L’observation de l’invocabilité des accords internationaux devant la Cour de justice de l’Union européenne et leConseil d’Etat français permet de constater une convergence des jurisprudences des deux juridictions en la matière.D’une part, les conditions constitutionnelles d’incorporation de la norme conventionnelle sont semblables en raison del’orientation moniste des ordres juridiques français et de l’Union européenne. D’autre part, l’effet direct –c’est-à-direl’aptitude de la norme à produire un droit subjectif – est le principal filtre de l’invocabilité du droit conventionneldevant les juridictions de Paris et de Luxembourg. La dévolution de l’effet direct à une norme conventionnelle procèded’un choix du juge. Et il apparaît que les méthodes d’interprétation employées par le Conseil d’Etat pour opérer cechoix, mêlant téléologie et formalisme, tendent à s’aligner sur celles prônées par la Cour de justice. Dans le cadre ducontrôle de légalité, la subordination de l’invocabilité à l’effet direct est toutefois contestable, dans la mesure où lerequérant n’appelle pas le juge à statuer sur un rapport entre la norme conventionnelle et le particulier, mais sur unrapport entre la norme conventionnelle et la norme interne. La Cour de justice et le Conseil d’Etat ont certes développédes palliatifs au principe du défaut d’invocabilité des règles conventionnelles dépourvues d’effet direct. Ellespermettent par exemple que celles-ci soient employées comme référentiels d’interprétation du droit interne. Maisl’angle mort de l’État de droit que constitue l’impossibilité de contester la violation des règles conventionnellesdépourvues d’effet direct par un acte interne doit être comblé. C’est pourquoi, il apparaît nécessaire de fonder sur laprimauté une forme d’invocabilité, autonome de l’effet direct, qui permettrait d’obtenir la sanction des violationsmanifestes de ces règles. / This thesis analyses the invocability of International Agreements before the European Court of Justice and the French“Conseil d’État”. A convergence of the Case-Law of these Courts exists on this matter. On one hand, the constitutionalconditions for incorporation of Treaty rules are similar, owing to the common monist orientation of EU and FrenchLegal Orders. On the other hand, Direct Effect – ie the ability of a rule to grant substantive Right – is the main filter ofthe invocability of Agreements before the Courts of Paris and Luxembourg. The recognition of Direct Effect isdecided by a judge’s choice. And it appears that the methods of interpretation used by the French “Conseil d’État”,combining exegesis and teleology, are coming close to those advocated by the ECJ. In the Judicial Review, theconnection between invocability and Direct Effect can however be criticized, because the claimant doesn’t call for theapplication of one of his individual Rights, but for the legality control of a norm on the ground of another norm. TheECJ and the French “Conseil d’État” have indeed given some limited effect to the non-directly effective rules ofInternational Agreements, for example by interpreting domestic law in conformity with this kind of Rules. Howeverthe impossibility to contest the violation of these Rules breaches certainly the Rule of Law. Then, it is necessary tocreate a form of invocability based on the primacy, independent of the direct effect filter, allowing domestic Courts tostrike down legislation in cases of clear-cut, manifest breaches of these Rules.

本文主要以探討自由權利在我國憲法上所處之角色、地位及其內容，而從自由觀念的演變，導引出法治國家的基本理論，並配合聯邦憲法的行憲經驗及我國實務運作的情形，來相互檢證以了解自由權真正的保障意義。故在章節安排上，第一章先界定自由權的涵意。第二章則比較東西方與中山先生自由觀的不同。第三章說明分析相關的理論基礎。第四章探究現行憲法的相關規定。第五章則從比較法上了解美國自由權的保障的規定。第六章以我國實務運行的成果為研究對象。第七章則將前述綜合分析，提出一研究發現與建議。總而言之，我國憲法保障自由權的規定相當完備，至於如何落實則仍須再加強，如此保障制度的設計才能有意義。

The purpose of this thesis was to examine the municipal guidelines regarding the construction of the prerequisite "other living expenses", and how the construction of the prerequisite was constructed in relation to the legislation. The sample of the thesis was the municipalities in Stockholm’s county. The empirical result was compiled with the hermeneutical method, and analyzed through a legal perspective and three different theoretical perspectives, as well as compared with previous studies. The theoretical perspectives were legal pluralism, bureaucracy, legitimacy and rule of law. The results of the thesis pointed out differences between the municipalities concerning the assessment of social assistance to purposes included in "other living expenses". The differences that appeared in the thesis was due to that the social services act is as a framework law, which allows local adjustments and has a general construction with vague concepts. The differences between municipalities make the administration of the social assistance turn out different for the client depending in which municipality he/she lives in. The results of the thesis showed that municipal guidelines did neither contribute to uniform the assessment of social assistance in Sweden, as intended nor raised the rule of law.

Sammanfattning Uppsatsen behandlar EU-stadgans tillämplighet på det svenska dubbelförfarandet, påförande av skattetillägg och utdömande av straffrättsliga påföljder vid oriktig uppgift. Framställningen baseras på gällande lagtext vid 1 december 2011, men hänsyn har även tagits till lagförslaget avseende den nya skatteförfarandelagen, SFL, som avses träda i kraft den 1 januari 2012.  Besvarandet av syftet sker ur ett svenskt perspektiv med beaktande av rättssäkerheten för den enskilde. Det klargörs att EU-stadgans ställning innebär att den skall ha företräde framför motstridig nationell rätt. Vidare kan kravet på klart stöd som HD har uppställt för att underkänna det svenska dubbelförfarandet med stöd av Europakonventionen, inte upprätthållas vid EU-stadgans tillämpning. Ett sådant krav skulle strida mot rättssäkerhetskravet på en bestämd rättskällehierarki, och därmed inte tillförsäkra den enskildes rättssäkerhet. Kravet på likabehandling vid rättstillämpningen för att tillförsäkra den enskildes rättssäkerhet innebär dock inte att det föreligger ett krav på EU-stadgans tillämpning i alla mål avseende det svenska dubbelförfarandet vid oriktig uppgift. Detta eftersom det inte finns anledning att anta att HD eller HFD gör en annan bedömning än den HD nyligen har gjort i NJA 2011 s. 444, trots de konkreta unionsrättsliga anknytningarna i målet. Slutligen klargör uppsatsen även att det emellertid finns skäl att anta att EU-domstolen skulle kunna komma att göra en annan bedömning än HD. Mot bakgrund av EU-domstolens uttalande i praxis om medlemstaternas skyldighet att även inom området för direkt beskattning iaktta unionsrätten vid utförande av olika sanktioner, samt medlemsstaternas lojalitetsplikt, anförs det att artikel 50 i EU-stadgan därför bör tillämpas på det svenska dubbelförfarandet vid oriktig uppgift. Likväl föreligger det inget krav på EU-stadgans tillämpning på det svenska dubbelförandet, med hänsyn till den enskildes rättsäkerhet, ur ett svenskt perspektiv. / Abstract The purpose of this thesis is to clarify the EU Charter’s applicability on the Swedish double parallel system regarding tax crime and tax surcharge, from a Swedish viewpoint, with consideration for the individual’s requirement for legal certainty. The thesis is based on current law as of the 1st of December 2011, however due account is taken to the new law proposal for the Swedish Tax Assessment/Payment Act, which is expected to be in force on the 1st of January 2012. Also, the thesis clarifies the EU Charter’s supremacy over national law. Furthermore, it is shown that the Swedish Supreme Court’s (HD) requirement for “clear support” in the European Convention to bypass national Swedish law cannot be upheld in respect to the EU Charter, as this would conflict with the requirement for a set legal hierarchy to fulfill the individual’s adequate legal certainty. The Swedish Supreme Court has found that the EU Charter can not be applied to the Swedish double punishment system, regardless of concrete facts in the case being related to EU-law. However, the condition of equal treatment with regards to legal certainty does not result in an absolute requirement for the EU Charter’s applicability on the Swedish system, as there is no evidence that the Swedish Supreme Court will change its assessment of the matter at hand. Nevertheless, it is argued that there is ample reason to believe that the Court of Justice would make a different assessment of the issue, considering the Court’s previous statements with respect to the member states responsibility to regard EU Law even within the field of direct taxation. Therefore, the thesis concludes that although there can be no absolute requirement to apply the EU Charter to the Swedish system, with regards to legal certainty, the EU Charter should nonetheless be applicable.

本研究關注中科三期環評訴訟中行政與司法的互動，主要的研究問題是探究行政系統如何回應司法判決？從而分析司法判決對於行政系統產生什麼影響？綜觀中科三期環評爭議，隨著后里農民提起行政訴訟，讓行政與司法間的攻防與角力就此展開。最高行政法院於2010年判決撤銷中科三期環評結論確定，然而科學園區的開發早已如火如荼展開，面對廠商營運、量產在即，但開發行為的合法性基礎卻被撤銷，迫使行政系統必須做出因應。然而，行政系統並未遵守司法判決「依法行政」，反而持續以「選擇性的作為與不作為」來抵抗司法。 從行政系統的因應可發現儘管行政權強力抗拒司法，但顧及政策必須持續推行，所以實際上亦不可能完全無視判決指摘，仍必須做出「行為上的調整」，包含：重啟環評、加速通過環評，或者又重新決議要進行二階環評等。顯示面對司法審查的進逼迫使其必須「繞道而行」。後續儘管法院再裁定中科三期應停工，行政系統仍未就範，而修修補補、只做半套的環評，不僅仍無法通過法院合法性的檢驗，也致使中科三期演變成「邊施工、邊營運、邊環評」的窘況。本研究主要採取的研究方法包含：次級資料分析、參與觀察、訪談法。 總結而言，本研究將指出行政系統的態度與偏好是司法判決能否落實的關鍵。相反的，司法則沒有什麼權力影響判決如何被執行。然而，儘管司法顯露出侷限性，始終未能有效牽制住中科三期的開發，但中科三期環評訴訟對於行政系統仍產生相當的衝擊與影響，不論是對環評制度實務或對於往後環境運動的發展，這場運動仍是有深遠影響的一股動能。 / As more and more administrative litigations were filed, tensions between the executive and the judiciary branch have been on the rise. By using the environmental impact assessment (EIA) litigation of the 3rd phase expansion of Central Taiwan Science Park (CTSP) as a case study, this paper aims to understand the dynamic interaction between these two branches of the state. Particularly, it aims to shed light on how the executive reacts to judicial decisions, and whether judicial review influences bureaucratic practices and if so, its means and the extent of its impact. According to the separation of powers principle, the main function of judicial review is to monitor the legal reach of the executive power. Even as one of the landmark cases in Taiwanese legal history, however, it had been observed that not all judicial decisions are implemented by government agencies following the EIA litigation. Despite the fact that the conclusion of the EIA had been rejected by the Supreme Administrative Court, the executive resisted this judicial decision by being selective in its enforcement. Nevertheless, the executive must still respond to the judiciary albeit with some “behavioural adjustments” in order to make sure that the development of the 3rd phase expansion of CTSP can be completed as soon as possible. Research methods adopted in this paper is mainly literature review, participant observation and in-depth interview. This case study reveals three major findings. First, the enforcement of judicial decisions is not necessarily obligatory and hinges on the attitudes of the executive. Secondly, the judiciary has very limited powers when it comes to effecting the enforcement of its decisions but its decisions do engender some observable changes (or non-changes) in bureaucratic behaviour which can be attributed to judicial review. Thirdly, although these verdicts failed to stop the abuse of power and allowed the fulfillment of rights, for local residents, cause lawyers, and NGOs, there are still many positive lessons to be taken away from their efforts from which future environmental movements will also likely benefit.

There is growing consensus that unless resource-rich developing countries improve their domestic governance systems, rising exploitation of mineral, oil and gas resources may result in long-term adverse developmental outcomes associated with the “resource curse”. Despite the consensus, reforms do not abound. This dissertation investigates the obstacles to such reforms, and the mechanisms and strategies that can possibly overcome these obstacles. I argue that two trapping mechanisms are binding these countries to a “weak governance curse”. One mechanism is the phenomenon of path dependence, which makes a dysfunctional governance path initiated at a past historical juncture resistant to change over time. The other mechanism is rent-seeking behaviour associated with high resource rents, which creates perverse incentives for political and economic actors to resist reforms. The Law and Development literature has recently produced a rich body of knowledge on governance reform in developing countries, yet it has largely neglected the potential role of innovative global regulatory mechanisms, beyond development assistance, in this process. I argue that this evolving literature ought to draw from global regulation studies to investigate the interaction between unconventional global regulatory mechanisms and domestic governance reform. In this thesis I analyze whether extraterritorial home country regulations, such as anti-bribery, anti-money laundering and securities disclosure regulations, and transnational public-private partnerships, such as the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative, may offer institutional opportunities for external and internal actors to facilitate policy reforms in resource-rich and governance-poor countries. My conclusion is twofold. First, there is reason for cautious optimism regarding the potential for unconventional global regulatory mechanisms to provoke positive feedback effects in domestic governance reform. These mechanisms can open innovative institutional pathways of influence to outsiders and insiders promoting governance reform. Second, instead of searching for a regulatory silver bullet, the most promising way to promote reforms in resilient dysfunctional governance systems is to make use of the wide range of conventional and unconventional mechanisms available. A constellation of regulatory instruments opens up the possibility for outside and inside reformers to benefit from a different policy mix of available mechanisms, depending on the specific circumstances of a given country at a particular time.

La réduction importante de l'aide internationale au développement et le processus de mondialisation ont fait en sorte que les investissements étrangers directs (IBD) sont considérés de nos jours comme une source importante de capital et de croissance économique dans un pays d'accueil comme la Serbie. Les IBD sont réputés stimuler la concurrence, l'innovation, l'épargne, la création d'emplois et le développement des ressources humaines dans les pays les plus pauvres et ceux en transition. Les institutions internationales encouragent la promotion des IBD dans tels pays et incitent leurs gouvernements à œuvrer à leur promotion active en tant que localité attrayante pour les obtenir. Il existe aussi un consensus selon lequel les investisseurs étrangers sont attirés par les pays dont le système juridique est stable et prévisible et qui réglemente l'économie selon le modèle d'une économie de marché. Si les réformes juridiques sont incontestablement importantes pour attirer les IBD, notre étude cherche à vérifier quel est le véritable impact du droit interne et des institutions étatiques du pays d'accueil sur l'établissement des entreprises étrangères et sur l'exercice de leur activité économique dans ce pays. Il s'agit de voir de quelle manière la présence des investisseurs étrangers contribue à la consolidation de l'État de droit dans le pays d'accueil. Pour analyser ces questions de plus près, nous avons choisi l'étude de cas de la Serbie, dont le système juridique est en chantier depuis le changement de régime en 2000. Notre hypothèse de travail a supposé que l'instauration de l'État de droit était importante pour l'implantation des investisseurs étrangers dans le pays, car les institutions étatiques et juridiques pourraient offrir des garanties pour le bon déroulement de l'activité économique étrangère. Après avoir étudié le cas de la Serbie, il y a lieu de conclure que la réforme du cadre juridique interne joue un rôle important, mais toutefois non déterminant dans le choix de la localisation d'un investissement étranger. Notre étude montre que la motivation en matière d'investissement ne tient généralement pas compte de la normativité juridique comme facteur à considérer, c'est-à-dire parmi les facteurs définis par la théorie du OLI Paradigm de John Dunning. Toutefois, ce facteur joue un rôle politique par le fait qu'il est véhiculé dans le droit international et dans le discours des organisations internationales. Les investisseurs demeurent également attentifs à la législation pouvant influencer leur propre activité économique. Nos entretiens ont révélé l'existence d'une véritable volonté de la part des investisseurs de favoriser les réformes juridiques du pays d'accueil. Leur perception du cadre juridique favorable au plan économique peut éventuellement jouer un certain rôle dans la transformation de l'État de droit et des institutions juridiques du pays d'accueil. Mais les entrepreneurs n'attendent pas un cadre juridique reformé dans le pays d'accueil pour décider d'y investir. En résumé, l'amélioration des institutions de l'État de droit concerne au premier chef des services sociaux de qualité et des meilleures conditions économiques pour ses citoyens. La promotion des IBD dans le pays ne constitue pas un objectif en soi mais s'inscrit dans la politique d'un État de droit en tant qu'outil indispensable de réformes et constitue un facteur favorable au développement économique. / Foreign direct investments (FDI) are considered an important source of capital and economic growth, due notably to significant restrictions of development aid in poor countries and countries in transition and to globalization. FDI are presumed to stimulate competition, innovation, savings, employment and quality of human resources. International financial institutions encourage governments to promote their countries as an attractive destination to FDI. At the same time, they insist on the fact, in states in transition, that FDI require the respect of the Rule of Law and predictable local legal norms suitable to the market economy. If the reform of law is of crucial importance to attract FDI, our thesis is trying to evaluate and analyze the impact of law and stable state institutions on FDI entry and economic growth in Serbia, our case study. It is also exploring to what extent the presence of the FDI contributes to the consolidation of the Rule of Law in this country. It is studying the legal system that has been put in place in Serbia between 2000 and 2007 and since the change of political regime. Our hypothesis was that the Rule of Law is important for FDI as it offers a good starting point for the increasing of economic activity in the host state. But our conclusion is that the improvement of the local legal system plays an important but not decisive role in localization of foreign investments. The case study shows that investors' motivation to invest is complex and determined by more than one factor. Sometimes, investors are not considering the fragile state of the legal system of the host country to invest. Our thesis confirms Dunning's OLI Paradigm. However, our interviews have revealed that investors can pay special attention to the improvement of legislation that has a specific impact on their own economic activity and may influence the reform of private law in the host state. At the same time, investors do not fear that the deficiencies of local law will have a detrimental impact on their investments. In conclusion, States in transition must be concerned, first of all, by the improvement of social and economic services to their citizens. Therefore, FDI promotion should also be tied to this aim to promote legal reform and economic development in states in transition.

La letteratura economica e politologica evidenzia un ampio consenso sull’esistenza di un effetto positivo sulla crescita di lungo periodo da parte di diritti di proprietà, stato di diritto e, in generale, istituzioni economiche. Contestualmente, il rapporto tra democrazia e crescita rimane teoricamente poco chiaro mentre l'evidenza empirica è in gran parte inconcludente. Questo studio cerca di riconciliare i fatti stilizzati su crescita e democrazia qui evidenziati, che dimostrano l'esistenza di un "successo sinergico" negli ultimi trent'anni, con la teoria esistente e l’evidenza empirica. Dopo aver dettagliatamente scandagliato la letteratura esistente, questo studio suggerisce che l’effetto della democrazia sulla crescita di lungo periodo sia indiretto, mediato dalle istituzioni. Per testare questa ipotesi si propone un modello di analisi originale, applicato ad un panel di 194 paesi osservati nel periodo 1961-2010, utilizzando lo stimatore System-GMM e una vasta gamma di controlli. I risultati dell’analisi suggeriscono che la democrazia è positivamente correlata a istituzioni “più favorevoli” alla crescita economica, in particolare diritti di proprietà e stato di diritto. Inoltre, l’evidenza empirica supporta la tesi di un effetto indiretto complessivamente positivo della democrazia sulla crescita. Infine, si propone uno sviluppo ulteriore dell’analisi, concentrato sulle determinanti della democrazia, ricercando possibili concause nell’interazione con i processi economici. / Economic and political science literature show a wide consensus about the positive effect of property rights, contract enforcing arrangements and, more generally, economic institutions to long-run growth. Conversely, the linkage between democracy and growth remains unclear and not conclusively supported by empirical research. This work is an attempt to reconcile the stylized facts about democracy and growth –evidencing a long-run “synergic success” between the two terms – with theoretical and empirical literature. After thoroughly surveying the relevant literature on the topic, this study claims that the effect of democracy on long-run growth is indirect, channeled by the means of institutions. To test this hypothesis, the thesis provides an original analytical framework which is applied to a panel of 194 countries over the period 1961-2010, adopting a System-GMM estimation technique and a wide range of robustness controls. The results suggest that democracy is positively related to “better” (namely more growth-enhancing) institutions, especially with respect to economic institutions and rule of law. Hence, the findings suggest that the overall effect on growth is positive, indirect and channeled by institutions. However, since the results are not completely conclusive, a further investigation is suggested, on further determinants of democracy, potentially affecting its pro-growth effect.

There is growing consensus that unless resource-rich developing countries improve their domestic governance systems, rising exploitation of mineral, oil and gas resources may result in long-term adverse developmental outcomes associated with the “resource curse”. Despite the consensus, reforms do not abound. This dissertation investigates the obstacles to such reforms, and the mechanisms and strategies that can possibly overcome these obstacles. I argue that two trapping mechanisms are binding these countries to a “weak governance curse”. One mechanism is the phenomenon of path dependence, which makes a dysfunctional governance path initiated at a past historical juncture resistant to change over time. The other mechanism is rent-seeking behaviour associated with high resource rents, which creates perverse incentives for political and economic actors to resist reforms. The Law and Development literature has recently produced a rich body of knowledge on governance reform in developing countries, yet it has largely neglected the potential role of innovative global regulatory mechanisms, beyond development assistance, in this process. I argue that this evolving literature ought to draw from global regulation studies to investigate the interaction between unconventional global regulatory mechanisms and domestic governance reform. In this thesis I analyze whether extraterritorial home country regulations, such as anti-bribery, anti-money laundering and securities disclosure regulations, and transnational public-private partnerships, such as the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative, may offer institutional opportunities for external and internal actors to facilitate policy reforms in resource-rich and governance-poor countries. My conclusion is twofold. First, there is reason for cautious optimism regarding the potential for unconventional global regulatory mechanisms to provoke positive feedback effects in domestic governance reform. These mechanisms can open innovative institutional pathways of influence to outsiders and insiders promoting governance reform. Second, instead of searching for a regulatory silver bullet, the most promising way to promote reforms in resilient dysfunctional governance systems is to make use of the wide range of conventional and unconventional mechanisms available. A constellation of regulatory instruments opens up the possibility for outside and inside reformers to benefit from a different policy mix of available mechanisms, depending on the specific circumstances of a given country at a particular time.

L’Indonésie reconnait la liberté d’expression depuis 1945 ou trois ans avant l’adoption de la DUDH par l’Assemblée générale de l’ONU. Malgré cela, la protection au droit de la liberté d’expression est présente réellement à la société depuis 1999 ou quelques mois après la période de la réforme nationale contre le régime autoritaire du nouvel ordre du Président Suharto. Les articles 19 de DUDH et du pacte ont été ratifiés par le gouvernement indonésien à travers la loi numéro 15 de 2005. Pour l’Indonésie, la liberté d’expression consiste en la liberté de rechercher, de recevoir, et de diffuser des informations et des idées. Cependant, la conception de la liberté d’expression en Indonésie possède ses propres spécificités par rapport à d’autre pays. La particularité de la liberté d’expression en Indonésie est influencée par l’idéologie du pays, le « Pancasila », et par l’esprit de l’archipel indonésien le « Bhineka Tunggal Ika » (unité dans la diversité). D’autres éléments importants de l’exceptionnalité indonésienne sont les valeurs nationales : les valeurs de la religion, les valeurs des cultures et le droit de coutume. Les limites à la liberté d’expression en Indonésie sont également influencées par ces trois éléments. Le gouvernement indonésien est face à deux principes importants : le droit international et les normes locales. Le travail le plus délicat qui revient au gouvernement indonésien est de concilier les instruments internationaux relatifs aux droits de l’homme et les valeurs nationales qui sont vues comme les éléments essentiels du pays. Il convient de donner un raisonnement aux pays à l’origine de la pression internationale / Indonesia has recognized freedom of expression since 1945 or three years before the adoption of the UDHR by the UN General Assembly. In spite of this, the protection to the right of the freedom of expression is really present to the society since 1999 or some months after the period of the National reform against the authoritarian regime of the New Order of President Suharto. Articles 19 of the UDHR and the covenant are the cornerstones of freedom of expression. They have been ratified by the Indonesian government through law number 15 of 2005. For Indonesia, freedom of expression is the freedom to seek, receive, and disseminate information and ideas. However, the concept of freedom of expression in Indonesia has its own specificities compared to other countries. The particularity of freedom of expression in Indonesia is influenced by the country's ideology: « Pancasila » and by the Indonesian archipelago « Bhineka Tunggal Ika » (unity in diversity). Other important elements of Indonesian exceptionality are national values: the values of religion, the values of cultures and the right of custom. The limits to freedom of expression in Indonesia are also influenced by these three elements. International legal instruments also possess binding capacity. The international standard cannot be neglected. The Indonesian government faces two important principles: international law and local standards. The most delicate task for the Indonesian government is to reconcile the international human rights instruments with the national values that are seen as the essential elements of the country. Reasoning should be given to the countries at the origin of international pressure