ce type de diffamation, qui a pour cible une personne musulmane, puise dans un registre conspirationniste de l’islamisation et de l’infiltration des institutions démocratiques et des organisations de la société civile par les musulman.es vivant dans les sociétés occidentales. À travers un cas comme celui-ci, il est possible d’observer, par une sorte d’effet grossissant, une cristallisation de plusieurs propriétés de la racialisation telle qu’elle s’incarne à l’égard des personnes musulmanes. L’analyse mobilise des vidéos et des publications diffusées sur un blogue actif en 2013 et 2014, véhiculant des thèses conspirationnistes anti-islam, des documents tirés du dossier juridique (poursuite en diffamation), ainsi qu’une reconstruction narrative des évènements. / This dissertation examines the process of racialization of people of Muslim faith and/or culture. It seeks to shed light on the way in which this racialization is exemplified with regard to Muslims who participate in the political and social debates within their society (more precisely, the debates concerning secularism and religious symbols). The scientific approach adopted in this dissertation combines individual experience and sociological analysis. In the case being studied, the participation by the author of this research in a public debate in Quebec, in 2013 and 2014, surrounding a bill on State secularism and religious neutrality (Bill 60) gave rise to a smear campaign targeting her and culminating in legal action. Since the target of this campaign was Muslim, the defamation drew on conspiracy tropes of Islamisation and the infiltration of democratic institutions and of civil society organizations by Muslims living in Western societies. By studying a case such as this it is possible to observe, by a kind of magnifying effect, the crystallisation of several properties of racialization as it is exemplified with regards to Muslims. The analysis in this dissertation employs videos and posts published on a blog that was active in 2013 and 2014 that peddled in anti-Muslim conspiracy theory, documents from the legal file (defamation suit), as well as a narrative reconstruction of the events.

Cette enquête d’ethnologie traite des rapports de pouvoir entre les Aïnous, la société et l’État japonais, et cherche plus particulièrement à décentrer le point de vue de la majorité concernant les Aborigènes et la conquête coloniale, en étudiant les transformations socioculturelles des Aïnous à travers la lente appropriation de l’île par le Japon. Elle privilégie, en étudiant les archives de l’histoire combinées aux données d’une ethnologie de terrain, ce que les Aïnous disent d’eux-mêmes et d’un passé marqué par le traumatisme de leur incorporation au corps national japonais après un long processus d’acculturation les ayant relégués au rang de minorité ethnoculturelle au statut encore précaire. Les historiographies japonaises et occidentales concernant la colonisation de l’ancienne île d’Ezo, se basant essentiellement sur le point de vue des conquérants, occultent par principe celui de ce peuple qu’elles qualifient parfois de disparu, et dont la subordination matérielle forcée avait déjà commencé bien avant, malgré la création d’un réseau de négoce exceptionnel. Nous pensons que ces archives et les données d’un long travail ethnographique peuvent nous aider à mieux comprendre cette communauté et les événements ayant façonné les épisodes de son histoire et de celle du Japon, longues séquences de transformations de leurs organisations socioculturelles et politiques respectives. Depuis l’annexion d’Ezo, et la longue préparation qui la précéda, l’étude de cet ensemble de données nous éclaire sur les modes opératoires des deux temps de la gouvernementalité d’un pouvoir ayant cherché à les manipuler à des fins politiques, après les avoir réifiés. Cet essai d’ethnohistoire, s’inscrivant dans le champ plus spécifique de l’anthropologie de la violence en situation coloniale et postcoloniale (symbolique lorsqu’elle prend les traits ponctuels de la discrimination raciale ou du déni d’existence, ethnique durant la période de la loi de l’indigénat de 1899 et des expérimentations de l’anthropologie physique), cherche à prendre en compte l’historicité de sources bibliographiques et ethnographiques jusque-là peu étudiées tout en se basant sur un long travail de terrain auprès des Aïnous, afin de nuancer la production d’une histoire du pouvoir exclusivement basée sur les discours de l’État, tendant à minimiser le fait aïnou au point de le rendre anecdotique, voire absent de l’histoire du pays. Il nous semble que les Aïnous sont les créateurs et les détenteurs d’une historicité que l’on a longtemps voulu leur nier pour mieux les déposséder. Loin d’être restée passive face à ces bouleversements, la communauté aïnoue se caractériserait plutôt par une valorisation de la combativité et une forte capacité de résistance à travers certaines figures héroïques (chefs de guerre d’antan, artistes, écrivains et militants d’aujourd’hui), malgré les tentatives d’acculturation à répétition auxquelles elle a dû faire face. De plus, la création d’un statut concernant l’indigénat aïnou dans une nation se pensant monoethnique nous semble annoncer une volonté de conceptualiser des structures coloniales, bientôt appliquées et modifiées dans les autres territoires annexés. Enfin, à travers son exploitation académique en tant que sujets de l’anthropologie physique japonaise à ses débuts, elle semble avoir joué un rôle important dans la constitution des nouveaux savoirs du Japon moderne importés de l’Occident. Ces analyses cherchent à apporter un éclairage nouveau sur leur pensée et ces stratégies en phase avec leur temps et d’une grande contemporanéité que les Aïnous sont parvenus à élaborer malgré un contexte défavorable, pour répondre et réagir aux transformations socioculturelles qui les ont traversés jusqu’à ce jour. / This research of ethnology studies the relationships of power between the Ainu, Japanese society and the Japanese State, and more specifically tries to shift the point of view of the majority concerning Aborigines and colonial conquest by studying the sociocultural transformations of the Ainu across the slow acquisition of Ezo by Japan. By studying historical archives combined with the data of ethnological fieldwork, it focuses on what the Ainu say about themselves and a past marked by the trauma of their incorporation into the Japanese national body after a long process of acculturation, which has relegated them to a precarious rank as an ethno-cultural minority. Both Japanese and Western historiographies concerning the colonization of the former island of Ezo, rely heavily on the conquerors’ perspective. These unilateral views obscure the existence of the Ainu’s own historiography, mostly silenced because of their forced material subordination. This allowed the colonial power to describe them as a vanished primitive people despite the fact that they created an exceptional international trading network in the past and possess a long history of resistance to domination. These archives and data from extended ethnographic fieldwork can help us to better understand this community and the events that shaped its history and that of Japan, and the long sequences of transformations of their respective socio-cultural and political organizations. Considering both the annexation of Ezo, as well as the long preparation that preceded it, the study of this set of data sheds light on the patterns of the colonial and postcolonial power’s governmentality, and efforts to manipulate the Ainu for political purposes, after having dehumanized and objectified them. This ethno-historical essay, in accordance with the more specific field of anthropology of violence in colonial and postcolonial contexts (violence can be symbolic when it takes on the occasional traits of racial discrimination and denial of existence, or ethnic, such as during the period of physical anthropology experiments or the long period following the Former Aborigines Act in 1899), seeks to take into account the historicity of previously little studied bibliographic and ethnographic sources. It also relies on long-term fieldwork with the Ainu. The result is a reinterpretation of the production of a history of power based exclusively on the State’s views and thoughts that aimed to minimize the Ainu’s existence to the point of relegating it to mere anecdote or possibly even rendering it invisible in the country’s history. Besides this critical situation, it appears that the Ainu are the creators and the holders of a historicity that has been denied for too long in order to better dispossess them. The Ainu, through academic exploitation as subjects of physical anthropology, appear to have been used in order to assess the practical application of Western colonial ideals and to support the modernization and creation of a Japanese colonial empire. Struggling desperately to free themselves from the shackles of the Former Aborigines Act of 1899 and from socio-cultural and academic violence by reversing stereotypes of ethnicity, the Ainu have patiently managed to integrate into the international network of indigenous activism, developing a vast cultural reinvention program focused on the main principles of autochthony. These analyses seek to shed new light on the Ainu’s way of thinking, the contemporary strategies to obtain the concrete application of their indigenous rights which they have managed to develop despite an unfavorable context, and to respond and react to the socio-cultural transformations they have been facing up to the present. / 本民族学調査は、アイヌと日本の国家並び社会とのあいだに生じる権力関係を対象とし、日本による漸進的なアイヌモシリ（北海道）占有の過程における、アイヌの社会文化的変容の考察を通じて、先住民と植民地主義的征服に関する多数派の観点を相対化することが目指される。本調査では、歴史資料に加え、現地での民族学調査に基づくデータを扱うが、それは、アイヌが自身とその過去について行う証言を重視するためである。アイヌによって語られる過去は、長きにわたる異文化受容の過程の後に、日本の国体に吸収され、文化民族的少数者という不安定な地位に追いやられたことに起因する外傷の痕跡を色濃く残している。一方、蝦夷ヶ島の植民に関する日本と西洋の史書は、基本的に征服者の視点に基づいており、それによれば、アイヌは並外れた交易のネットワークを築いていたにも関わらず、その強制的な物質的従属ははるか以前に遡るとみなされたり、また時にアイヌは既に消滅したものとみなされたりもする。つまりこれらの史書では、アイヌ自身の視点は端から隠蔽されているのである。従って、アイヌの共同体について、また、アイヌの歴史と日本の歴史における挿話を生み出してきた諸事件について、さらには、アイヌと日本双方の社会文化的・政治的な組織の変容の論理的筋道についてよりよく理解するためには、歴史資料のみならず、長年に渡る民族誌学的調査のデータを検討することが必要となるであろう。そして、こうしたデータの総体を検討することにより、蝦夷地の併合以降、並びに、それに先行する長い準備期間という、統治性に関わる二つの期間において、まずはアイヌを物化し、次いで政治的な目的で利用するための権力が、どのように形成されたのかが明らかとなるであろう。より厳密にいうのであれば、本民族誌学的試論は、コロニアル、ポストコロニアル的な状況下における暴力についての人類学という特殊領域に属し（その暴力は、人種差別や存在の否認といった限定的表現をとるときには象徴的なものとなり、形質人類学的実験や先住民に関する法律が施行されていた時期には民族的なものとなる）、アイヌのもとでの長年のフィールドワークに基礎をおきながら、これまであまり研究されてこなかった文献や民族誌学的情報の歴史性を重視し、そうすることで、アイヌの偉業を瑣末事とみなし、時に国史から抹消するまでに過小評価してきた、国家の言説に基づく権力の歴史の産物を相対化することを目指している。強権的な歴史観においては、アイヌからの収奪を促進するため、アイヌの歴史性は否定されてきたが、実際にはアイヌは、歴史性の創造者でありまたその保持者であるというのが本調査での見解である。自らを襲う幾多の変動に対し、アイヌは決して受動的であったわけではない。アイヌの共同体はむしろ、度重なる異文化受容の試練に対して発揮された、闘争性と強靭な抵抗力とによって特徴付けられるのであり、それは、数々の英雄的人物（往年の戦争指導者、芸術家、作家そして今日の活動家）の行動が示すとおりである。また、単一民族を自称する国家の内部で、アイヌに対する行政法的な地位（「北海道旧土人」）が設けられたという事実からは、この後、他の併合地域にも適応され、修正されていくこととなる、植民地支配のための機構を理論化しようとする国家の意志を読み取ることが可能である。さらにアイヌは、西洋から輸入された現代日本の新たな学識の形成のために重要な役割を果たしたと考えられるが、それは、黎明期にあった日本の形質人類学の研究対象として、学術的に利用されることによってなのである。これらの法的な拘束や、社会文化的・学究的な暴力の束縛からの解放を求めて激しく抵抗するなかで、アイヌは、自然と融合した未開人といった固定観念の価値を自らに有利なように逆転すると共に、粘り強い活動の結果、積極行動主義をとる先住民たちの国際的なネットワークに連なることにも成功し、先住民性に関する諸原則に則りながら、文化を再発明するためのプログラムを練り上げている。2008年の国会決議によって、日本の先住民として認定された後も、アイヌはナショナリズムや内向的姿勢に陥ることなく、他の多くの先住民たちに倣いながら、人新世（anthropocène）という危機的な時代の最中、利潤追求の結果抑制が効かなくなったまま、地球規模で推し進められる経済的発展に脅かされた環境の守護者として、その地位を確立している。本調査における分析により、自身が置かれた不利な状況にも関わらず、今日も依然として強い影響を残す社会文化的な変容に対応し、対処していくため、これまでアイヌが練り上げてきた、今日の状況にも適う、極めて現代的な性格を有する彼らの思考とその戦略について、新たな理解がもたらされるであろう。

There is a noticeable absence of studies reflecting the personal views and experiences of black British African Caribbean (BBAC) people as students and clinical participants in UK nursing careers. Previous research about their nursing career choices has always been reported as part of other mixed BME cohorts and migrant groups. Indications in the literature suggest that they were being actively discouraged by their families from choosing nursing as a career, because of their parents’ and grandparents’ negative experiences as migrant workers in the NHS, leading to very low or non-participation in the profession. This study set out to address this gap by giving them a distinct voice, independent of other cohorts. It explored the factors which influence their decision and their experiences, throughout a variety of life stages, from school through to university and into clinical practice. This was to identify whether the findings from earlier research are still relevant from their perspectives rather than that of their parents. Participants and schools in the study were recruited by purposive sampling, and data was collected in three phases, a pilot study phase, a survey phase and an interview phase. A quantitative and qualitative interpretive approach were adopted underpinned by a mixed methods design. Descriptive statistical analysis of the survey and qualitative content analysis (QCA) of the interview transcripts were utilised to enable interrogation of the data. Findings are discussed within the context of available empirical evidence, related policy perspectives and theoretical underpinnings. Four main themes emerged from the study, as specific influencing factors on their experiences. These are: careers advice and choice for nursing, support, discrimination/racism and personal resilience. The findings reveal that BBAC people receive little or no careers advice about nursing at any of their life stages. Consequently, they make uninformed decisions about modern nursing careers, leaving a gap in their knowledge. However, they are not discouraged from choosing nursing as a career, by their families. When they choose a nursing career, they are fully supported and encouraged by their parents and families, in order to survive as students and clinical practitioners. However, institutional support as students and practitioners is weak and very poor. Despite this, they do not intend to actively discourage their own children from making nursing a career choice. Racism, discrimination and racialisation remain core factors influencing their social, educational and other lived experiences, despite numerous equality legislation and implementation. These have a continuous negative impact on them as visible minority students and practitioners in the NHS. They respond to these negative experiences by developing personal resilience aided by strong social and cultural support provided by their families and community. These findings make a unique contribution to the knowledge base by giving BBAC participants their own distinct voice. This was achieved through listening to them at varied points in their life stages, from school through to university and as eventual professionals in nursing. This is important new knowledge, which has ensured a clear recognition of their personal perspectives, in their own voices. These insightful new observations are necessary to build a specific knowledge base about them and are very positive for future participation of BBAC people in nursing careers and the NHS. An adapted model for inclusive participation is proposed, based on the findings of the research.

Abstract This thesis acknowledges the social and cultural importance of education and the role the institution plays in the construction of knowledge – in this case of young Nunga males. It also recognizes that education is a contested field. I have disrupted constructions of knowledge about young Nunga males in mainstream education by mapping and rapping - or mappin and rappin Aboriginal English - the theories of race, masculinity, performance, cultural capital, body and desire and space and place through the use of Nunga time-space pathways. Through disruption I have shown how the theories of race and masculinity underpin ways in which Blackness and Indignity are played out within the racialisation of education and how the process of racialisation informs young Nunga males’ experiences of schooling. The cultural capital that young Nunga males bring to the classroom and schooling environment must be acknowledged to enable performance of agency in contested time, space and knowledge paradigms. Agency privileges their understanding and desire for change and encourages them to apply strategies that contribute to their own journeys home through time-space pathways that are (at least in part) of their own choosing.