The study locates Susurluk Affair into the legal-political theory, around an axis passing through two standpoints that defines the state either as a legal or as a political institution. Two words, Susurluk Affair refer to an accumulation of incidents and relationships that point to extra-legal activities of the state that are revealed by a traffic accident in Turkey. Susurluk Affair and similar cases of extra-legal activities of the state are frequent in modern political life, although the modern state is founded on the presumption of legal use of public authority. Susurluk Affair is discussed with reference to Max Weber&amp / #8217 / s and J&uuml / rgen Habermas&amp / #8217 / s theories of the rule of law, and Hans Kelsen&amp / #8217 / s legal positivism, both of which provide perspectives that define the state as a legal institution, and from the viewpoints of doctrine of raison d&amp / #8217 / etat and Carl Schmitt&amp / #8217 / s theories of the political and sovereignty that conceptualize the state as a political institution. Susurluk Affair can be interpreted in accordance with Weber&amp / #8217 / s, Habermas&amp / #8217 / s and Kelsen&amp / #8217 / s theoretical standpoints either as a deficiency in legitimacy or violations by certain persons, however it can be interpreted as activities for maintaining the state in the framework of the doctrine of raison d&amp / #8217 / etat. On the other hand, the Schmittian approach acknowledges extra-legal activities of the state, but Susurluk Affair cannot be interpreted as a case of deciding the exception in the Schmittian sense.

Créés en 1822 par le Conseil d’Etat français et, repris dans de nombreux autres pays comme le Koweït, les actes de gouvernement ont toujours été très discutés, en raison d’un manque de critères clairs et d’une immunité juridictionnelle qui rendent souvent difficile leur distinction avec certaines théories voisines. C’est la doctrine qui, depuis toujours, propose des critères et des classifications des actes de gouvernement. Malgré tous ces efforts, cette théorie est manifestement contraire aux principes généraux du droit, aux libertés fondamentales et, surtout, à l’Etat de droit. Il en est ainsi de la faculté de retirer, sans en justifier, la nationalité koweïtienne à une personne et du droit d’interdire à des citoyens étrangers résidant en France, de voter pour désigner leur Président de la République. La montée des idées populistes, ici et là, rend les actes de gouvernement encore plus redoutables pour la démocratie. Dès lors, même si la doctrine est divisée sur la question, leur suppression pure et simple, en France et au Koweït, apparaît comme une nécessité dont il convient simplement de déterminer les modalités / Created in 1822 by the French « Conseil d’Etat » and, introduced in several other countries such as Kuwait, Government acts have always been very much criticized, because of a lack of clear criteria and jurisdictional immunity which often make difficult their distinction with some neighboring theories. It is the doctrine that has always proposed criteria and classifications of government acts. Despite all these efforts, this theory is clearly contrary to the general principles of law, to fundamental freedoms and, above all, to the rule of law. This is the ability to withdraw, without justification, Kuwaiti nationality to a person and the right to prohibit foreign citizens residing in France from voting to designate their President. The rise of populist ideas here and there makes government acts even more dangerous for the democracy. Therefore, even if the doctrine is divided on the matter, their pure and simple abolition, in France and in Kuwait, appears to be a necessity which should simply be determined by the modalities

Constant references to literal meaning and its relevance in order to preserve the rule of law (predictability, in particular) do not reflect the complexity of our language. In this paper I analyze the descriptivist conception that seems to underlie these references and I present an alternative conception, new theories of reference, that allows us to account for our language in general, and for legal interpretation in particular. Once a semantic conception is assumed, in the last part of the work I reflect on what arguments are relevant to adopt a certain interpretation when difficult cases arise. / Las constantes apelaciones al tenor literal y a su relevancia para preservar el principio de legalidad (especialmente la previsibilidad) no reflejan la complejidad de cómo opera nuestro lenguaje. En este trabajo analizo la concepción descriptivista que parece subyacer a esas apelaciones y presento una concepción alternativa, las nuevas teorías de la referencia, que nos permiten dar cuenta de nuestro lenguaje en general, y la interpretación jurídica, en particular. Una vez se asume una determinada posición semántica, en la última parte del trabajo reflexiono acerca de qué argumentos son relevantes para adoptar una determinada interpretación cuando se producen casos difíciles.

The aim of this thesis is to examine whether Venezuela's democratic decline could be explained by the consolidation theory of Juan Linz and Alfred Stepan. Between the years 2005 – 2017, the organization Freedom House concluded that Venezuela’s political and civil rights declined, resulted in that Freedom House classified Venezuela from “partly free” in 2005 to “not free” in 2017, and several scientists classified Venezuela year 2017 as an autocracy. The method is to apply the consolidation theory and its five arenas (the civil society, the political society, rule of law, state bureaucracy and economic society) in the case Venezuela between the years 2005 – 2017. Each arena contains different qualifications which are all needed for a state to transition from democracy to consolidated democracy. However, in this thesis the aim is to study if the consolidation theory is able to explain a state’s transition from democracy to autocracy. By using material as scientific articles and reports, it is concluded that each arenas’ qualifications have deteriorated between the years 2005 - 2017. Therefore, it is found that the consolidation theory works very well in explaining a state’s transition from democracy to autocracy, which in this case is Venezuela.

This dissertation examines the recurrence of coups d´état (overthrow of government) in a State officially democratic, Guinea-Bissau, between 1980 and 2012, a period that marks the first coup since independence and the final coup to a government elected under the umbrella of the African Party for the Independence of Guinea and Cape Verde (PAIGC). Based on qualitative literature, historical and documentary research, we seek to maintain our expertise in theoretical and methodological explicit frameworks, it is not our intention to achieve absolute truths, but rather contribute to the construction of a new synthesis with new reflections on the content of theme "coups". The work contextualizes the different periods traversed by the country and reflects on the operative logics at various period of the coups, as well as on the challenges for the affirmation of the Rule of Law and, above all, on how could this apparent paradox be: a coup as a generating mechanism of participation in the national political arena. Therefore, the study sought to highlight the need for a less limited conception of democracy and "colonized" that allows observing and judging, from another perspective, the Bissau-Guinean democracy in terms of political participation, social density and popular legitimacy. / Esta dissertação de mestrado analisa a recorrência de golpes de Estado num Estado dito oficialmente democrático, Guiné-Bissau, num intervalo entre 1980 e 2012, período que sinaliza o primeiro golpe de Estado após a independência e o último golpe a um governo eleito através do Partido Africano para Independência da Guiné e Cabo Verde (PAIGC). Com base em pesquisa qualitativa bibliográfica, histórica e documental, buscamos sustentar nossos conhecimentos em quadros teóricos e metodológicos explícitos, pois não é nossa intenção alcançar verdades absolutas, mas antes, contribuir para a construção de uma nova síntese, com novas reflexões sobre o conteúdo da temática “golpes de Estado”. O trabalho contextualiza os diferentes períodos atravessados pelo país e reflete sobre as lógicas operantes em diversos momentos dos golpes, bem como sobre os desafios para a afirmação do Estado de Direito e, principalmente, como se daria esse aparente paradoxo: golpe como mecanismo gerador de participação na arena política nacional. Portanto, o trabalho buscou destacar a necessidade de uma concepção de democracia menos limitada e “colonizada” que permita observar e julgar, de uma outra perspectiva, a democracia Bissau-guineense em termos de participação política, densidade social e legitimidade popular.

Le respect et l’application effective, voire même efficace du constitutionnalisme et de la démocratie en Afrique en générale et particulièrement en Afrique noire francophone ont toujours été des difficultés auxquelles les constitutionnalistes et hommes politiques de ce continent demeurent confrontés. En effet, le constitutionnalisme en Afrique noire francophone n’a pas toujours coïncidé avec la vague mondiale de démocratisation qui a suivi la chute du mur de Berlin. Toutefois, c’est à partir de 1990 que le mouvement va se généraliser. En effet, après l’accession à l’indépendance des anciennes colonies françaises, la culture politique et juridique des nouveaux dirigeants africains étant française, tout concourt à expliquer que les premières Constitutions africaines furent à quelques variantes près un décalque de la Constitution française du 4 octobre 1958. Très tôt, ces Constitutions furent mises en sommeil, quand les gouvernements civils ne sont pas tout simplement renversés par des coups d’États. Aussi, le parti unique s’est finalement imposé partout, y compris dans les pays qui comme la Côte d’Ivoire, avaient gardé le principe du pluralisme politique dans leur Constitution. Avec les nouvelles Constitutions, les régimes politiques se sont diversifiés et certains d’entre eux se sont éloignés du modèle français de 1958. Désormais, le nouveau constitutionnalisme africain s’incarne dans un double mouvement indissociable l’un de l’autre. Il s’agit d’une part de l’irruption du constitutionnalisme dans le débat démocratique et d’autre part de la consécration de la justice constitutionnelle. En somme, les résultats qui découlent des analyses démontrent que sur le terrain, le constitutionnalisme n’a pas produit et atteint les résultats escomptés en termes de démocratie, de bonne gouvernance, de respect et de sauvegarde des droits fondamentaux. Il faut tout de même reconnaître des succès qui se matérialisent par des acquis ponctuels, pour ne pas tomber dans une sorte de procès fait au constitutionnalisme et à la démocratie en Afrique. / It has always been a challenge for constitutionalists and politicians of the African continent to enforce and implement constitutionalism and democracy effectively, and even efficiently, in Africa as a whole, and more particularly in Francophone black Africa. Indeed, constitutionalism in Francophone black Africa has not always coincided with the global wave of democratization that took place after the collapse of the Berlin wall. As a matter of fact, when the former French colonies became independent, new African leaders’ political and legal culture remained French-oriented, and that was the reason why the new African Constitutions were more or less similar to the October 4th 1958 French Constitution. Very soon, these Constitutions ended up not being implemented and some civil governments were overthrown by military coups. A single party eventually imposed itself everywhere, even in countries such as Ivory Coast where the principle of political pluralism was written in the Constitution. However, a wave of democratization started to widespread in the 1990s. Political regimes diversified with the new Constitutions, and some of these Constitutions veered from the 1958 French model. From now on, the new African Constitutionalism is embodied by two inseparable trends. On the one hand, constitutionalism has forced its way into the democratic debate. On the other hand, constitutional justice has been recognized. In short, my analyses have proven that on the ground, constitutionalism has not produced and reached the expected goals in terms of democracy, good governance, respect, and safeguarding of fundamental rights. One must nonetheless acknowledge some of the achievements in order to avoid turning this into a trial against constitutionalism and democracy in Africa.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-12-17T14:27:08Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 FabioWAA.pdf: 340399 bytes, checksum: aa4fd5e4243a53d1e6d0c02bb6c58c17 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-05-05 / The domination of the violence for the Rule of law awakened a tension between the practice of the punitive power and the right to counsel. However, throughout the recent history of the Criminal law, this shock of forces has been determined for the punitive power. In this perspective, the present work intends to submit the guarantee of defense to a critical judgment, in search to conciliate its content to the Constitutional State of Right. For in such a way, it will be necessary to recognize the disequilibrium of the situation, but without considering the superiority of any of these elements. The State in such a way must fulfill the function to punish the culprits as to acquit the innocents. Despite the law is far from obtaining a harmonious speech, it is necessary that the defense guarantee coexists the punitive power as part of an only public interest, which is, to make criminal justice. In such a way, the existence of a sustainable balance between the punitive power and the guarantee of defense depend on the minimum interference of Criminal law and, also, of the judicial position in the concrete case. The present work faces, therefore, the moment of crisis of the Criminal law, consolidated with the advent of a new way of thinking according to the procedural guarantees, that will demand the overcoming of the old concepts. The Constitutional State of Right not only constitutes an efectiveness of the regime of the right to counsel, but in a similar way it searchs to accomplish the right of action and criminal justice as a whole. Knowing that the philosophy of the language raises doubts on the certainty, the truth and the judgement, it is imposed to understand that the defense guarantee is no more about a simple idea, but, in the crooked ways of the communication, we intend to find what the judge s function is when he faces this new reality / A domina??o da viol?ncia pelo Estado de Direito despertou uma tens?o entre o exerc?cio do poder punitivo e a garantia de defesa. No entanto, ao longo da hist?ria recente do Direito Penal, este embate de for?as tem sido decidido em favor do poder punitivo. Nessa perspectiva, o presente trabalho pretende submeter a garantia de defesa a um ju?zo cr?tico, em busca de ajustar o seu conte?do ao paradigma do Estado Constitucional de Direito. Para tanto, ser? preciso reconhecer o desequil?brio da situa??o, mas sem propor a preponder?ncia de nenhum destes elementos. O Estado tanto deve cumprir a fun??o de punir os culpados como a de absolver os inocentes. Ainda que a lei esteja longe de se harmonizar a este discurso, notadamente porque a realidade suscita indicar que se cumpre muito mais a fun??o de punir pobres e inimigos, ? preciso que a garantia de defesa conviva com o poder punitivo como parte de um ?nico interesse p?blico, qual seja, o de fazer justi?a penal. Desta forma, a exist?ncia de um equil?brio sustent?vel entre o poder punitivo e a garantia de defesa depende da interven??o penal m?nima e, por outro lado, da postura judicial no caso concreto, cabendo ent?o que se revise a fun??o de defesa social proposta para o Direito Penal. A disserta??o enfrenta, portanto, o momento de crise do Direito Penal, consubstanciado a partir do advento de uma nova forma de pensar um pensar garantista , cuja aceita??o, em larga escala, exige que se deixem para tr?s muitos dos velhos conceitos, ainda que estejam estes velhos conceitos sendo apresentados como novidade. O Estado Constitucional de Direito n?o somente constitui um regime de efetiva??o do direito de defesa, mas, do mesmo modo, busca efetivar o direito de a??o, como tamb?m a presta??o jurisdicional e o processo como um todo. E, ainda sabendo que a filosofia da linguagem levanta d?vidas sobre a certeza, a verdade e o julgar, imp?e-se entender que a garantia de defesa n?o ? mais uma id?ia simples, mas, nos caminhos tortuosos da comunica??o, pretende-se encontrar qual o papel do juiz diante desta nova realidade que se descerra

Este trabalho tem o objetivo de explorar e investigar o papel desempenhado pelo gênero e pela sexualidade (mais especificamente a orientação sexual e sua aptidão para gerar arranjos íntimos, conjugais e familiares), na formulação de demandas a serem enfrentadas pelo sistema jurídico por meio de novas configurações ou de interpretações dos direitos humanos e fundamentais, possibilitando uma penetração do espaço público por elementos próprios da esfera da intimidade. Isto ocorre por meio de interferências recíprocas balizadas pela gramática constitucional dos direitos humanos e fundamentais, pelas quais se redimensiona a sua formulação e aplicação pelos atores sociais, ao mesmo tempo em que estes invocam sua linguagem inclusiva e igualitária na busca de reconhecimento, inclusão e participação, objetivos que realizam a ideia de reciprocidade contida no Estado de Direito formal, a igualdade de gênero e de orientação sexual torna-se mais do que um ideal regulatório, indo além para tornar-se uma concepção de justiça ela própria, informada também por uma dimensão substantiva de Estado de Direito relacionada ao paradigma democrático, ainda que os direitos que realizam tal ideal de justiça devam ser concretizados judicialmente em diferentes graus, a partir das funções dos direitos e com vistas a compatibilizar universalidade e singularidade e permitindo os canais de comunicação para a veiculação das pretensões da minoria à luz do diálogo com a maioria. / This work aims to explore and investigate the role of gender and sexuality (more specifically sexual orientation and its ability to generate intimate arrangements, marital and family), in the formulation of demands to be addressed by the legal system through new settings or interpretations of civil and human rights, allowing penetration of public spaces by elements of the sphere of intimacy. This occurs through reciprocal interference buoyed by the legal grammar of constitutional and human rights, in which resizes its formulation and implementation by social actors, while they call their inclusive and egalitarian language in search of recognition, inclusion and participation, which aims to realize the idea of reciprocity contained in the formal rule of law. Therefore, gender equality and sexual orientation become more than a regulatory ideal, they go beyond to become a conception of justice itself, informed also by a substantive dimension of rule of law related to the democratic paradigm, although the rights to perform this ideal of justice should be implemented legally in varying degrees, from the functions and duties in order to reconcile universality and uniqueness and allowing communication channels to the placement of the claims of the minority in the light of dialogue with the majority.

The author makes an inquiry into the evolution of the State as a product of what is known as the Modern State. The study focuses on the historical and legal aspects of the concept of the Rule of Law as a product of the Modern State, in order to analyze the construction and institutionalization of a system of asset liability of the State. / El autor realiza una indagación de la evolución del Estado como un producto de lo que se conoce como Estado Moderno. El estudio se centra en los ámbitos histórico y jurídico del concepto de Estado de Derecho como producto del Estado Moderno, para analizar la construcción e institucionalización de un sistema de responsabilidad patrimonial del Estado

Submitted by JÚLIO HEBER SILVA (julioheber@yahoo.com.br) on 2018-01-02T18:24:38Z No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Vitor Umbelino Soares Junior - 2017.pdf: 2016847 bytes, checksum: e3957da18e2a0085c1ee1ce8fc1cc20b (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Luciana Ferreira (lucgeral@gmail.com) on 2018-01-08T10:38:31Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Vitor Umbelino Soares Junior - 2017.pdf: 2016847 bytes, checksum: e3957da18e2a0085c1ee1ce8fc1cc20b (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-01-08T10:38:31Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Vitor Umbelino Soares Junior - 2017.pdf: 2016847 bytes, checksum: e3957da18e2a0085c1ee1ce8fc1cc20b (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-09-14 / Understanding how it is possible to build and consolidate a rule of law after the transition from an authoritarian regime to a democratic regime and how the law and politics act in this transitional process through their interrelationships, constitute. Fundamental objectives around which the reflections inserted in the present dissertation will be presented. The aim is to demonstrate how the constant struggle to submit political power to the law and to the exercise of accountability, albeit late, is related to the implementation of transitional justice mechanisms and the establishment of a constitutional democracy. At the outset, it seeks to point out the main foundations that, in modern terms, delimit a theory regarding transitional justice, with emphasis on the processing and accountability of public agents for the serious violations of human rights practiced within the previous regime and as the omission state can result in the formation of an authoritarian estate that can not be reached by the legal predictability that defines the fundamental bases of a rule of law. On the other hand, it seeks to situate the model of political transition adopted by Brazil in this context, and how the authoritarian legality of the civil-military regime projected its effectiveness on the adoption of a formal and external conception of the rule of law, manifested not only in a Law of amnesty as the fruit of an alleged "political pact" between government and civil society, but also in truths established unilaterally by official consensus and discourse. In this scenario, it will be possible to observe how the institutions that collaborated directly or indirectly to sustain the antidemocratic regime for almost two decades and that did not undergo a process of debugging and reforms under the aegis of the new regime act for the accomplishment of a democracy with low normative density with regard to the protection, affirmation and promotion of human rights. / Entender como é possível a construção e a consolidação de um Estado de Direito após a transição de um regime autoritário para um regime democrático e de que modo o direito e a política atuam nesse processo transicional por meio de suas inter-relações, constituem-se em objetivos fundamentais em torno dos quais as reflexões insertas na presente dissertação serão apresentadas. Pretende-se demonstrar como a constante luta para submeter o poder político ao direito e ao exercício da prestação de contas ainda que tardia está relacionada com a efetivação dos mecanismos da justiça de transição e com o estabelecimento de uma democracia constitucional. De início, procura-se apontar os principais fundamentos que, modernamente, delimitam uma teoria a respeito da justiça de transição, com destaque para o processamento e responsabilização dos agentes públicos pelas graves violações de direitos humanos praticadas no seio do regime anterior e como a omissão estatal pode resultar na formação de um espólio autoritário não alcançável pela previsibilidade jurídica definidora das bases fundamentais de um Estado de Direito. Por outro lado, procura-se situar o modelo de transição política adotado pelo Brasil nesse contexto, e como a legalidade autoritária do regime civil-militar projetou sua eficácia sobre a adoção de uma concepção formal e estereotipada de Estado de Direito, manifestada não só numa lei de anistia como fruto de um suposto “pacto político” entre governo e sociedade civil, mas também em verdades estabelecidas unilateralmente por consensos e discursos oficiais. Nesse cenário, será possível observar como as instituições que colaboraram direta ou indiretamente para a sustentação do regime antidemocrático por quase duas décadas e que não passaram por um processo de depuração e reformas sob a égide do novo regime atuam para a concretização de uma democracia com baixa densidade normativa no que diz respeito à tutela, afirmação e promoção dos direitos humanos.