Évènement exceptionnel, les attentats du 11 septembre ont marqué l'entrée de la politique mondiale dans l'ère de la crise du jihadisme international. Si l'apparition de la menace jihadiste est antérieure à 2001, l'attaque qaidiste perpétrée à l'encontre des États-Unis a en effet représenté un saut qualitatif d'envergure, en ce qu'elle a été synonyme d'agression commise par des acteurs privés aucœur de l'hyperpuissance d'après-Guerre froide, et en ce qu'elle a constitué le point de départ d'un essor considérable du péril jihadiste. De la destruction du World Trade Center aux attentats du 13 novembre, en passant par le rapt des lycéennes de Chibok ou l'érection de l'État islamique, le jihadisme en est ainsi arrivé à représenter un défi protéiforme et véritablement global. Ciblesprivilégiées des forces jihadistes, les démocraties libérales occidentales ont dès lors répondu à ce challenge en s'engageant dans une « guerre contre le terrorisme » aux facettes multiples (interventions armées, mesures antiterroristes, etc.). Si plusieurs intellectuels d'extrême gauche, inscrits dans une perspective de critique du libéralisme politique, ont considéré, en s'inspirant de la réflexion de Carl Schmitt, que les États occidentaux contemporains sont plongés dans un étatd'exception permanent, dont la lutte contre le jihadisme a constitué soit le déclencheur, soit le révélateur, nous estimons pour notre part, que cette thèse ne permet tout simplement pas de se faire une idée exacte des retombées juridico-politiques de l'anti-jihadisme post-11 septembre. D'où la nécessité de la discuter en procédant à l'étude approfondie des éléments contextuels et principiels auxquels elle renvoie. / Outstanding event, September 11 attacks marked the entrance of the world politics to the era of the threat of the international jihadism. If the appearance of this threat is previous in 2001, the qaidiste attack committed against the United States indeed represented a large-scale qualitative jump, in the fact that it was synonymic of aggression committed by private actors at the heart of the cold postwar hyperpower, and in the fact that it constitued the starting point of a considerable development of the jihadist danger. From the spectacular destruction of the World Trade Center to the attacks of November 13th, via the kidnapping of the high school students of Chibok or the erection of the Islamic State, the jihadism came to represent a really global challenge, in the forms as diverse asvaried. Privileged targets of the Jihadist strengths, the western liberal democracies have then answered this challenge by making a commitment in a multifaceted ''war against the terrorism'' (military interventions, antiterrorist measures, etc.). If several extreme left-wing intellectuals, registered in a perspective of critic of the political liberalism, considered, by being inspired by Carl Schmitt's reflection, that the contemporary western States are plunged into a permanent state of exception, which the fight against the jihadism constitued either the trigger, or the revelation, we consider for our part, that this thesis does not simply allow to be made an exact idea of the legal and political effects of the post-September 11's anti-jihadism. Where from the necessity of discussing it by proceeding to the in-depth study of the context and the principles to which refers.

Varje kommun ska ha en byggnadsnämnd. Byggnadsnämnden består av förtroendevalda poli-tiker som bland annat ansvarar för lovärendeprocessen. Tjänstemännen som jobbar med lovä-rendeprocessen är anställda av byggnadsnämnden. Tjänstemännens huvuduppgift är att ta be-slut i lovärenden via delegation från byggnadsnämnden. I lovärenden där delegation saknas ska tjänstemännen bereda lovärendet och skriva ett förslag till beslut. Förslaget ska sedan redovisas inför byggnadsnämnden, som därefter tar det slutliga beslutet. I denna uppsats har enbart lovä-renden där byggnadsnämnden och tjänstemännen har haft olika bedömningar granskats. Det har även granskats vilken laghänvisning och bedömning som ligger till grund för deras förslag eller beslut. Kommunen ska ge berörda grannar och sakägare tillfälle att yttra sig när det är en avvikelse från en detaljplan, områdesbestämmelser eller utanför detaljplan. Vid ett positivt lovbeslut ska kommunerna kungöra lovärendet i Post och Inrikes Tidningar. Båda dessa uppgifter måste ge-nomföras på rätt sätt för att hanteringen ska vara rättssäker och kvalitetssäker samt för att lo-värendet ska vinna laga kraft. Detta arbete ska undersöka hur kommunerna hanterar rättssäkerheten och kvalitetssäkerheten i lovprocessen för att ett lovärende ska vinna laga kraft. För att få vidare rådgivning, kunskap och information angående lagtolkning gällande granne-hörande och kungörelse togs kontakt med Ulrika Nolåker, Byggutbildarna, Ulf Jensen, profes-sor på Högskolan Väst och Eidar Lindgren universitetsadjunkt på Kungliga Tekniska Högsko-lan. I undersökningen studerades fyra kommuner i Västra Götalands län. Undersökningen delades upp i tre delar som bestod av intervju dels av tjänstemän och sakkunniga samt granskning av lovärenden. I kommunerna var det 1386 lovärenden som kom in och togs beslut under 2015. Av dessa var det 23 lovärenden där byggnadsnämnden inte tog beslut i enlighet med tjänste-männens förslag. Kommunernas lovärendeprocess saknar regelbundet arbetssätt både när det gäller grannehöran och kungörelse av lovärenden. Kommunerna använder en så kallad "tyst accept" vid granne-höran, vilket innebär att grannarna förlorar sin demokratiska rättighet att påverka åtgärden. Genom att hänvisa lagparagraf i ett beslut kvalitetssäkras beslutsunderlag. Att hänvisa till en lagparagraf är något som varken byggnadsnämnden eller tjänstemännen gör regelbundet. Kungörelsen i Post- och Inrikes Tidning gjordes mellan 12-28 dagar efter beslutet togs samt att det förkom lovärenden som inte var kungjorda överhuvudtaget. Endast tre av de 23 grans-kade lovärendena anses ha vunnit laga kraft. / Each municipality in Sweden must have a local building committee. The committee consists of elected politicians responsible for managing the permit process related to construction, dem-olition and ground processing. The committee manages the permit process by delegating the entire task or parts of it to employed officials. If there is no delegation the officials will write a suggested decision to be reviewed and decided by the committee. This essay investigates construction-, demolition- and ground processing permit where the of-ficials and the local building committee differ in their decisions and the assessment which led to these decisions. The examination included studies of four municipalities in the county of Västra Götaland: two smaller, Färgelanda and Munkedal municipalities, and two larger, Trollhättan and Uddevalla. The investigation consisted of two parts. One examination of the permit protocols, and a series of interviews with officials. During 2015 there were 1386 cases of permits within the four municipalities. 23 of these were cases of the committee not deciding in accordance with the proposition of the officials. A number of errors were also found, such as there not being a stated reason for the decision, or lack of any clear legal reference. This raises the question of whether or not the rule of law is followed during these circumstances. After consulting with Ulrika Nolåker from Byggutbildarna, the issues were expanded further when it was discovered that more errors occur during the municipal management of the con-cerned parties and the announcements of the cases. In order to receive further guidance, knowledge and information on how to interpret the laws handling concerned parties and an-nouncements, contact was made with Ulf Jensen and Eidar Lindgren, professor in real estate science at Högskolan Väst, and lecturer of real estate sciences at Kungliga Tekniska Högsko-lan, respectively. The conclusions of the examination is that the building committee puts a lot of responsibility on the officials through delegations. The cases when there is no delegation and the case is decided by the committee are few. The reasons why the proposition and the final decision not always matches is due to different factors such as different knowledge or different assessments. Neither the committee nor the officials are consistent with the law referencing in the decisions. The municipality cannot guarantee that every concerned party have been given the chance to give their opinion, when some of them use what’s called "silent agreement". Only three of the cases has the municipality received and opinion from every concerned party. None of the cases has been announced in the correct time and two has not been announced at all.

Made available in DSpace on 2017-06-01T18:18:02Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 dissertacao_romonilsom.pdf: 1341505 bytes, checksum: d2301cfc098cb20b685e0c7ee854865c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-04-29 / As a result of emancipatory social movements, recorded in history, the contemporary rule of law, democratic and social, took numerous prestaciones charges, but realizing the fundamental rights is the main mission. The right to State jurisdiction can be analyzed from various angles and horizons, however, is unquestionable that the service provided by the Judiciary, worldwide and in Brazil, is unprofitable. It's lengthy and anguish to people's lives. There is a crisis, complex, historical and chronic of justice system legitimacy and there are no miracle cures. But designing the judiciary as a provider of public service and the magistrate, as responsible for judicial management, as a broadly public servant, are new essential paradigms. The command-administrative management efficiency applies to all the ones that deal with public money. Attach itself to the Science of Administration and plan strategically are costs (new) of the judiciary and the magistrates as a sine qua non condition for reducing the justice system inefficiency, regardless of constitutional amendments and infra. It is the "silent reform". An appropriate division of responsibility, done by the courts in a democratic way, permanently connected to the social dynamic and based on hearing the screaming voice of statistics, can ensure agility in their legal and administrative. That's what we ve tried with this work, bespeak / Em decorrência dos movimentos sociais emancipadores, registrados pela História, o Estado de Direito contemporâneo, democrático e social assumiu inúmeros encargos restacionais, mas realizar os direitos fundamentais é a sua principal missão. O direito à jurisdição estatal pode ser analisado sob vários ângulos e horizontes, no entanto, é inquestionável que o serviço prestado pelo Judiciário, mundialmente e no Brasil, é deficitário. É moroso e angustia a vida das pessoas. Há uma crise, complexa, histórica e crônica, de legitimidade do sistema de justiça e não há soluções milagrosas. Mas, conceber o Judiciário como prestador de serviço público relevante e o magistrado, enquanto responsável pela gestão judiciária, como servidor público lato sensu são novos paradigmas imprescindíveis. O comando administrativo-gerencial da eficiência aplica-se a todos que versam com o dinheiro público. Afeiçoar-se à Ciência da Administração e planejar estrategicamente são encargos (novos) do Judiciário e dos magistrados como condição sine qua non para redução da ineficiência do sistema de justiça, independente de alterações constitucionais e infraconstitucionais. É a reforma silenciosa . Uma adequada divisão de competência, feita pelos próprios tribunais, de forma democrática, permanentemente conectada com a dinâmica social e baseada na audição da gritante voz das estatísticas, pode assegurar agilidade nos trâmites judiciais e administrativos. Foi o que tentamos, com este trabalho, evidenciar

Dans l’ordre juridique international, les organes de protection des droits de la personne sont de nature différente, indépendants et non hiérarchisés. Le phénomène du dialogue juridictionnel est une pratique spontanée qui consiste pour un organe de protection à intégrer dans le processus d’interprétation d’une disposition donnée, des éléments étrangers à son système, qu’il s’agisse de décisions ou d’instruments de protection émanant d’autres organes. Le dialogue est illustré avec la jurisprudence interprétée à l’aide de ces éléments extrasystémiques en matière de prohibition de la torture et autres peines ou traitements cruels, inhumains ou dégradants. Il est envisagé comme une technique interprétative permettant d’aboutir à des interprétations communes du contenu, du sens et de la portée de cette interdiction, bien que ces interprétations partagées puissent être extensives ou restrictives. L’étude interroge l’étendue et la teneur du pouvoir juridictionnel dans l’ordre juridique international ainsi que sa capacité à aboutir à une convergence normative en matière de protection des droits de la personne, qui découlerait d’une convergence interprétative. Implicitement, le dialogue joue le rôle d’un outil de régulation et de coordination qui s’impose spontanément dans la pratique interprétative des organes internationaux, contribuant à l’émergence d’un objectivisme jurisprudentiel. Ce dernier tend à s’opposer au volontarisme étatique dans un but de protection de l’ordre public international et de garantie des droits de la personne. / In the international legal order, international bodies protecting human rights are both of a different nature and independent. Judicial dialogue consists in referring to decisions or international instruments that are external sources to the system in which the international body has to exercise its power of interpretation. The example of the prohibition of torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatments will be used to illustrate this spontaneous practice. Judicial dialogue is seen as an interpretive technique, allowing to reach common interpretations of the substance, the meaning and the scope of this prohibition, by reaching a normative convergence through the use of external sources that shows an interpretive convergence in the first place. Nevertheless, the use of external sources does not always lead to extensive interpretations since it can also highlight disagreements in which case restrictive interpretations are inevitable. Finally, it appears that the international jurisprudential dialogue can both contribute to coordinate and harmonize the application and interpretation of international human rights law in order to protect the international public order.

La Serbie n’est certainement pas ce que l’on pourrait désigner comme étant un Etat typique de l’Europe centrale et du Sud-Est. Alliée fidèle de la Russie et de la Chine, elle a subi les plus longues sanctions internationales en Europe et des bombardements de l’OTAN en 1999. Depuis la chute du régime de Milošević en 2000, l’ « enfant terrible » du continent a vocation à adhérer à l’Union européenne, or la tendance n’est clairement pas à l’élargissement. Face aux nombreuses crises (économique, migratoire et démocratique), l’UE parait impuissante à plusieurs égards. Symbole pendant longtemps du développement, de la paix et de la démocratie, elle doit faire face à une perte d’attractivité ces dix dernières années. Toutefois, malgré les doutes de part et d’autre, Bruxelles ne peut pas se permettre de ne pas tendre la main à la Serbie qui a une place centrale dans les Balkans, de par son poids démographique et sa position géostratégique. Le 1er mars 2012, la Serbie a officiellement obtenu son statut de candidat à l’UE. En signant l’accord d’association et de stabilisation, Belgrade s’est engagé à aligner sa législation sur l’acquis communautaire et donc à effectuer de nombreuses réformes. Or, sur fond d’acculturation et de déculturation juridique, des voix s’élèvent contre les réformes en chaîne dans le seul but d’intégrer l’institution européenne. L’un des objectifs de cette thèse est d’éclairer la nature et l’avancée de ces réformes à travers les critères politiques, définis lors du Conseil européen de Copenhague en 1993. Elle étudie les difficultés que la Serbie partage avec tous les Etats du Sud-Est de l’Europe et les difficultés qui lui sont propres, tout en questionnant sur la nécessité et les conséquences de ces changements. L’étude des négociations entre Bruxelles et Belgrade est aussi l’occasion d’apporter un éclairage sur le fonctionnement de l’institution européenne et de constater les limites de l’ambigüité constructive chère à l’UE. Finalement, le comportement de l’Union européenne à l’extérieur de ses frontières est symptomatique de son comportement à l’intérieur. / Serbia is certainly not a typical state of Central and Southeastern Europe. A loyal ally of Russia and China, it suffered the longest international sanctions in Europe and NATO bombings in 1999. Since the fall of the Milošević regime in 2000, the "enfant terrible" of the continent is destined to join the European Union. However, the trend is clearly not toward a enlargement. Facing multiple crises (economic, migratory and democratic), the EU seems powerless in many ways. Although the EU has been regarded as a symbol of development, peace and democracy, it has suffered a loss of attractiveness in the last ten years. However, despite doubts on both sides, Brussels cannot afford not to reach out to Serbia, which has a central position in the Balkans, because of its demographic weight and its geostrategic position. In March 2012 Serbia was granted EU candidate status. By signing the Stabilisation Agreement, Belgrade is committed to a gradual harmonization of legislation with the acquis of the European Communities and thus implement many reforms. However, in a context of legal acculturation and deculturation, some voices are rising to denounce a chain of reforms for the sole purpose of joining the European institution. One of our aims is to clarify the nature and progress of these reforms through the political criteria, defined at the Copenhagen European Council in 1993. We will hence study the difficulties that Serbia shares with all the states from Southeast Europe and its own problems, by questioning the necessity and consequences of these changes.The study of the negotiations between Brussels and Belgrade is also an opportunity to examine the functioning of the European institution and to note the limits of constructive ambiguity cherished by the EU. Finally, the behavior of the European Union outside its borders is symptomatic of its behavior inside.

À travers l’analyse du travail gouvernemental de 1993 à 2015 dans l’optique de la stabilité constitutionnelle et politique, il s’est révélé que la transposition au Cambodge des grands principes de l’État de droit, de la démocratie libérale et pluraliste sur le modèle occidental, par la mise en œuvre des Accords de Paris de 1991 ne s'est pas effectuée de façon satisfaisante. L’objectif consistant à faire de la société cambodgienne, une société démocratique où chacun s’incline devant la loi, où la justice est indépendante du pouvoir exécutif, où les forces armées comme les forces économiques sont soumises à l'autorité publique gardienne de l’intérêt général, où à tout pouvoir se voit opposé un contre-pouvoir, n’a pas été atteint. Les obstacles à cette transposition effective résident dans le grand écart qui existe entre les principes du modèle importé, voire imposé, et les pesanteurs de l’histoire tragique que les Cambodgiens ont vécue entre les années 1970 et 1980, d’une part et les fondements traditionnels de la société cambodgienne encore très présents à ce jour d’autre part. / Through the analysis of governmental work from 1993 to 2015 within the perspective of the constitutional and political stability, it is obvious clear that the implementation in Cambodia of the main principles of the Western model of the rule of law, liberal and pluralistic democracy, with the implementation of the 1991 Paris Agreements did not take place satisfactorily. The goal to make the Cambodian society, a democratic one where everyone obeys to the law, where justice is independent from the Executive where the armed forces as economic forces are subject to the public authority which is of the guardian general interest, where every power can be balanced by a counter-power, has not been reached. The obstacles to this actual transposition reside in the gap between the principles of an imported or imposed model and the burdens of the tragic history that Cambodians have lived between the years 1970 and 1980, on the one hand and the traditional foundations of Cambodian society still very present to nowadays on the other hand.

Scholars of human rights and constitutional law have described in great detail the abuses perpetrated by the armed forces and secret services of the United States in the context of the ‘war on terror’. There is copious literature explaining why these violations of fundamental human rights are not justifiable, and why they are not consistent with international treaties or that nation’s constitution. This thesis builds upon this research, but strikes out in a new direction. It does so by asking whether these abuses, combined with the changes to the legal order of the United States that made them possible, have produced a qualitative transformation of its constitutional structure. In particular, this thesis tracks the empowering of the executive. Increasingly, whenever it purports to act in the interests of national security, the executive claims the authority to act unilaterally in a manner that overrides even non-derogable rights. These novel constitutional reserve powers, which this thesis demonstrates were derived from President Nixon’s theory of the executive, were used to justify indefinite arbitrary detention, torture, mass surveillance without warrants, and extra-judicial execution. This thesis seeks to determine if the constitutional crisis inaugurated by this theory of executive supremacy over the laws has been terminated, or whether it has continued into the Obama Administration. If this theory is current within the executive branch, and especially if the violations of jus cogens norms has continued, it signifies a cross-party consensus about a paradigm shift in American constitutionalism. Accordingly, given the fact that the abuse of executive supremacy is what led to the development of the rule of law, this thesis will ask the question of whether the United States is being governed in accordance with its basic minimum norms. This thesis explores whether the executive is still subject to checks and balances from the legislature and the judiciary, such that it cannot violate non-derogable rights at will and with impunity. If the contrary proposition is true, it demonstrates that the crisis of the rule of law in the United States is ongoing, and this permanent state of exception demands significantly more scholarly attention. / Public, Constitutional, and International Law / LLD

The purpose of this study is to gain an in-depth understanding of the five institutional factors: democracy, rule of law, freedom to trade, education and corruption, and how they affect income inequality. The analysis covers a total of 20 different countries, 10 OECD countries, and 10 low to medium income countries between the time period of 2000-2017. The study´s dependent variable is the Gini index and the independent variables are different types of measurements for corruption, democracy, rule of law, freedom to trade, and education. Results from the regression analysis have been made in order to get a better understanding in what way these variables affect income inequality. The result of the regression analysis was that four of these five variables had a negative relation with income inequality. With the independent variable “Freedom to trade” stood for the outlying result. Something that is however in line with previous research where the two categories of countries were split into two different regression analyses and showed different results depending on the type of country. We did the same thing and also then we found the same result as the previous research. Our conclusion from this study is that there seems to be a negative connection between income inequality and the five institutional factors. / Syftet med denna studie är att få en fördjupad förståelse av de fem institutionella faktorerna: demokrati, rättsstatsprincipen, handelsfrihet, utbildning och korruption och hur de påverkar inkomst ojämlikheten. Analysen omfattar totalt 20 olika länder, 10 OECD-länder och 10 låg till medelinkomstländer mellan perioden 2000–2017. Studiens beroende variabel är Gini koefficienten och de oberoende variablerna är olika former av mått på korruption, demokrati, rättsstatsprincipen, handelsfrihet och utbildning. Resultaten från regressionsanalysen har gjorts för att få en bättre förståelse för på vilket sätt dessa variabler påverkar inkomst ojämlikheten. Resultatet av regressionsanalysen var att fyra av dessa fem variabler hade ett negativt samband med inkomstojämlikhet. Där den oberoende variabeln “handelsfrihet” stod för det udda resultatet. Något som dock går i linje med tidigare forskning där man dessutom delade upp de två kategorierna av länder i olika regressionsanalyser och kom fram till olika resultat beroende på typen av land. Detta gjorde vi också och fick även då samma resultat som den tidigare forskningen. Vår slutsats av studien är att det till synes finns ett negativt samband mellan inkomstojämlikhet och de fem institutionella faktorerna.

Corruption and low judicial structures are two downsides that post-conflict reconstruction countries are experiencing when declaring independence. In the case of Kosovo, at the eve of its unilateral independence, there were no definite objectives launched by neighboring countries in order to counter the flaws introduced by the new actuality of things. The EULEX mission launched the same year of Kosovo’s independence is often seen as a major step by the EU in order to implement security in a post-war context, through the introduction of a tool said to help to strengthen policies: the rule of law. However, it has been seen that it is not the first time the EU is getting involved in such missions under such circumstances, leaving individuals speculating on the true intentions of the EU within its foreign policy. This research aims at analyzing the EU engagement in Kosovo from a rationalist lens, with the help of the theory of political and democratic capabilities introduced by March & Olsen in 1995. The research question being: ‘How and to what extent is the EU developing political capabilities to implement security in post-war countries?’, it is intending on assessing if EULEX Kosovo has developed political capabilities and the extent of it, in order to determinate the commitment of the EU to establish security in the country.

Governmental sovereignty is created and maintained by mutual respect for the rule of law by the government and citizens. To maintain legitimacy, a government must act within the bounds of the contract that created it. Otherwise, the relationship founded by said contract would be nullified, as would the duties and obligations that flow from that relationship. Torture exemplifies an ultra vires act used by the United States to show the consequences of over-extended authority on political legitimacy and the rule of law. Founded on the philosophies of Hugo Grotius, Thomas Hobbes, and Christine Korsgaard, this research investigates the nature of a government, its authority, and the laws that it must obey. By considering the role of a government as an artificial man or a representative agent, I argue that regardless of the limits or lack thereof for governmental power, the self-interest of a government illegalizes any action that violates its founding documents. If a government does commit such an act, the rule of law is negatively affected, and political legitimacy and authority are damaged. This behavior, when repeated and unamended, will destroy the relationship between the people and their government, diminish the contract, and return the people to a state of nature.