La notion de personne vulnérable est employée de manière exponentielle dansdifférentes branches du droit international contemporain. Si elle est rarement définie par lesacteurs qui l’emploient, la notion désigne un individu dont la faiblesse et/ou la situationparticulière le prédispose à la réalisation d’un risque grave. La personne vulnérable recouvreainsi des hypothèses diversifiées. La plasticité de la notion permet une protectionfonctionnelle de l’individu, adaptable selon ses besoins. La personne vulnérable s’insère ainsidans le droit positif, sans que sa définition ne soit précisée, tout comme, en conséquence, sesbénéficiaires et les modalités de protection de ceux-ci. Mais précisément parce que la notionproduit des effets juridiques, sa conceptualisation devient nécessaire. Dès lors qu’elle prendune réalité en droit international, elle influence l’ordonnancement juridique mais égalementl’environnement social qu’il traduit, et suscite ainsi de profondes remises en questionthéoriques. / The term vulnerable person is more and more frequently used in the different fieldsof contemporary international law. Although rarely defined when used, a vulnerable personcan be understood as an individual whose weakness and/or particular situation predisposeshim to serious risks. The term can then cover various situations. The adaptability of the termenables a practical protection of the individual, according to each specific need. The term ofvulnerable person thus takes a place in the positive law without any specific and expressdefinition. As a consequence, neither the beneficiaries nor the terms of protection of the latterare defined. However, as the identification of an individual as a vulnerable person produceslegal effects, the conceptualization of such term becomes necessary. As it has become areality in international law, it influences not only the legal order but also the socialenvironment, and as a consequence arouses theoretical questionings.

L’analyse de l’évolution des normes juridiques relatives aux pouvoirs de crise, principalement depuis le milieu du XXe siècle, permet de mettre en lumière le profond renouvellement de la matière du point de vue du droit international et des droits internes des États. Il existe un processus dynamique entre les deux sphères : l’expérience des États contribue aux développements du droit international qui lui-même nourrit l’évolution du droit interne. Ce processus dynamique est guidé par l’émergence du concept de l’État de droit et par la nécessité pour les États de garantir le respect des droits et libertés des individus. Il engendre la création d’un régime juridique international de l’état d’exception, c’est-à-dire la mise en place d’un ensemble cohérent de règles relatives aux pouvoirs de crise. Ce régime vise à faire de l’état d’exception une institution de l’État de droit, au même titre que la séparation des pouvoirs ou que l’existence de recours juridictionnels visant à protéger le principe de juridicité. Au niveau interne, la grande majorité des États, du moins ceux soumis à la juridiction de la Cour interaméricaine ou à celle de la Cour européenne qui sont l’objet de cette étude comparée, retiennent l’idée d’institutionnalisation des pouvoirs de crise. Les constituants prennent en compte les évolutions internationales en la matière et développent de nombreux mécanismes visant à inscrire l’état d’exception dans les principes de l’État de droit. Il en ressort un travail d’ingénierie constitutionnelle qui s’attelle à encadrer les pouvoirs de crise de manière minutieuse, en espérant ainsi garantir l’existence de ces pouvoirs, dans l’assurance que ceux-ci ne serviront pas à des fins détournées. / Analysis of the evolution of norms relating to emergency powers, essentially beginning in the mid-twentieth century, is an excellent way of highlighting the far reaching renewal in this particular area both in terms of international law and in terms of internal law within individual States. A dynamic relationship can be observed between these two spheres in that the experiences of individual States contribute to the development of international law which in turn leads to an evolution of internal law. The emergence of the concept of the rule of law and the need for States to ensure respect for individual rights and freedom serve as guidelines for this dynamic process. Thus is born an international legal regime governing emergency powers, the establishment of a coherent set of rules concerning powers available at times of crisis. The objective of such a regime is to make emergency powers an essential part of the rule of law, much like the separation of powers or the existence of judicial remedies. With regard to domestic law, the majority of States, or at least those under the jurisdiction of the Inter-American and European Courts of Human Rights which constitute the body of this comparative study, retain the notion of institutionalization of emergency powers. Constitution making takes account of international developments in this particular field, putting in place and developing a variety of mechanisms with the aim of establishing emergency powers within the principle of the rule of law. The result is a work of constitutional engineering aimed at meticulously framing emergency powers, thereby guaranteeing the existence of these powers but also ensuring that they are not used for nefarious purposes. / El análisis de la evolución de las normas jurídicas relativas a los poderes de crisis, principalmente a partirde la segunda mitad del siglo XX, permite poner de manifiesto la profunda renovación de la materia, tantodel punto de vista del derecho internacional como del derecho interno de los Estados. Existe un procesodinámico entre las dos esferas : la experiencia de los Estados contribuye al desarrollo del derechointernacional que, a su vez, participa en la evolución del derecho interno. Este proceso dinámico, guiadotanto por la emergencia del concepto de Estado de Derecho como por la necesidad de los Estados degarantizar el respeto de los derechos y libertades de los individuos, engendra la creación de un régimenjurídico internacional del estado de excepción, es decir un conjunto coherente de reglas relativas a lospoderes de crisis. Este régimen se destina a hacer del estado de excepción una institución del Estado deDerecho, al mismo nivel que la separación de poderes o que los recursos juridiccionales destinados aproteger el principio de juridicidad. A nivel interno, al menos la mayoría de los Estados que se someten ala jurisdicción de la Corte Interamericana ou a la del Tribunal Europeo, que son el objeto de este estudiocomparado, acatan la idea de institucionalización de los poderes de crisis. Los constituyentes toman encuenta las evoluciones internacionales en la materia y desarrollan numerosos mecanismos destinados ainscribir el estado de excepción en los principios del Estado de Derecho. El resultado es un trabajo deingeniería constitucional que circunscribe los poderes de crisis minuciosamente, esperando garantizar deesta manera la existencia de estos poderes asI como la limitación de los abusos.

Este tesis explorara las facetas de los derechos económicos de la mujeres antes, durante y despues del régimen de Pinochet. El primer capítulo se enfocara en resumir las políticas económicas y sociales de Allende, el antecesor de Pinochet. El segundo capítulo analiza el rol de la mujer en la casa y el trabajo en este momento, donde se determinó la diferencia salarial entre los dos sexos. El tercer capitulo demostrara una comparación entre las mujeres que son de clase altas versus las de las clases socio-económicas más bajas. El último capítulo tocara el tópico de la moderna perspectiva sobre los derechos de la mujer post-Pinochet. This thesis will explore the facets of the economic rights of women before, during, and after the Pinochet regime. The first chapter will focus on summarizing the economic and social policies of Allende, the predecessor of Pinochet. The second chapter analyzes the role of women in the home and work, where there will be a comparison on the wage difference between the two sexes. The third chapter will show the contrast between women who are in high-class status versus those of lower socio-economic classes. The last chapter will be relating to the modern perspective on the rights of women post-Pinochet.

<p>It is an unfortunate and cruel reality that both government and armed groups used child soldiers during armed conflict. Child soldiers have become an integral part of government forces as well as insurgent groups in Africa and elsewhere. Most of them are being exploited as combatants, while others perform functions, such as porters, spies who are able to enter small spaces, cooks, messengers, lookouts, and even suicide bombers. Some of the most disturbing aspects of child soldiering are that some of them are being forced to kill or are themselves killed, sexually abused and are exposed to drugs. The use of child soldiers in conflicts is not a recent phenomenon and has indeed become a common practice that characterises modern conflicts. Recruitment is usually carried out forcefully or voluntarily by both government and rebel forces. The difference between these two types of recruitment is not always clear since their decision to join is always influenced by external factors. Examples of such reasons for voluntary recruitment include the desire to revenge, adventure, peer pressure, and need for belonging and survival. Concerning the reason for survival, some argue that, the children do not actually choose freely to become combatants, but are rather forced by circumstances. There are numerous reasons for the continuous targeting of children by armed forces and armed groups. These include shortage of combatants, the fact that children are easy to train physically and psychologically, and also that children are obedient and are readily available. The recruited children are compelled to take part in brutal induction ceremonies, where they are threatened and forced to kill or witness the killing of someone they know.</p>

The South African Constitution recognizes 11 official languages and protects an individual’s right to use their mother-tongue freely. Despite this recognition, the majority of South African schools use English as the language of learning and teaching (LOLT). Learning in English is a struggle for many students who speak indigenous African languages, rather than English, as a mother-tongue, and the educational system is failing its students. This perpetuates inequality between different South African communities in a way that has roots in the divisions of South Africa’s past. An examination of the power of language and South Africa’s experience with colonialism and apartheid provides a context for these events, and helps clarify why inequality and division persist in the new “rainbow nation.” Mending these divisions and protecting human dignity will require a reevaluation of the purpose of education and the capabilities of South African citizens.

The main purpose of this work is to investigate if the US ́s killing of Osama bin Laden on 2 May 2011 in Abbottabad in Pakistan was lawful. The background to the killing is what happened on 11 September 2001 when four US airplanes were hijacked and crashed into World Trade Center and Pentagon. Al Qaeda, a terrorist organisation led by Osama bin Laden, was immediately suspected for the attacks, which led to the starting point of the US ́s ‘global war on terror’. This work tries to give a short brief on ‘global war on terror’ and answer if there is a global war on terror and/or if a new category of war is needed. In order to get an answer to the main question of this work I had to investigate if US is in an international armed conflict or in a non-international armed conflict with Al Qaida. Another important question to investigate is if an armed conflict in one State can spill over to another State and still be consider as an armed conflict. Other important questions to answer are, if Osama bin Laden was a legitimate target under international humanitarian law, if he was a civilian or if he had a continuous combat function and what level of participation in hostilities he had? Not less important is also to investigate if human rights law is applicable when Osama bin Laden was killed, especially the fundamental right to life. Lastly I end my investigation with a quick review of the laws of jus ad bellum in order to get an answer if US had a right to resort to force in Pakistan. My conclusion is that the US was not involved in an armed conflict with al Qaeda in Pakistan where the killing took place. The conflict between the US and al Qaeda in Afghanistan is to be categorised as a non-international conflict. This conflict cannot be described as a conflict that has spilled over to Abbottabad where Osama bin Laden was killed. All people, including Osama bin Laden, has a right to life. Because of lack of information on what happened in Abbottabad when Osama bin Laden was killed it is impossible to give a clear legal answer if the US had the right to kill him. It could be lawful, but it could also be considered as a crime against international human rights law.

Malgré une demande croissante dans le secteur du travail domestique et un poids économique mondial considérable, les travailleuses domestiques migrantes demeurent parmi les plus précaires et les plus exploitées de la planète. Invisibles, isolées et travaillant pour des particuliers dans des résidences privées, elles échappent aux catégories traditionnelles d’emploi. Ces travailleuses se retrouvent alors à évoluer en marge du cadre légal ou encore, elles peinent à faire appliquer correctement les lois conçues pour les protéger. Ce mémoire cherche donc à analyser les manières d’envisager le droit afin de garantir un réel accès à la justice pour les travailleuses domestiques migrantes. En abordant d’abord les obstacles systémiques qui font échec à la réglementation du secteur domestique à travers le monde, cette recherche démontre une inadéquation du droit traditionnel à la réalité des travailleuses par l’analyse des effets de la réglementation canadienne qui leur est applicable. À la lumière de la récente Convention concernant le travail décent pour les travailleuses et travailleurs domestiques, ce mémoire démontre qu’une conceptualisation du droit basée sur le pluralisme juridique fournit des alternatives aux travailleuses domestiques migrantes pour accéder à la justice. Ultimement, l’empowerment de ces travailleuses par leur inclusion dans le dialogue social couplé à une réglementation adaptée à leur réalité permettra d’assurer une protection efficace de leurs droits. / In spite of an ever increasing demand in the domestic work sector and a considerable worldwide economic weight, migrant domestic workers are among the most precarious and exploited globally. Invisible, isolated and working for individuals in private residences, they fall outside the traditional work categorizations. Therefore, these women find themselves operating in margin of the legal system or, when they are protected by laws, they struggle to have those laws applied efficiently. This research will try to analyze the different ways we can consider law in order to guarantee a real and efficient access to justice to migrant domestic workers. After addressing the systemic obstacles to domestic work regulation worldwide, this research explores the inconsistency between traditional law and the reality of migrant domestic workers by analyzing the effects of the applicable Canadian regulation. In light of the recent Convention concerning decent work for domestic workers, this essay shows that a conceptualization of law based on legal pluralism offers domestic workers an alternative access to justice. Ultimately, including these workers in the social dialogue and implementing specific regulation adapted to their reality will provide them with an empowerment that will insure an effective protection of their rights.

Ce mémoire traite de la contribution du Tribunal pénal international pour l'ex-Yougoslavie (« TPIY ») au développement des sources formelles du droit international public. Il considère, plus précisément, le dilemme normatif entre le droit international classique, polarisé sur l'État et « résorbé» dans une juridicité formelle, et le «droit de l'unité substantiel », codifiant le mythe kantien de la paix par le droit et associant juridicité et légitimité par une intégration de l'éthique dans le droit. L'analyse postule la rétroaction du droit sur ses sources et étudie les courants idéologiques du droit international contemporain à partir de la jurisprudence du TPIY. Le mémoire conclut à une rupture entre le discours rhétorique du TPIY sur les sources, se réclamant du droit international classique, davantage compatible avec le principe de légalité, et les pratiques normatives effectives du Tribunal, ressemblant à un jusnaturalisme moderne, fondé sur des valeurs morales et éthiques. / This thesis studies the contribution by the International Criminal Tribunal for the former- Yugoslavia ("ICTY") to the development of Public International Law. Specifically, it analyses the normative dilemma between sources ofClassic International Law - correlated to the will ofStates, as wel/ as legal formalism - and the "International law ofsubstantial unity" - which codifies the Kantian myth of ''peace by law" and moves the classic idea of legality from formalism to legitimacy by using ethical references. The analysis assumes Law's retroactive effect on its sources and considers ideological movements of Contemporary International Law in the jurisprudence of the ICTY. The thesis concludes to a clash between ICTYabstractfindings related to sources ofInternationallaw and the actual "day-by-day" normative practices ofthe Tribunal. While the first brings into play Classic International Law and the rule of law, the second looks more like a neo-naturalism, fashioned by moral and ethical values. / "Mémoire présenté à la Faculté des études supérieures en vue de l'obtention du grade de Maîtrise en droit - option recherche(LL.M)"

<p>It is an unfortunate and cruel reality that both government and armed groups used child soldiers during armed conflict. Child soldiers have become an integral part of government forces as well as insurgent groups in Africa and elsewhere. Most of them are being exploited as combatants, while others perform functions, such as porters, spies who are able to enter small spaces, cooks, messengers, lookouts, and even suicide bombers. Some of the most disturbing aspects of child soldiering are that some of them are being forced to kill or are themselves killed, sexually abused and are exposed to drugs. The use of child soldiers in conflicts is not a recent phenomenon and has indeed become a common practice that characterises modern conflicts. Recruitment is usually carried out forcefully or voluntarily by both government and rebel forces. The difference between these two types of recruitment is not always clear since their decision to join is always influenced by external factors. Examples of such reasons for voluntary recruitment include the desire to revenge, adventure, peer pressure, and need for belonging and survival. Concerning the reason for survival, some argue that, the children do not actually choose freely to become combatants, but are rather forced by circumstances. There are numerous reasons for the continuous targeting of children by armed forces and armed groups. These include shortage of combatants, the fact that children are easy to train physically and psychologically, and also that children are obedient and are readily available. The recruited children are compelled to take part in brutal induction ceremonies, where they are threatened and forced to kill or witness the killing of someone they know.</p>

Le Québec reçoit chaque année un nombre croissant de travailleurs agricoles temporaires, à travers deux programmes : le Programme des travailleurs agricoles saisonniers (principalement Mexicains) et le Programme des travailleurs peu qualifiés (pour l’instant Guatémaltèques). Une de leurs caractéristiques communes est le lien fixe à l’employeur imposé aux travailleurs. Cette recherche analyse la conformité de cette disposition avec l’article 46 de la Charte québécoise qui garantit le droit à des conditions de travail justes et raisonnables. Un examen des effets du lien fixe démontre que celui-ci établit une dépendance forte des travailleurs envers leur employeur, aux niveaux légal (du fait de la possibilité du rapatriement anticipé en cas de problèmes liés au travail ou au comportement), financier (dû à la nomination des travailleurs année après année et au dépôt de sécurité imposé aux travailleurs guatémaltèques) et psychologique (soumission, crainte). L’interprétation de l’article 46 à la lumière du droit international des droits de la personne met en évidence la non conformité du lien fixe avec cette disposition. Or si l’objectif de cette mesure est de retenir la main-d’oeuvre dans le secteur agricole, il serait plus juste et raisonnable d’améliorer les conditions de travail de cette main-d’oeuvre plutôt que de l’asservir. / Each year the province of Quebec receives an increasing number of temporary farm workers through two programs: the Seasonal Agricultural Workers Program (mainly Mexican workers) and the Low-Skill Temporary Workers Program (with Guatemalan workers). These programs share a common characteristic: the workers’ permits are tied to an employer. This research analyses the compliance of the bonded-work permit with article 46 of the Quebec Charter, which guarantees the right to just and reasonable working conditions. An analysis of the effects of the work-tied permit shows that it creates a huge dependence of the workers vis-à-vis their employers – legally (due to the possibility of anticipated repatriation for work or behaviour related problems), financially (among other things because of the naming practise) and mentally (submission, fear). The interpretation of article 46 in light of international human rights law shows that tied-work permits violate that provision. If the objective of the bonded characteristic of the work permit is to retain a labour force, it would be much more just and reasonable to improve working conditions rather than to enslave workers.