Av 19 kap. 22 § 1 st. första meningen jordabalken följer att om fastighetsregistrets inskrivningsdel innehåller någon uppenbar oriktighet som beror på inskrivningsmyndighetens eller någon annans skrivfel, på något liknande förbiseende eller på ett tekniskt fel, ska inskrivningsmyndigheten rätta uppgiften. Avseende bestämmelsen ämnar examensarbetet att fastställa gällande rätt (de lege lata), analysera rekvisiten och föreslå regelförändringar(de lege ferenda) som möjliggör att rättelse skulle kunna tillämpas i fler situationer än vad som är möjligt idag. För detta har rättsdogmatisk metod, rättsvetenskaplig metod och empirisk metod använts. Utöver de traditionella rättskällorna inkluderas empiriskt material som underrättspraxis, JO-avgöranden och intervjumaterial. Även rättelsebestämmelserna 36 § förvaltningslagen (2017:900) och 4 kap. 21 § lagen (2008:990) om företagshypotek presenteras som underlag för en avslutande jämförelse. Av slutsatserna framgår bland annat att rättelse ska tillämpas restriktivt, vilketinnebär att endast oriktigheter som tydligt uppfyller rekvisiten kan rättas. Om rättelse skulle tillämpas i fler situationer är det viktigt att den enskildes rättstrygghet inte äventyras då denne kan lida skada efter att ha förlitat sig på registeruppgifter som sedan ändras genom rättelse. / 19 ch. 22 § in the Land Code (Sw: jordabalken) stipulates that if the land register section of the Real Property Register contains an obvious inaccuracy which depends on the land registration authority or somebody else's clerical error, similar inadvertence or due to a technical error, the land registration authority shall correct the inaccuracy. Regarding this regulation, the purpose of this master’s thesis is to establish the law (de lege lata), analyse the necessary conditions and propose rule changes (de lege ferenda) whether correction could be applied in more situations than what is possible today. Beyond the traditional sources of law, empirical material consisting of lower court praxis, decisions from the Parliamentary ombudsmen and interview material are included. Also, the regulations regarding correction according to 36 § of the Administrative Procedure Act (Sw: förvaltningslagen (2017:900)) and 4 ch. 21 § of the Floating Charges Act (Sw: lag (2008:990) om företagshypotek) are presented as a basis for a concluding comparison. From the conclusion – for instance – it appears that 19 ch. 22 § of the Land Code has a restrictive interpretation, which means that only incorrections that in a clear way fulfil the necessary conditions can be corrected. If correction would be applied in more situations, it is important that the individual legal rights should not be compromised since a third party can suffer loss after relying on information in the register that later will be corrected.

This study aims to examine how students who are studying social work are experiencing the combination of full time studies and a part-time job in a human service organization. Furthermore, the aim of this study is also to examine how these students consider legitimacy and the rule of law in relation to their part-time job. To answer this study, we put the focus on students who are studying their sixth or seventh semester in social work at Linnaeus University in Sweden where some students are combining full time studies with a part-time job in a human service organization. In total, nine students with this combination where interviewed in this study, all with different part-time jobs. The outcomes of this study show that students who are studying social work and working part-time are working for different reasons. Some of them say that they work for extra money, and some of them would like to get work experience. The students in this study think that this combination goes well and that they can relate practice from work into their theory in school and vise versa. Some of the students in this study have not thought about legitimacy in relation to their work, which we think is interesting. However, all of the students had thought about the rule of law in relation to their work. What is interesting to us is that we also learned that the students think that they can implement good work even though they have not thought about legitimacy that much.

This dissertation analyses the survival strategies that wealthy people in Mexico City have designed and implemented to protect themselves from kidnapping with special focus on household employment relationships. This particular crime has demonstrated a particular evolution in the last 20 years that deserves analysis. Once a political crime, it became an economic crime that at first only targeted wealthy individuals and then over time began targeting working class victims. Based on extensive qualitative fieldwork in Mexico City which included a year in the field, 78 interviews with employers, employees, kidnapping victims and members of the police forces and justice system and the creation of a news reports database this thesis presents a detailed history of the evolution of kidnapping in the period 1968-2009. This is followed by an in depth analysis of the strategies elites use to protect themselves from this crime. Special attention is focused on the hiring process of household employees, namely drivers, as evidence suggests that most kidnappings are organized or facilitated in some way by a close collaborator of the victim. The hiring process is approached as a problem of trust. Signaling theory is the main framework used for the solving of this problem, as well as some ideas found in transaction cost economics, namely vertical integration. The results point towards strategic behavior from the actors involved that seeks to minimize the risk of being kidnapped for the employer. Signaling helps us uncover the specific mechanisms by which employer establish their prospective employees’ trustworthiness. The use of informal social networks made up of strong ties is one of the most salient mechanisms used to guarantee honest employees and this, together with a composite set of properties is signaled throughout. This thesis contributes to the literature on crime in Latin America as well as to the sociological literature on signaling, a branch of analytical sociology.

This thesis challenges some of the current limits to the grounds for judicial review of legislation accepted by most Canadian jurists. More specifically, it makes a common law-based argument in favour of the priority over legislation of principles which are implied from the Imperial Constitution Acts 1867-1982 and which originally derive from the English constitution – namely implied constitutional principles. The argument faces two main interrelated legal objections: Parliamentary sovereignty and the Framers’ intentions. The first objection is rebutted by arguing that Parliamentary sovereignty possesses an ability to change in a way that can incorporate substantive legal limitations. The most prevalent common law-based theories of change to Parliamentary sovereignty suggest that the courts can authoritatively determine if implied constitutional principles can check legislation. The second objection is rebutted by reference to the notion of progressive interpretation as conceived under Hartian and Dworkinian theories of law and adjudication. Under these theories, progressive interpretation is an aspect of the courts’ best overall interpretation of the constitution, which includes implied constitutional principles. Such progressive interpretation can result in these principles constraining legislative authority. Justification of the progressive interpretation of implied constitutional principles can be based on the rule of law from which derive a number of these principles. One plausible conception of the Canadian rule of law is that it rejects the view that implied constitutional principles can prevail when in conflict with legislation. However, the better conception is that, as an attempt to adapt implied constitutional principles to relevant changes in society and to protect their underlying values, the judiciary should interpret these principles as capable of checking legislation to the extent that they form part of the core content of the rule of law. Such a conception and an operation of implied constitutional principles can properly be explained by Hartian or Dworkinian common law-based progressive interpretation of these principles and by their relationship with legislative authority.

The Master thesis focuses itself on establishment and development of free press and other media in Albania during the period since the fall of communism till today. Along with the gradual losing of power of communist regime since 1990 that culminated in 1992 by the establishment of democratic government, new era of Albanian media started, an era filled by dynamic changes and twists that have impact on the media up to these days. The aim of the author is to describe this development and to assess how Albanian media faced it and thus influenced current shape and functioning of the media market. Apart from describing the media scene in the 1990s and 2000s, specifically the establishment and development of main Albanian media as well as political and economic situation of the country, the main goal of the thesis lies in assessing the degree of independence of current Albanian press and describing of work conditions of local journalists. The main source to do that were the interviews conducted with Albanian journalists commenting mainly the issues of freedom of speech and press in their own country as well as conditions of their everyday work and thus revealing functioning of media and other sectors in this Balkan country.

The aim of this diploma paper is to analyse and define the nature of secret exercise of public authority and to asses this phenomena in respect of the fundamental principles of the democratic rule of law. Any secrecy in exercising public authority is in fact a clear contradiction to a natural concept of the human rights and fundamental freedoms. Therefore the republic, as a public institution, should not have too many secrets to hide away from the people if its own principles are not to be completely disgraced. Secrecy in exercising public authority is a specific feature often related to the areas such as securing the sovereignity and territorial integrity of the Czech Republic, protecting its democratic foundations, protection of the lives and health of the population as well as the right to own the property. This is in full accordance with the constitutional duty of the state. Limited access to the information has a unique and 84 inevitable role in these areas and it is clearly mentioned in the Charter of Fundamental Rights and Freedoms, the European Convention of Human Rights and Freedoms and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. The question of choice between the security and the liberty has been recently heavily discussed by the people as a natural follow up to the...

La France est un acteur majeur de la société internationale dont l’attachement aux « droits de l’Homme » constitue un élément caractéristique de sa politique extérieure. Il est alors paradoxal de constater que si la signature de la Convention européenne des droits de l’Homme a été opérée dès 1950, ce n’est qu’en 1974 que celle-ci sera ratifiée et en 1981 que le droit de recours individuel sera reconnu. Il y a donc une ambivalence entre une ligne politique de respect des « droits de l’Homme » et l’acceptation pleine et entière des instruments internationaux correspondants lorsqu’ils instaurent des organes supranationaux de contrôle. Lorsque la France est mise en cause devant la Cour européenne des droits de l’Homme, elle se doit de défendre, non seulement ses propres intérêts, mais également ceux du mécanisme objectif de garantie des droits instaurés par la Convention européenne. Il y a donc une pluralité de rôles qui s’offrent à la France en ce cas. Ensuite, la fonction première de la Cour européenne des droits de l’Homme consiste à vérifier que les organes internes ont bien appliqué et, le cas échéant, réparé les violations à la Convention européenne. Ce n’est qu’en cas de carence des organes de l’Etat que la France devrait être poursuivie devant la Cour. Enfin, l’incidence de la jurisprudence de la Cour sur l’organisation institutionnelle française est fondamentale et dépasse la stricte mise en œuvre de la Convention par les seules juridictions nationales / France is a major actor in the international society whose attachment to the "human rights" is a characteristic feature of its foreign policy. It is a paradox that if the signature of the European Convention on human rights was proceeded in 1950, it was ratified only in 1974, and the individual petition was recognized in 1981. There is an ambivalence between a policy of respect for the "human rights" and the acceptance of the relevant international instruments when it creates an international body to control its application.When France is sued in the European Court of human rights, it must defend, not only its own interests, but also those of the objective mechanism of the guarantee of the rights established by the European Convention. So there is a plurality of characters for France in this case. Thus, the primary function of the European Court of human rights is to verify that internal organs had properly applied the European Convention and, where appropriate, repaired the violations: is that in the case of deficiency of the State’s organs that France should be sued in the Court. Finally, the impact of the Court’s case-law on the French institutional organization is fundamental and exceed the strict implementation of the Convention by only national courts

L'économie chinoise a connu une croissance économique importante depuis 30 ans, mais celle-ci n'a pas bénéficié aux travailleurs chinois, qui supportent toujours des conditions de travail très éprouvantes, avec un niveau de protection très insuffisant. Pourquoi les travailleurs chinois ne profitent-ils pas de ce développement économique ? Les causes sont multiples : outre le facteur démographique, la recherche prioritaire des intérêts économiques constitue la raison principale. Pourquoi faut-il améliorer la protection des travailleurs en Chine ? Et par quels moyens cette amélioration peut-elle se produire ? La thèse montre, d'une part, l'évolution et les mouvements de la classe ouvrière dans l'histoire chinoise, en comparant sa situation avant et après 1949, et les raisons, historiques et politiques, qui ont conduit le gouvernement chinois à négliger la protection des travailleurs, bien que ces derniers aient bénéficié d'une place privilégiée dans le système communiste. D'autre part, sont envisagés les moyens, politiques et législatifs, pour initier l'amélioration de cette protection. Pour cela, une réforme politique serait la solution radicale, impliquant une démocratisation à long terme et mettant l'accent sur la protection des droits de l'homme, et sur les droits des travailleurs en particulier Ce qui suppose notamment que soit garantie l'indépendance des syndicats. La protection des travailleurs est donc indissociable de la construction de l'Etat de Droit. / Chinese economy has made significant progress for more than thirty years, but the Chinese laborers still benefit very little from the economic growth, who have to endure difficult working conditions with insufficient working protection. Why can the Chinese laborers not profit from the economic development? The pursuit for the economic interests as the highest priority is the main cause in addition to a large population. Why must the laborers' working protection be improved? By what means can this working protection be improved? This paper describes the history of the development of Chinese working class and workers' movement, especially the difference between before and after 1949 and analyzes the reasons why the Chinese government ignored the workers' protection from the point of history and politics, even the working class has preferential position in the Communist system. On the other, it analyzes the ways to improving the laborers' protection from the political and judicial points of view. In the long term, the political reform is the fundamental approach, which means the democracy and the protection of human rights, especially protecting the legitimate rights and interests of workers, which requires guaranteeing the independence of trade unions. The protection of workers' rights cannot be separated from the realization of a state under the rule of law as well.

As organizações regionais (ORs) latino-americanas têm atuado de maneira formal em segurança cidadã há pelo menos 20 anos. Em diferentes tratados, declarações, planos de ação, projetos, atas, entre outros documentos das organizações regionais, seja na América do Sul seja na América Central, evidencia-se que há uma relação importante entre segurança cidadã e consolidação democrática. Tendo em vista isto, esta tese tem como objetivo responder as seguintes perguntas de pesquisa: Qual é a visão das Organizações Regionais acerca da relação entre consolidação de democracia e segurança cidadã na região latino-americana? E, qual tem sido o papel das ORs, com algum nível institucional formalizado de cooperação em segurança cidadã, na consolidação democrática na América Latina? É uma pesquisa de viés qualitativo baseada em dois estudos de caso: o Sistema de Integração Centro-Americano (SICA) e a União das Nações Sul-Americanas (UNASUL) entre os anos de 2008-2018, período no qual ambas as ORs tiveram ações focadas (projetos e planos de ação) em segurança cidadã. A metodologia utilizada será de process tracing, como também de comparative process tracing entre as ORs. Os resultados desta tese apontam que ambas as organizações regionais possuem a visão de que ações em cooperação em segurança cidadã podem promover consolidação democrática através do fortalecimento do Estado de direito. Contudo, os atores são céticos sobre as capacidades de suas ORs em terem êxito, uma vez que o papel delas em consolidação democrática, através de cooperação em segurança cidadã, é pontual ou inexistente, sobretudo, pela falta de efetividade das mesmas. A conclusão é que as ORs analisadas produzem muito em termos de documentos, mas fazem pouco em termos de prática para concretizar suas ambições, refletindo as falhas do próprio regionalismo latino-americano. Assim, a falta de vontade política, a falta de capacidade institucional e o déficit recursos (humanos e financeiros) são as grandes barreiras para se ter êxito nas ações de segurança cidadã e, consequentemente, efeitos em fortalecimento do Estado de direito na região. / The Latin American regional organizations (ROs) have been working in a formal manner in citizen security at least for the last 20 years. In different treaties, declarations, action plans, projects, minutes and other documents of the regional organizations, whether in South America whether Central America, it is evident there is an important relation between citizen security and democratic consolidation. In this way, this work aims to answer the followings research questions: What is the vision of the Regional Organizations about the relationship between democratic consolidation and citizen security in Latin America? In addition, what has been the role of the ROs, with some formalized level of cooperation in citizen security, in Latin American democratic consolidation? It is a qualitative bias research based on two case studies: The Central American Integration System and the Union of the South American Nations between the years of 2008-2018, during which time both regional organizations had actions (projects and action plans) focused in citizen security. The methodology utilized will be the process tracing, as well as the comparative process tracing between the ROs. The results show that both organizations have the vision that the actions in citizen security can promote democratic consolidation through the strengthening of the rule of law. However, the actors are skeptical about their ROs\' ability to succeed, since their role in democratic consolidation, through cooperation in citizen security, is punctual or non-existent, mainly because of their lack of effectiveness. The conclusion is that the ROs analyzed produce a lot in terms of documents, but they do little in terms of practice to achieve their ambitions, reflecting the failures of Latin American regionalism itself. Therefore, the lack of political will, the lack of institutional capacity and the deficit in resources (human and financial) are the great barriers to success in citizen security actions and, consequently, effects on strengthening of the rules of law in the region.

Ownership is a guiding principle in today’s development cooperation practices, aiming to foster an efficient development cooperation driven by the recipients. However, ownership is paradoxical and ambiguous. No coherent understanding of ownership exists. The multistakeholder development cooperation arena is argued to complicate the recipients’ possibilities to acquire ownership. As the literature lacks an eastern European perspective, this study addresses the above-mentioned dimensions by examining ownership in Swedish development cooperation with Ukraine. By conducting interviews, this study confirms that there is a confusion among development actors in defining what ownership is. In contrast to previous research, this study finds the multi-stakeholder approach as an advantage of ownership. Collaboration between local actors can contribute to capacity development, joint commitment and stronger responsibility, which increases the probabilities that outcomes of development projects will be governed and progressed by the local actors in the long run. Hence, this study contributes to the literature with a more clarified understanding of ownership. Ownership is perceived as a relational concept that is dynamically promoted over time. This study concludes that commitment, capacity and participation are dimensions that can promote this myriad of local actors involved in development practices to acquire a multi-actor ownership of different dimensions of the development process.