Denna studie har undersökt advokaters uppfattning och erfarenheter av straffrabattens avskaffande för unga lagöverträdare mellan 18-20 år. Studiens syfte var att undersöka på vilket sätt advokater upplever att avskaffandet av straffrabatten har medfört några konsekvenser samt hur lagändringen fungerat i praktiken och hur lagändringen framställs av advokaterna. Studiens undersökningsmetod var semistrukturerade intervjuer, och resultatet analyserades med hjälp av en tematisk analys. Resultatet visade att advokaterna beskrev konsekvenser på flera nivåer och tre teman utvecklades ur materialet: konsekvenser för de unga lagöverträdarna, konsekvenser för advokater samt konsekvenser för samhället. Studiens slutsats är att advokaterna ställer sig kritiska till lagändringen, något som kan förklaras både utifrån ett instrumentellt perspektiv och ett rättighetsperspektiv. / This study has examined lawyers' perceptions and experiences of the abolition of the penalty discount for young offenders aged 18-20 years. The purpose of the study was to investigate how lawyers perceive the abolition of the penalty discount to have brought about any consequences, as well as how the legal amendment operates in practice and how it is portrayed by the lawyers. The study’s research method was semi-structured interviews, and the results were analyzed using thematic analysis. The findings revealed that the lawyers described consequences on multiple levels and three themes developed from the material: consequences for young offenders, consequences for lawyers, and consequences for society. The study's conclusion is that lawyers are critical of the legal amendment, which can be explained from both an instrumental perspective and a perspective of human rights.

Véritable dogme en droit interne et s’imposant comme un standard dans l’ordre juridique international, le concept d’« État de droit » est dépourvu d’une signification clairement déterminée. Différentes conceptions sont admises et dépendent des acceptions de l’État en question, d’une garantie hic et nunc de certains droits ainsi que d’une volonté politique des gouvernants. L’objet de cette recherche s’attache au droit administratif, précisément au rôle du juge administratif, comme vecteur de soumission de l’autorité de l’État afin de promouvoir les droits et libertés fondamentales des administrés en France. Si rien ne présageait une telle évolution au nom de la raison d’État, le Conseil d’État, par une pensée politique (néo)libérale, s’est imposé comme l’institution juridictionnelle majeure dans la construction du concept d’État de droit administratif. Au moyen d’une interprétation formelle et substantielle du principe de légalité, l’État de droit administratif légitime l’action publique des gouvernants tout en garantissant la sécurité juridique des administrés. Cette liaison de l’État et du droit administratif relève d’une construction inépuisable, appréhendée par l’État de contentieux qui s’analyse comme le kaléidoscope des faits sociaux. Ce dernier résulte d’une politique de la force, d’un conflit positif entre les Hommes, les institutions, les normes ou les pouvoirs institués. Ainsi, en conciliant l’Autorité et la Liberté, le concept d’État de droit administratif révèle le degré d’assujettissement de l’administration au droit administratif. Le développement objectif du concept d’État de droit administratif est bâti par l’État de justice et protégé par l’État légal, au profit d’une justice administrative garante des valeurs républicaines de l’État. Le perfectionnement de l’État de droit administratif par l’État de contentieux est agencé par l’État démocratique et régulé par l’État global, en libérant l’administré de toute servitude de la part de l’administration. L’illibéralisme administratif s’estompe au profit d’une société de(s) droit(s), d’une juridicisation et d’un normativisme absolus, au détriment de l’État. / The Rule of law concept is a real domestic law dogma and has established itself as a norm in the international judicial order. It is beneft of a clearly defined signification. Different concepts are accepted and depend on the agreements of the state, on a hic et nunc warranty of some rights as well as the rulers political will. This study aims to consider the administrative law, and more specifically the administrative judge’s role, as a means of control over the authority of the state so as to promote the rights and fundamental freedoms of the constituents in France. Even if nothing could portend such an evolution on the account of the state, the Conseil d’État, through a (neo)liberal political influence, became major judicial institution which builds the concept of domestic rule. The administrative juridiction legitimizes the public action of the governments while ensuring the legal security of the constituents through a formal and substantive interpretation of the principle of legality. This relation on between the state and the administrative law state of litigation which can be analyzed as a kaleidoscope of social facts. This stems from a power policy, of a positive conflict between men, the institutions, the normes or the instituted powers. Therefore, by accommodating authority and freedom, the administrative jurisdiction exposes the extent to which the administration is subjected to the administrative law. The objective construction of the administrative Rule of law allows the setting up of an administrative justice, which guarantees the republican values of the State thanks to legal Justice and Legal State. The upgrading of the administrative Rule of law by the democracy provide some freedom to the people vis-à-vis the state. The lack of liberalism fades away in favour of a litigious society, juridification and normatism to the detriment of the state.

The purpose of this paper is to explore the impact of international investment law rules in the Economic Constitutional Law, especially those included in investment chapters of Peruvian’s Free Trade Treaties. In particular, it is expected to demonstrate the following (i) International Investment Law is part of Peruvian Legal System; (ii) provisions of these laws are mandatory and should be applied domestically; and (iii) interpretation and implementation of this legal right should be executed consistently with domestic legal system and Peruvian international obligations. This agreed Interpretation between Investment Law and Economic Constitution will have a positive effect in rationalization of public entities actions avoiding abuses and maltreatment to investors, in order to improve investment climate as a key element forachieving country’s sustainable development. / Este trabajo tiene como objeto explorar el impacto que tienen las normas del derecho internacional de las inversiones, en específico aquellas de los capítulos de inversiones de los Tratados de Libre Comercio celebrados por el Perú, en el derecho constitucional económico. En concreto, se pretende demostrar lo siguiente: (i) el derecho internacional de las inversiones es parte del Ordenamiento Jurídico del Perú; (ii) las disposiciones de este derecho son obligatorias y deben aplicarse a nivel interno, y (iii) este derecho debe interpretarse e implementarse de manera coherente con el resto del ordenamiento interno y con las obligaciones internacionales del Perú. Esta interpretación concordada del derecho de inversiones y la Constitución económica tendrá un impacto positivo en la racionalización de la actuaciónde los órganos estatales, evitando arbitrariedades cuando sus medidas puedan afectar a un inversionista. De esta manera mejorará el clima de inversiones, el cual es un elemento necesario para lograr el desarrollo sostenible del país.

Intelligence, having espionage as its roots, is sometimes misunderstood due to its secret nature. It is due to this that intelligence as a vital component in a state, could be misused by the political regime through less democratic practices that infringe on human rights and the rule of law. The quest of this study (which is not classified, to make the research findings available to both practitioners and scholars of intelligence studies), is to attempt to contribute to the theory and understanding of intelligence studies as a sub-field within the political science in describing, explaining and analysing the intelligence regime. The primary aim is to provide a contextualised and systematic overview of the South African intelligence regime within the framework of the democratisation process in South Africa with specific reference to the period from 1994 to 2014. This study analyses the intelligence regime in South Africa by specifically assessing the role, function and purpose of intelligence through history and within the context of the South African political regime. Therefore, the research problem examined in this study is: given the history and development of South Africa as a democracy, what is the role and function of the intelligence regime during the period 1994 to 2014 – specifically to determine whether intelligence practices were more or less democratic. The theoretical framework formed the basis from which the concepts of state, political regime types and form and degree of government, was explored. It furthermore provided for a comparison of democratic and non-democratic intelligence practices. The study locates intelligence as a reflection of the political regime through the simultaneous typology of both the regime and intelligence, thereby to enable the identification of more or less democratic practices. The notion of a hybrid regime, as having elements of both democratic and non-democratic regimes, presented a fundamental shift in the perception of South Africa‘s democratisation process towards an attempt to reach the goal of being a consolidated democracy. This study draw the conclusion that the role, functions and mandate of an intelligence service within a democracy, should firstly focus on providing the policy-maker with intelligence to be able to make policies; secondly on the identification of threats or potential threats to national security of the state and lastly to protect the constitution. This would ultimately enable the intelligence regime in South Africa to employ more democratic practices which could assist in reaching the goal of democratic consolidation. / MA (Political Studies), North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2014

Intelligence, having espionage as its roots, is sometimes misunderstood due to its secret nature. It is due to this that intelligence as a vital component in a state, could be misused by the political regime through less democratic practices that infringe on human rights and the rule of law. The quest of this study (which is not classified, to make the research findings available to both practitioners and scholars of intelligence studies), is to attempt to contribute to the theory and understanding of intelligence studies as a sub-field within the political science in describing, explaining and analysing the intelligence regime. The primary aim is to provide a contextualised and systematic overview of the South African intelligence regime within the framework of the democratisation process in South Africa with specific reference to the period from 1994 to 2014. This study analyses the intelligence regime in South Africa by specifically assessing the role, function and purpose of intelligence through history and within the context of the South African political regime. Therefore, the research problem examined in this study is: given the history and development of South Africa as a democracy, what is the role and function of the intelligence regime during the period 1994 to 2014 – specifically to determine whether intelligence practices were more or less democratic. The theoretical framework formed the basis from which the concepts of state, political regime types and form and degree of government, was explored. It furthermore provided for a comparison of democratic and non-democratic intelligence practices. The study locates intelligence as a reflection of the political regime through the simultaneous typology of both the regime and intelligence, thereby to enable the identification of more or less democratic practices. The notion of a hybrid regime, as having elements of both democratic and non-democratic regimes, presented a fundamental shift in the perception of South Africa‘s democratisation process towards an attempt to reach the goal of being a consolidated democracy. This study draw the conclusion that the role, functions and mandate of an intelligence service within a democracy, should firstly focus on providing the policy-maker with intelligence to be able to make policies; secondly on the identification of threats or potential threats to national security of the state and lastly to protect the constitution. This would ultimately enable the intelligence regime in South Africa to employ more democratic practices which could assist in reaching the goal of democratic consolidation. / MA (Political Studies), North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2014

Scholars of human rights and constitutional law have described in great detail the abuses perpetrated by the armed forces and secret services of the United States in the context of the ‘war on terror’. There is copious literature explaining why these violations of fundamental human rights are not justifiable, and why they are not consistent with international treaties or that nation’s constitution. This thesis builds upon this research, but strikes out in a new direction. It does so by asking whether these abuses, combined with the changes to the legal order of the United States that made them possible, have produced a qualitative transformation of its constitutional structure. In particular, this thesis tracks the empowering of the executive. Increasingly, whenever it purports to act in the interests of national security, the executive claims the authority to act unilaterally in a manner that overrides even non-derogable rights. These novel constitutional reserve powers, which this thesis demonstrates were derived from President Nixon’s theory of the executive, were used to justify indefinite arbitrary detention, torture, mass surveillance without warrants, and extra-judicial execution. This thesis seeks to determine if the constitutional crisis inaugurated by this theory of executive supremacy over the laws has been terminated, or whether it has continued into the Obama Administration. If this theory is current within the executive branch, and especially if the violations of jus cogens norms has continued, it signifies a cross-party consensus about a paradigm shift in American constitutionalism. Accordingly, given the fact that the abuse of executive supremacy is what led to the development of the rule of law, this thesis will ask the question of whether the United States is being governed in accordance with its basic minimum norms. This thesis explores whether the executive is still subject to checks and balances from the legislature and the judiciary, such that it cannot violate non-derogable rights at will and with impunity. If the contrary proposition is true, it demonstrates that the crisis of the rule of law in the United States is ongoing, and this permanent state of exception demands significantly more scholarly attention. / Public, Constitutional, and International Law / LLD

This dissertation analyses the ability of Chinese lawyers to use administrative litigation to protect individuals and groups from an authoritarian state that frequently infringes on their rights. These plaintiffs fill administrative courts in China, opposing the overzealous tactics of police, challenging the expropriation of their land, and disputing the seizure and demolition of their homes. Empirically, it relies on several unique data sources in a mixed-methodological approach. Qualitative and small-n quantitative data from 126 interviews with a random sample of Chinese lawyers and 52 additional interviews are supplemented by documentary sources. These findings are then tested against official data and a large survey of Chinese lawyers. This research demonstrates that administrative litigation is part of a polycentric authoritarian system that helps the Chinese state to monitor its agents, allows limited political participation, and facilitates economic development (Chapter One). By giving ordinary Chinese a chance to hold their local governments accountable in court, administrative litigation represents a significant step towards rule of law, but its limited scope means that it has not been accompanied by dramatic liberalisation (Chapter Three). In part, this is because the most prolific and successful administrative litigators are politically embedded lawyers, insiders who challenge the state in court but eschew the most radical cases and tactics (Chapter Four). The tactics that allow politically embedded lawyers to successfully litigate administrative cases rely on and contribute to China’s polycentric authoritarianism by drawing in other state, quasi-state, and non-state actors (Chapter Five). Multinationals in China are largely failing to contribute to the development of China’s legal system because they readily accept preferential treatment from the Chinese state as an alternative to litigation (Chapter Six). While administrative litigation bolsters China’s polycentric authoritarianism in the short term, it offers tremendous potential for rationalisation, liberalisation, and even democratisation in the long term.

Thesis (MA (Political Science))--Stellenbosch University, 2010. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study explores public opinion on land reform in South Africa using data gathered by Ipsos-Markinor in nationally representative public opinion surveys conducted in 2004 and 2007, and by an elite survey conducted by Centre for International and Comparative Politics in 2007. This study explores whether public opinion on land reform reveals distinct trends that correlate with the selected socio-demographic variables of race, language, party affiliation and social status. It is hypothesised that there is an identifiable correlation between these independent variables and the opinions of respondents on land reform, with specific groups tending to support land reform whilst other groups tend to reject it. The data analyses yielded results that highlight distinct trends in public opinion on land reform. Responses are clustered around specific characteristics of the independent variables and point towards distinct groups having specific views on land reform. From this set of findings it is inferred that public opinion on land reform illustrates that certain groups of South Africans have contrasting views of how the rule of law and transformation should find expression in a democratic society. These fundamentally differing opinions on key elements of democracy illustrate that South Africans hold diverging opinions of what constitutes democracy, through adherence to either the liberal or the liberationist model of democracy. These models were previously identified as two distinct and diverging interpretations of democracy in South Africa and were labelled as such. These two models uphold sharply divergent normative prescriptions of democracy, as well as contrasting prescriptions for various policies of democratic consolidation, including that of land reform. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Openbare mening oor grondhervorming in Suid-Afrika word in hierdie studie ondersoek. Die ondersoek maak gebruik van data ingewin deur Ipsos-Markinor in nasionaal verteenwoordigende openbare meningsopnames uitgevoer in 2004 en 2007, asook ‘n elite opname wat in 2007 uitgevoer is deur die Sentrum vir Internationale en Vergelykende Politiek (CICP). Hierdie studie ondersoek die moontlikheid dat openbare mening ten opsigte van grondhervorming met geselekteerde sosio-demografiese veranderlikes (ras, taal, politieke affiliasie en sosiale status) korreleer. Die hipotese is dat daar ‘n identifiseerbare korrelasie is tussen hierdie onafhanklike veranderlikes en die menings van die respondente ten opsigte van grondhervorming en dat daar spesifieke groepe is wat grondhervorming ondersteun en ander nie. Analise van die data toon duidelike tendense in openbare mening oor die kwessie van grondhervorming. Menings korreleer wel met die onafhanklike veranderlikes en wys daarop dat bepaalde sosiale groepe uiteenlopende standpunte het oor grondhervorming. Uit hierdie stel bevindinge maak die navorser die afleiding dat daar, binne die Suid- Afrikaanse bevolking, groepe is met uiteenlopende menings oor hoe die oppergesag van die reg en transformasie binne ‘n demokrasie uitgeleef moet word. Hierdie fundamenteel kontrasterende menings ten opsigte van hierdie sleutelelemente van demokrasie, illustreer dat Suid-Afrikaners uiteenlopende menings oor demokrasie het in die vorm van ondersteuning van hetsy die liberale- of bevrydingsmodelle van demokrasie. Hierdie modelle is as twee duidelike en afsonderlike interpretasies van demokrasie voorgestel en beskryf. Hierdie twee modelle verteenwoordig skerp uiteenlopende normatiewe beskouinge oor demokrasie, en bied daarmee saam, botsende beleidsvoorskrifte aan vir demokratiese konsolidering, insluitende beleid oor grondhervorming.

La réduction importante de l'aide internationale au développement et le processus de mondialisation ont fait en sorte que les investissements étrangers directs (IBD) sont considérés de nos jours comme une source importante de capital et de croissance économique dans un pays d'accueil comme la Serbie. Les IBD sont réputés stimuler la concurrence, l'innovation, l'épargne, la création d'emplois et le développement des ressources humaines dans les pays les plus pauvres et ceux en transition. Les institutions internationales encouragent la promotion des IBD dans tels pays et incitent leurs gouvernements à œuvrer à leur promotion active en tant que localité attrayante pour les obtenir. Il existe aussi un consensus selon lequel les investisseurs étrangers sont attirés par les pays dont le système juridique est stable et prévisible et qui réglemente l'économie selon le modèle d'une économie de marché. Si les réformes juridiques sont incontestablement importantes pour attirer les IBD, notre étude cherche à vérifier quel est le véritable impact du droit interne et des institutions étatiques du pays d'accueil sur l'établissement des entreprises étrangères et sur l'exercice de leur activité économique dans ce pays. Il s'agit de voir de quelle manière la présence des investisseurs étrangers contribue à la consolidation de l'État de droit dans le pays d'accueil. Pour analyser ces questions de plus près, nous avons choisi l'étude de cas de la Serbie, dont le système juridique est en chantier depuis le changement de régime en 2000. Notre hypothèse de travail a supposé que l'instauration de l'État de droit était importante pour l'implantation des investisseurs étrangers dans le pays, car les institutions étatiques et juridiques pourraient offrir des garanties pour le bon déroulement de l'activité économique étrangère. Après avoir étudié le cas de la Serbie, il y a lieu de conclure que la réforme du cadre juridique interne joue un rôle important, mais toutefois non déterminant dans le choix de la localisation d'un investissement étranger. Notre étude montre que la motivation en matière d'investissement ne tient généralement pas compte de la normativité juridique comme facteur à considérer, c'est-à-dire parmi les facteurs définis par la théorie du OLI Paradigm de John Dunning. Toutefois, ce facteur joue un rôle politique par le fait qu'il est véhiculé dans le droit international et dans le discours des organisations internationales. Les investisseurs demeurent également attentifs à la législation pouvant influencer leur propre activité économique. Nos entretiens ont révélé l'existence d'une véritable volonté de la part des investisseurs de favoriser les réformes juridiques du pays d'accueil. Leur perception du cadre juridique favorable au plan économique peut éventuellement jouer un certain rôle dans la transformation de l'État de droit et des institutions juridiques du pays d'accueil. Mais les entrepreneurs n'attendent pas un cadre juridique reformé dans le pays d'accueil pour décider d'y investir. En résumé, l'amélioration des institutions de l'État de droit concerne au premier chef des services sociaux de qualité et des meilleures conditions économiques pour ses citoyens. La promotion des IBD dans le pays ne constitue pas un objectif en soi mais s'inscrit dans la politique d'un État de droit en tant qu'outil indispensable de réformes et constitue un facteur favorable au développement économique. / Foreign direct investments (FDI) are considered an important source of capital and economic growth, due notably to significant restrictions of development aid in poor countries and countries in transition and to globalization. FDI are presumed to stimulate competition, innovation, savings, employment and quality of human resources. International financial institutions encourage governments to promote their countries as an attractive destination to FDI. At the same time, they insist on the fact, in states in transition, that FDI require the respect of the Rule of Law and predictable local legal norms suitable to the market economy. If the reform of law is of crucial importance to attract FDI, our thesis is trying to evaluate and analyze the impact of law and stable state institutions on FDI entry and economic growth in Serbia, our case study. It is also exploring to what extent the presence of the FDI contributes to the consolidation of the Rule of Law in this country. It is studying the legal system that has been put in place in Serbia between 2000 and 2007 and since the change of political regime. Our hypothesis was that the Rule of Law is important for FDI as it offers a good starting point for the increasing of economic activity in the host state. But our conclusion is that the improvement of the local legal system plays an important but not decisive role in localization of foreign investments. The case study shows that investors' motivation to invest is complex and determined by more than one factor. Sometimes, investors are not considering the fragile state of the legal system of the host country to invest. Our thesis confirms Dunning's OLI Paradigm. However, our interviews have revealed that investors can pay special attention to the improvement of legislation that has a specific impact on their own economic activity and may influence the reform of private law in the host state. At the same time, investors do not fear that the deficiencies of local law will have a detrimental impact on their investments. In conclusion, States in transition must be concerned, first of all, by the improvement of social and economic services to their citizens. Therefore, FDI promotion should also be tied to this aim to promote legal reform and economic development in states in transition.

Comment une prise de pouvoir par la force peut-elle donner naissance à un ordre juridique stable? Peu étudié par les juristes, le coup d’Etat moderne n’est pas seulement un procédé permettant l’accession au pouvoir, il est également l’un des modes d’enclenchement du pouvoir constituant originaire, moment de rupture et de reconstruction constitutionnelles. Cette notion se trouve être au croisement de la science politique, de la philosophie du droit, et de l’histoire. Permettant l’instauration d’une nouvelle constitution, le coup d’Etat moderne est une prise de pouvoir soudaine par un petit groupe d'hommes appartenant à l’appareil de l’Etat et utilisant la force. En se fondant sur différents évènements historiques majeurs, comme les coups de Bonaparte, Lénine, Pinochet, etc., il paraît nécessaire de définir ce concept, le distinguant de la révolution. Il est possible d’établir une classification des différents types de coups, selon leurs protagonistes et leur impact sur l’ordre juridique : coup d’Etat révolutionnaire, coup d’Etat classique, coup d’Etat moderne, putsch, et pronunciamiento. Il se dégage alors les techniques de préparation, de mise en oeuvre, et de maintien du coup qui touchent à la fois aux sphères politique et juridique. / How can the violent overthrow of a government generate a stable legal order? Often overlooked by the legal community, a modern coup is not just a process of accession to power; it is also one of the ways of engaging the original constituent power, of constitutional rupture and of reconstruction. This concept is located at the intersection of political science, of the philosophy of law and of history. The modern coup, which permits the establishment of a new constitution, is the sudden, illegal replacement of a government by a small group of the existing state establishment by the use of force. Based on various historical events, such as the coups d’état of Bonaparte, Lenin, Pinochet, etc., we define this concept and distinguish it from a revolution. We establish a classification of different types of coups, according to their protagonists and their impact on the constitutional system: revolutionary coups, classical coups, modern coups, putsches, and pronunciamienti. We also define the techniques of preparation, implementation and preservation of the coup which affect both the political and legal spheres