Les échecs successifs des partenariats et tentatives de coopération dans la zone méditerranéenne ont montré les limites aux modèles diplomatiques employés jusqu’à présent et ont révélé le besoin de renouveler la participation des divers acteurs en présence. Dès lors, il s’est agi de déplacer le centre de gravité de l’activité diplomatique en Méditerranée afin d’élaborer un modèle de « diplomatie collective durable », par lequel la région pourrait servir de vecteur de modélisation pour les régionalisations actuelles ou futures, seules véritables réponses à une mondialisation croissante. Par le biais de l’analyse historique et contemporaine de l’exercice de la diplomatie ainsi que de l’évolution de la définition de la politique étrangère et grâce à l’exposé de l’effervescence intellectuelle autour de l’ouverture de l’activité diplomatique à des acteurs non gouvernementaux, il a été permis de présenter l’articulation entre les notions de diplomatie et de Société civile dans l’histoire et dans la théorie et d’en exposer les manifestations sur le terrain de la zone méditerranéenne. De ces manifestations, il a été conclu à un véritable état de fait de la diplomatie des Sociétés civiles. Face à cette phénoménologie de la diplomatie des Sociétés civiles dans les relations internationales, encouragée par les instances supranationales notamment, a été étudiée l’existence de l’insertion formelle de la Société civile dans l’ordre international afin d’envisager les divers fondements juridiques de sa participation. Dès lors, des textes internationaux ont servi aux recherches et ont permis de retracer l’évolution des relations internationales initialement exclusivement statocentrées mais qui se sont progressivement ouvertes à de nouveaux acteurs. Par ailleurs, il a été essentiel de procéder à la détermination du sujet de cette insertion à l’ordre juridique international et d’identifier l’existence d’une « Société civile internationale », simple acteur des relations internationales ou véritable sujet de droit international. Étant donnée la particularité de la région étudiée et les nécessités spécifiques qui en découlent, la zone a révélé un vrai potentiel afin d’intégrer voire d’institutionnaliser ce renouvellement diplomatique. Véritable modélisation régionale, la Méditerranée pourrait servir de laboratoire aux propositions contenues dans la thèse et qui tendraient à faire d’elle une zone pacifiée et stabilisée. / The consecutive failures of the successive cooperation and partnerships in the Mediterranean region have shown the limitations of the current diplomatic models and has also revealed the need to renew the participation of various actors on the international stage. Therefore, the dissertation has aimed to move the center of gravity of the diplomatic activity in the Mediterranean (mainly intergovernmental) in order to develop a model of “collective sustainable diplomacy” by which the region could serve as a model for current or future regionalizations, sole real answers to the increasing globalization. Through historical and contemporary analysis of the practice of diplomacy by civil societies and also through the presentation of the intellectual ferment allowing the expansion of diplomacy to non-state actors, it has been possible to show the signs of an existing diplomacy by these actors on the Mediterranean field. Facing this phenomenon of a less intergovernmental diplomacy, greatly encouraged by supranational organizations, we studied the existence of its formal insertion in the international legal order and presented various legal bases of the participation of civil societies to the diplomatic process. This analysis revealed the lack of a legal status of the so-called “international civil society” and highlighted the denial by the states of an official diplomatic action of this actor. This conclusion led to elaborate a Mediterranean model of action, integrating all stakeholders for a more collective and thus, sustainable diplomacy. Given the peculiarity and special needs of the study area, the Mediterranean has revealed a real potential to integrate, nay, institutionalize this diplomatic renewal. As a real regional modeling, the Mediterranean region could be used as a laboratory for the proposals contained in the dissertation, which could tend to make it a pacified and stabilized region.

Notre recherche combine deux approches dans l’analyse de la politique étrangère saoudienne relative à l’octroi de l’aide au développement: i) une approche interne (analyse des politique générales : l’élaboration et la mise en œuvre des programmes d’aide publique au développement ; l’identification des principaux acteurs de l’APD et l’analyse des résultats de l’APD ? ii) et une approche internationale (en se basant sur la théorie des relations internationales, nous identifions les mécanismes qui sous-Tendent la politique d’aide saoudienne ainsi que le rôle du Fonds Saoudien de Développement dans l’efficacité et l’efficience de l’Aide Publique au Développement. Nous cherchons, tout au long de ce travail, à apporter des éléments de réponse quant à l’ambivalence qui plane sur le visé de l’APD saoudienne. Nous traitons la question des aides internationales et les programmes du développement présentés par le gouvernement saoudien. L’objectif de ce travail sera donc l’étude et l’analyse du rôle de l’APD saoudienne dans la lutte contre la pauvreté essentiellement dans les pays en développement. / Our research combines two approaches in the analysis of Saudi foreign policy on the granting of development assistance: i) an internal approach (general policy analysis: the development and implementation of assistance programs official development identifying the main actors of ODA and analysis of the results of ODA? ii) and an international approach (based on the theory of international relations, we identify the mechanisms that underlie Saudi aid policy and the role of the Saudi Development Fund in the efficiency and effectiveness of ODA. We seek, throughout this work, to provide some answers about the ambivalence that hovers over the target of ODA Saudi Arabia. We treat the issue of international aid and development programs presented by the Saudi government. objective of this work will be the study and analysis of the role of ODA Saudi in the fight against poverty mainly in developing countries.

Cette thèse étudie la contribution assez complexe du partenariat euro-méditerranéen au soft powerde l’UE. Nous avons procédé à l’examen de l’articulation entre les objectifs, les instruments, lesprogrammes, les accords et l’efficacité de l’action de l’Euromed. Il ne s’agit pas d’évaluer lepartenariat en tant que tel mais plutôt son utilisation par l’Union européenne comme instrument desoft power pour instaurer une démocratie libérale dans les pays sud-méditerranéens. Les quatreaspects fondamentaux de la démocratie libérale ont été donc examinés. Dans le domaineéconomique, il y eu des améliorations économiques dans les pays sud-méditerranéens del’Euromed, surtout par la mise en oeuvre de réformes économiques et institutionnelles, mais la zonede libre-échange prévue pour 2010 n’a pas été établie. L’intégration régionale et internationale, deces pays partenaires a connu des avancées qui demeurent encore modestes. La promotion de labonne gouvernance occupe une place centrale au sein des objectifs politiques du Partenariat.Ciblant principalement le renforcement des capacités des institutions et l’indépendance du systèmejudiciaire, les efforts menés dans le cadre de l’Euromed ont apporté une amélioration globale, maisinsuffisante, de la bonne gouvernance dans les pays sud-méditerranéens. Les actions menées dansle cadre du partenariat sur le terrain des droits de l’Homme ont mis surtout l’accent sur les questionsde sécurité, de la lutte antiterroriste et du contrôle des migrations, tandis que les questions relativesaux droits de l’Homme et à la démocratisation étaient plus ou moins passées sous silence. Mêmel’action civile est insuffisamment renforcée. / This thesis studies the rather complex contribution of the Euro-Mediterraneanpartnership to the EU’s soft power. We have examined the link between the objectives,instruments, programs, agreements and effectiveness of the euro-Mediterraneanpartnership’s action. It is not a matter of evaluating the partnership as such but rather itsuse by the European Union as a soft power instrument to establish liberal democracy inthe South Mediterranean countries. The four fundamental aspects of liberal democracywere therefore examined. In the economic field, there have been economicimprovements in the southern Mediterranean countries, mainly through theimplementation of economic and institutional reforms, but the free trade areaanticipated for 2010 was not established. The regional and international integration ofthese partner countries has made some progress that remains however modest. Thepromotion of good governance is central to the political objectives of the Partnership.Focusing mainly on institutional capacity building and the independence of the judicialsystem, Euromed efforts have brought about a global but insufficient improvement ingood governance in the southern Mediterranean countries. Actions in the framework ofthe Human Rights Partnership have focused on security issues, counter-terrorism andmigration control, while human rights issues and democratization were more or lessignored. Even civil action is not sufficiently strengthened.

中國自1963年向阿爾及利亞派遣第一支醫療隊以來，穩定對非洲發展衛生外交，近年來漸吸引中國及外國學者注意，然基於中國對外援的保密性，以及衛生外交未成顯學，對於中國在非洲衛生外交的狀況因此缺乏資料，本文以現有研究結果為基礎，蒐集和整理中國官方資料，描繪出中國在非洲衛生外交發展、規模及樣態。中國藉由衛生外交在非洲取得可觀利益，包括政治方面，如非洲國家支持中國取代台灣在聯合國席位、為中國人權議題護航以及在兩岸議題上支持中國立場；經濟方面，如以衛生外交打進非洲市場，引入中國製藥品以及以醫療物資換取非洲國家資源；軟實力方面：提升中國形象，促進中非在其他方面的合作。然中國在非洲衛生外交也面臨不少挑戰，包括中國國內醫生不足、語言文化隔閡、中國人大量進入非洲為非洲帶來的威脅感，以及非洲國家效率不佳等問題。 　　本文選用莫三比克為討論個案，主要基於中國對莫國衛生援助穩定，以及莫國非能源出口國，因此正可用以檢視中國官方媒體對中國在非洲衛生外交的「神話」般報導以及有些中國學者對於中國衛生外交不為能源而是傳播道義思想的論述是否真確。研究發現僅管莫國現不具能源，中國藉由提供衛生援助在莫國取得其他重要利益，如政治層面，外科醫生江永生使莫國堅定且明確支持兩岸統一；經濟層面，如熟悉中國藥品的莫國向中國製藥公司購買抗瘧疾藥品，軟實力層面，莫國大部分民眾對中國抱持好感，政府官員也甚讚中莫醫療合作。莫國同時也是第一個曾經拒絕中國醫療隊派遣的國家，也正可藉此檢視中國衛生外交面臨的困境。除語言文化隔閡外，中國醫生不願至莫國偏鄉服務加上其他外國醫生在莫國的競爭使莫國有意降低對中國醫療資源的依賴，是莫國不願續約的主因。中國若不能妥善處理上述問題，莫國可能不會是唯一一個拒絕接受中國醫療資源的國家。 / Since its very first medical team to Algeria in 1963, China has been steadily developing its health diplomacy in Africa. This stably growing flow of medical resources from China to Africa has caught attention from both Chinese and foreign scholars. However, owing to the confidentiality of Chinese foreign aid and the fact that health diplomacy is a term that is relatively new in the academia, there is no clear picture about China’s health diplomacy in Africa. Based on the existing literature, this thesis complies facts and figures principally from Chinese official sources in a bid to draw a clear picture of the development, scale, and pattern of China’s health aid to Africa. Via health diplomacy, China gains considerable benefits. In the political front, African countries that have received medical assistance from China support China’s bid to replace Taiwan in the United Nations, shield China from human right censoring, and stand with China in cross-strait issue. In the economic front, with health diplomacy, China introduces home-manufactured medicine to Africa or simply trades its medical service with Africa’s natural resources, tapping into a continent that is stricken with disease. More than political and economic benefits, health diplomacy most importantly burnishes China’s image in Africa, enhancing its soft power. However, China’s health diplomacy doesn’t go without any obstacles. The lack of volunteer doctors, the barriers of language and culture, a sense of threat conjured by the heavy presence of Chinese in Africa, the inefficiency of African countries and so forth, all present themselves as impediments to China’s health diplomacy in Africa. This thesis chooses Mozambique as the target for further research because China’s medical aid to Mozambique has been very stable. Also, Mozambique is not a major exporter of natural resource; hence it could be used to examine the often mythologized reports from China’s official media on the Chinese doctors serving in Africa, and the claims by some Chinese scholars about how China’s health assistance is not for natural resources but for solidarity. What my research finds however is that despite the lack of energy currently, Mozambique offers some other benefits to China. For political benefits, the Chinese surgeon, Jiang, Yong-Sheng ensures that Mozambique firmly endorses the unification of Taiwan and China. For economic benefits, Mozambique, who is well acquainted with Chinese medicine, purchases anti-malaria medicine from a Chinese medical company. As for soft power, a majority of Mozambicans have favorable opinion toward China. The Mozambican officials for numerous times praise the medical cooperation between China and Mozambique. However, at the same time, Mozambique was the first country that refused to accept a new team of Chinese doctors to come to Mozambique, and thus it is also a good case to analyze the challenges that are facing China now. Apart from language and cultural barriers, Chinese government’s refusal to deploy their doctors in rural areas in Mozambique, and the medical personnel from other countries, make Mozambique tries to gradually reduce its dependence on China’s medical assistance. Being aware of its overdose reliance on China was the main reason why Mozambique didn’t want to renew the contract. If Beijing fails to solve the aforementioned problems, Mozambique might not be the only African country that says no to China’s doctors.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2012. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Soft power is more relevant now than ever before. In fact, in the current world system it has become an important element in exercising state power and mapping out leadership strategies. This assignment attempts to analyse the use of soft power as a post-Cold War foreign policy strategy on the part of China. Chinese relations with the African continent are assessed to prove the increasing rate at which China has expended trade and diplomatic relations in the past two decades, and to determine the degree to which soft power is contributing to China’s prospects of a harmonious rise to a position of global power. China’s foreign policy is ideologically underpinned by nationalism and confucianism. This stance is based on the need to protect and promote the economic and social stability of the state, as well as to secure a sound diplomatic identity in the international arena. For this reason, China has expanded economic interests abroad, particularly, looking upon Africa as a source of mutual development and investement, economic cooperation and an enhanced network for trade. This has lead to the growth of ‘soft’ ties between the Chinese nation and many African states, through the provision of aid, diplomatic cooperation on policy issues and the sharing of cultural values and institutional norms. In this way, China has been able to promote the perception of a peaceful rise to power and make a valuable contribution to the Chinese goal of constructing a harmonious world. Concluding a thorough analysis of China’s foreign policy behaviour it is determined that China-Africa relations are based, at least in part, on soft power, as a means to gain increased international influence. This is contended by the likeness between the behaviour advocated by soft power theory and that of Chinese interaction with African states. Furthermore, this partnership can be understood as a potential global shift towards multilateralism and the belief in an emerging international order that organised by regionalised powers that cooperate with each other on international platforms. The theory of constructivism, particularly its emaphasis on the roles of ideas, identities and institutions, is a valuable perspective to consider in approaching this discussion of China as a peacefully emerging global power. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: ‘Sagtemag’ is nou meer relevante vandag as ooit tevore. Dit is inderdaad ‘n belangrike element in die uitoefening van staat mag en leierskap strategieë in die huidige wêreld. Hierdie werkstuk poog om die gebruik van sagte mag te ontleed as ‘n buitelandse beleid strategie op die deel van Sjina sedert die einde van die Koue Oorlog. Sjinese verhoudings met Arika word geassesseer om te bewys die toenemende tempo waarteen diplomatieke betrekkinge in die afgelope twee dekades bestee het, en die graad aan wat sagte mag dra Sjina se vooruitsigte van ‘n harmonieuse aanleiding tot wêreld mag te bepaal. Sjina se buitelandse beleid is ideologies ondersteun deur nasionalisme en Confucianisme. Hierdie standpunt is gebaseer op die behoefte om die ekonomiese stabiliteit van die staat te beskerm en om ‘n gesonde diplomatieke indentiteit te verseker op ‘n internasionale vlak. Om hierdie rede het Sjina uigebrei om die ekonomiese belange in die buiteland, veral op soek op die Afrika-vasteland as ‘n bron van wedersydse ontwikkeling en belegging, ekonomiese samewerking en ‘n groter handelsmerk netwerk. Dit het gelei tot die groei van die ‘sagte’ bande tussen Sjina en baie Afrika-lande, deur die voorsiening van fonds, diplomatieke samewerking oor beleidskwessies en die deel van kulturele waardes en institusionele norme. Op hierdie manier het Sjina die persepsie van ‘n vreedsame opkoms by wêreld mag te bevorder en ‘n waardevolle bydrae tot die Sjinese doel vir ‘n ‘Harmonious World’ te bou. Die sluiting van ‘n deeglike ontleding van Sjina se buitelandse beleid word bepaal dat Sjina-Afrika verhoudings is op sagtemag gebou om ‘n verhoogde internaionale invloed te kry. Dit is aangevoer deur die gelykenis tussen sagtemag teorie en die gedrag wat bepleit word deur Sjinese interaksie met Afrika-lande. Verder kan hierdie vennootskap verstaan word as ‘n moontlike globale verskuiwing na multilateralisme en die potensiële van ‘n nuwe internationale bestel wat gereël is deur regionalisering magte. Konstruktivisme, veral die teorie se nadruk op die rolle van idees, indentiteite en instellings, is ook ‘n waardevolle perspektief te oorweeg in die nader van heirdie bespreking van Sjina as ‘n vreedsame wyse opkomende wêreld mag.

創新是進入二十一世紀以後，全球共同關注的焦點議題，不論對企業或對國家而言，均可謂扮演著成長引擎的角色；而本研究進一步認為，產業創新是企業在思考更上一層樓時應該著眼的大方向，更是政府在創造國家競爭力上不可忽視的重要課題，有必要了解其本質與內涵。由於過去文獻大部份僅探討以企業為主體的創新議題，即使論及產業創新，亦多屬定義上的著墨，缺乏具體且完整的架構論述，因此本研究透過實際案例來探討產業創新的實際內涵與具體模式，研究本身即屬一創新產物的聯盟組織──A-Team，以產業創新的觀點探究其如何造成台灣自行車產業今日的創新升級，藉由架構出其已證明可行的模式與實務操作重點，提供產業界應用之參考。 此外，不同於一般對A-Team強調其內部互動結果的相關研究，本研究同時亦重視A-Team發展過程所遭遇的實務問題與解決過程，並發掘其尚有待突破的問題與原因，最後也提出相應的建議。本研究同時亦回顧台灣自行車產業一路發展至今的歷史，發現其階段性成果之體現恰可說明台灣中小企業的一種「軟實力」，故本研究亦建議政府有關單位應重新思考固有對「傳統產業」的區分是否適當，本研究認為政府未來在制定產業政策時，尚可納入產業的競爭力、獲利力等思考面向進行規劃。 本研究針對產業創新與實務案例進行關聯性與理論化之探索研究，嘗試由實務案例歸納出一完整可供實務界參考之產業創新模型，而研究結果摘要如下： 1.A-Team的出現乃欲解決台灣產業外移與自行車產業走入價格競爭困境之問題，是故其產業創新背景來自產業遭遇困境，產業創新動機乃出自於欲解決產業所面臨之問題。 2.A-Team重新定位台灣自行車產業在全球扮演的角色為──「台灣為全球自行車市場創新樞紐及創新產品與服務的來源」，以此作為努力的大方向。由此可見就全球化競爭的產業而言，產業創新第一步在於建立其差異化的市場定位，產業創新過程的任何戰術均為達此戰略目標而來。 3.A-Team由巨大與美利達兩大世界級成車廠聯手發起，首先由其供應商與協力廠中篩選、募集初始會員，會員組成涵蓋產業上、中、下游廠商。由此可知，產業創新涉及整個產業鏈，非產業任一端所能獨立達成，而台灣自行車業以其獨特的產業聯盟方式成立A-Team，作為產業創新的樞紐。 4.A-Team定調其發展主軸在「協同管理」、「協同開發」、「協同行銷」，實際執行方式乃由協助會員導入豐田生產管理(TPS)與E化做起，改善會員廠商的生產製造管理效能，此亦目前實踐得最為成功的一個軸心。由此可知，台灣自行車產業原來有著生產製造、研發設計、經營行銷能力上的「不夠好」問題，為了開創「夠好」產品的新市場，乃在A-Team架構下結合產業鏈各端，以「集體學習、個別改善」的方式進行整體產業能力的提升，因此提升產業成員能力是傳統製造業創新升級的首要課題。 5.承上，在A-Team的發展主軸中「協同管理」在生產製造能力的提升上，因導入TPS、引進資訊科技，及施行會員彼此定期觀摩與檢驗成果的作法，而有顯著的精進，然在「協同開發」、「協同行銷」方面則尚未達到令A-Team滿意的成績。本研究認為A-Team在「協同開發」、「協同行銷」目標上至今仍難以突破的原因，除了研發設計與行銷實力本來就不易由內部短期培養而成之外，另一大關鍵因素在於A-Team會員中其實存在競爭關係，巨大與美利達即是一例，因此產業創新就A-Team模式來看，不可忽視「利益衝突」的問題，本研究建議從「智慧財產規劃管理」的面向去解決；而行銷議題則建議應思考以發展「產地品牌」為共同行銷所努力的目標，讓「台灣自行車」在全球建立像「紐西蘭奇異果」一樣的國家品牌印象，此亦產業創新可作為其後維持競爭力的參考策略。 6.A-Team創造自行車產業在台灣與大陸的兩岸分工生產模式──A-Team許多會員原來其實已將公司、廠房移至大陸，在A-Team的要求下才又將部份基地遷回台灣，而形成台灣研發生產高級自行車、大陸生產中低階自行車的分工模式，其中巨大與美利達乃以創造副品牌或第二品牌的方式行銷不同等級的自行車，並堅守高級自行車由台灣生產組裝的原則，以落實兩岸自行車產業的差異化。由此可見，處於全球競爭環境之中，產業與企業在世界工廠的磁吸效應下，外移成本低廉國家並非維持競爭力的唯一途徑，A-Team即是為了解決此種產業兩難問題的創新產物，因此產業創新可參考台灣自行車A-Team模式而發展產業在本地的新價值，此亦可視為一種破壞式創新，而欲解決的是傳統產業「既有市場」(因價格競爭造成產品不夠好)與「新市場」(研發生產夠好的產品以創造新的市場需求)之間的兩難困境，上述亦為本研究一獨特之發現，即傳統產業所面臨的「兩難」與哈佛大學教授克里斯汀生研究科技產業所提出的「創新的兩難」中之「兩難」恰相反，然事實上卻有異曲同工之妙，最後仍可經由實踐「破壞性的創新」而改變市場現況，因此本研究結果不僅印證、更充實了克里斯汀生教授的創新理論內涵。 / Innovation is crucial for any corporation or country to stimulate their economic growth. Innovation should be indispensible in industrial strategy and government competiveness. However, most studies on innovation have focused their subjects on an enterprise rather than an industry; this study would instead try to explore the essence and nature about the innovation of a mature / traditional industry through a successful case, aiming to serve as a reference for industrial innovation practice. This research will study how Taiwan’s bicycle industry upgraded itself through the organization / alliance innovation, as is known for A-Team. A-Team comprises major companies in the bicycle industry. Its members are not only partners but also competitors. The study will gather some key successful factors of the innovation as well as the transformation on Taiwan’s bicycle industry and propose some suggestions for both A-Team and the industry from a perspective of industrial innovation. The findings of this study basically include: 1. The background and the motivation of Taiwan’s bicycle industrial innovation. 2. How the hub of the innovation in Taiwan’s bicycle industry, A-Team, practices its plans/strategies to achieve its objective of upgrading and renewing Taiwan’s bicycle industry. 3. The potential solutions for certain problems in A-Team’s present practice. 4. The steps for a possible model of an industrial innovation based on the case-study of Taiwan’s bicycle industry. 5. This study further found that it also works for Professor Christensen’s theory—“Disruptive Innovation” to apply in the innovation of a traditional industry, but the innovation dilemma in the traditional industry is a reverse of that in the high-tech industry. 6. This study also demonstrates the “soft power” of Taiwan's small and medium enterprises by the active evolution in Taiwan’s bicycle industry.

Since the beginning of this century China has been expanding its influence in the South-East Asia region and beyond. It has introduced a new term to describe its pre-superpower status - a “peaceful development”. The PRC has been creating a new country brand for its legitimacy as a rising power - it underlines that it doesn’t want to interfere in any country’s internal matters, and relationship with China is mutually beneficial to all, who choose to cooperate with it. The brand-creation process reached its peak during the recent Olympic Games held in Beijing in August 2008. China showed its rich history and tradition, connected with high level of governmental and individual entrepreneurship, which has brought it to the position of the fastest growing economy in the world. The same brand creation strategy, as in the case of international strategy, has been used towards the Taiwanese in order to fulfill the big dream of “One China”- to reach the strategic goal of unification. Taiwan Strait has been considered as one of the potential trouble spots in the rivalry between the current (USA) and coming (PRC) superpowers. For this reason, researchers, political advisers and decision-makers need to keep a close eye on the events in the Strait. Currently the Taiwan – China relations seem to experience a détente, but as Taiwan is a democratic country and there are other than KMT players on the domestic political arena, next president might change his perspective and lead the Formosa to the collision course with the PRC and the PLA. Therefore the matters regarding bilateral relations of the ROC and the PRC need to be handled with a particular care in order not to cause an unnecessary military confrontation, most likely even the nuclear one. The general interest of this paper is to assess the influence of the rising interdependence between Taiwan and China on the Taiwanese people, and try to predict the future of Taiwan and the development of its relationship with the PRC. That is why this study wants to empirically examine China’s means to achieve its most wanted goal - incorporation (integration) of Taiwan and obtaining territorial integrity of the “Greater China” area.

本研究旨在藉由中國大陸與台灣公眾外交策略、官方文獻、新聞稿、研究報告、著作之搜集，分析比較兩岸公眾外交的思維發展、制度沿革、文化交流、國際傳播、形象塑造等，主要的研究發現如下： 一、因應無國界挑戰環境，網路科技是公眾外交的利器：處於瞬息萬變的資訊化、全球化、民主化時代，公眾外交必須善加利用網路科技，方能因應無國界、無時差之挑戰。 二、支助非政府組織推動公眾外交：政府不被信任是常有的事情。非政府組織強調獨立、非營利與專業，活動形式靈活多樣，與民眾關係也較密切，較官方機關更受人們信任。因此，政府支助非政府組織推動公眾外交，將獲得更明顯的成效。 三、公眾外交傳遞之訊息，其包裝須符合目標國家需求：設計訊息時，要有一個清晰的主題。在傳遞訊息之前，要了解接受訊息一方的需要，以他們能明白的方式去發送訊息。為吸引目標對象的注意，訊息內容除了要符合對方的國情外，還要以創意或新奇的手法包裝。 四、研究機構及媒體最能塑造輿論，是公眾外交的重點目標對象：研究機構及媒體之意見受到很多人的重視，會直接影響社會菁英及大眾。政府經常與各國智庫、基金會及大學等研究機構建立合作關係，共同提倡某些議題或政策，並藉由媒體塑造有利於本國的輿論環境，推動外交關係的發展。 五、設計推動公眾外交的跨部門協調機制：公眾外交涵蓋資訊、文化、教育等領域，有賴不同機關協力合作，但不同機關基於本位思考，難免意見相左，因此有必要設計一個跨部門的協調機制。 六、突發事件中之公眾外交，在於盡快提供正確的資訊：當突發事件發生時，由於資訊不明，國內外民眾詮釋危機訊息時，經常各自表述，公眾外交必須盡快提供正確的資訊，積極掌控全盤。 七、體育外交係較為國際社會所能接受之公眾外交活動：體育被譽為「世界通用語言」，可以讓不同血統、背景、宗教信仰和經濟狀況的各國人民共聚一堂，互相學習、瞭解、欣賞不同文化。 八、國民素質、文化活動、消費產品及對國際社會之貢獻係塑造國家形象之關鍵：公眾外交重要的目標就是形塑良好的國家形象。從研究分析形塑國家形象經驗中，了解塑造國家形象關鍵在於注重國民素質之培養、善用文化活動、提高消費產品信譽，以及對國外民眾做出實質貢獻，建立休戚與共與互惠關係。 / The research is aimed at studying ideology, institution, cultural exchanges, international communication of public diplomacy in Mainland China and Taiwan. After analyzing the relevant policies, official literature, news releases, and publications, I come up with the following research findings: First, internet technology is an efficient instrument of public diplomacy to cope with boundless environment. In the face of ever-changing global and democratic environment equipped with information technology, a government should make the most of internet technology to deal with real-time challenges transcending national borders. Second, a government may sponsor non-governmental organizations to implement public diplomacy. Non-governmental organizations (NGOs) attach great importance on their independence, non-profit programs and expertise. Moreover, by means of various and lively activities, NGOs establish close relations with the public, and thus are more trusted by the public than governments. In this context, a government may sponsor NGOs to launch public diplomacy and will bring about lasting effects. Third, a message to be delivered should meet the needs of the target audience. A message should be clear to the receiver and framed from the receiver’s point of view. Besides, to attract the target audience’s attention, the message should be delivered in a novice manner. Most importantly, the message will be perceived by both the sender and the receiver in the same way. Fourth, public diplomacy targets research organizations and the media to construct public opinion. As the majority of the public pay attention to the suggestions and advice from research organizations and the media, research organizations and the media can exert deep influences on the social elite and the public. As a result, a government always teams up with such research organizations as think tanks, foundations and universities to advocate certain issues or policies. Meanwhile, favorable public opinion will be built through the assistance of the media to develop foreign relations. Fifth, an inter-agency coordinating mechanism should be designed. Related with various aspects like information, culture and education, public diplomacy depends on relevant agencies to work hand in hand. However, given that different agencies surely have conflicting opinions, it is necessary to design an inter-agency coordinating mechanism. Sixth, timely leading public opinion is a key to dealing with unexpected events. As unclear or confusing information is rampant in an unexpected event, people at home and abroad are likely to make their own interpretation. A government should release accurate information as soon as possible to dominate the whole situation. Seventh, sports diplomacy is the most well received activity of public diplomacy. Dubbed the world’s common language, sports can bring all kinds of peoples together regardless of race, background, religion, and economic status and learn from each other. Eighth, national overall quality, cultural activities, consumer products, and contributions to the international community play a vital role in building a national image. Successfully building a national image lies in improving the national overall quality, making the most of cultural activities, enhancing the credibility of consumer products, and establishing mutually beneficial relations with the people abroad.

軟權力等同一國之「吸引力」，Joseph S. Nye, Jr.解釋這種吸引力作為無形的概念，當雙方共用「共通價值」或責任義務，並使他方支持或願意為這些價值努力時，則謂軟權力發揮了作用。Nye更進一步談到，一國外交政策可透過合法性（legitimacy）與道德權威（moral authority）來展現軟權力，合法性意指為制度，而道德權威為一國外交手段與風格予以人的觀感。本文以Nye提出的軟權力定義，並從外交政策的角度研究冷戰後中國對東協如何運用軟權力、其目的為何、細節性的實踐內涵、以及中國軟權力得到怎樣的回饋與效果。 事實上，中國對軟權力的定義受到冷戰時期與東協交往經驗影響，與Nye的定義有所出入。中國認為即使拉攏東協的手段多偏向物質性的貿易投資、金援等合作方式，但是「互利」既為中國與東協雙方皆提倡的「共通價值」，則今日東協的民調或官員呈現的好感，亦可謂中國對東協運用之軟權力發生了作用。尤其中國在冷戰後江澤民、胡錦濤兩位領導人對東協積極提倡「新安全觀」、「和諧世界」等政策，呈現了中國展現其軟權力以追求崛起目標的戰略意圖，並且在國際組織的參與、國際法與聯合聲明的簽訂、公共與公民外交、東亞金融風暴等東協政經危機應對上給予東協即時的支持與協助，令東協與中國於冷戰後呈現未曾的友好關係，中國對東協運用軟權力其努力與成果可見一般。 然而中國對東協這樣仍深度建立在物質往來的軟權力，其未來發展亦受到本文從Nye提出無形的軟權力觀點進行檢視。本文提出中國軟權力應摒棄軟權力全然建立在硬權力之上的謬思，加強與東協的理念對話，並進一步發展一套能為國際社會廣泛認同之政治價值或規範，以此中國對東協軟權力或中國整體的軟權力才有化停滯為前進的動力。 / Soft Power is an attractive power of one state. Joseph S. Nye, Jr. explains the attraction as an invisible concept which makes both sides enjoy the “shared value,” and push one party to go along with the other’s purpose, then, the soft power is functional. Moreover, soft power can perform through its benign foreign policies when they seen as legitimate and having moral authority. Legitimacy means the institutions, and moral authority indicates the impression stirred by the tactics or the styles of foreign policies. This study adopts Nye’s soft power hypothesis as a framework to research the way China operates its soft power toward ASEAN, and the ultimate goal and effects it hopes to reach. In fact, China’s soft power is affected by the experiences engaging with ASEAN during the Cold War. China manipulates its practical trades, functional aids, and investments, and it also uses the mutual benefits as a token to form the “shared value” with ASEAN, that time, the soft power works automatically. Still other relevant evidences present as announcement from China’s leaders toward ASEAN, memberships in international organizations, obedience to international laws, aids on public and civil diplomacy, and well-known help to 1997 East Asia financial storm, etc. All of these proper supports lead to ASEAN’s appreciation, and reflect china’s soft power has gained the harvest. Even though China’s soft power toward ASEAN makes its own sense by now, in the long run, China’s soft power may sap due to its deviation from Nye’s definition. This study concludes that China should banish the fallacy which soft power completely roots in the foundation of hard power, and should improve the communication with ASEAN, then should develop its universal political values confirmed by the international society at last. Only in that approach can transform its soft power into a whole new tool, and can step forward to the next era.

當全世界風起雲湧將目光投注中共自2004年開始建置之「孔子學院」佈局全球，甚至引發新一波中國「文化威脅論」之際，中共另一「軟實力」（Soft Power）卻正悄悄崛起，其受中共國家領導人重視程度較「孔子學院」有過之而無不及，定位與位階也遠遠高於「孔子學院」之上，那是直屬中國文化部之海外「中國文化中心」。 　　中共於海外設立「中國文化中心」是其整體文化「走出去」戰略實踐方案之一，具有因應國際背景與現實需求、提高國家文化地位、擴大對外影響力與軟實力、以及加深中西文明對話與認同的目的；而在海外設立文化中心是二戰之後全球主要強權國家普遍採用的文化「走出去」戰略，是其推廣本國文化、傳播思想價值、樹立國家形象的重要方式，也是提升國家軟實力重要平臺。 　　在中共30年傲人的經濟發展下，自江澤民於1988年在非洲模里西斯及貝寧設立海外「中國文化中心」開始，目前已在全球建成30個海外「中國文化中心」，預定在2020年達成建設50家的目標，確定從「經濟走出去」到「文化走出去」之戰略布局。近年來，隨著中國國際地位和影響力的迅速提升，海外「中國文化中心」的發展來到前所未有的機遇；惟全球設立家數與主要強權如法國、英國、德國等，仍有相當差距且分布不均，未來中共如何運用中國綜合國力及落實提高國家軟實力，明確制定宏觀總體戰略布局以展現全球文化「魅力攻勢」有其迫切性與挑戰性。 / When the world pays more attention to the Confucius Institute, which has been built by the Chinese Communist Party since 2004, even sparked a new wave of culture threat theory, the other soft power of the Chinese Communist Party is quietly rising. That is the Overseas China Cultural Center, which is affiliated with the Ministry of Culture of the People's Republic of China. It is not only highly valued by the leaders of the CCP than the Confucius Institute, but also has a much higher position and rank than the Confucius Institute. 　　The Overseas China Cultural Center is one of the practices of its comprehensive culture going out strategy by the Chinese Communist Party. It has the purpose of improving the national cultural status, expanding its influence and soft power in response to the international affairs and realistic needs, and deepening the dialogue and identity between Chinese and Western civilizations. The establishment of the Cultural Center abroad is a major policy of culture going out strategy between great powers around the world after World War II. It is an important approach to promote national culture, disseminate ideological value and establish a national image. It is also an important platform to enhance national soft power. 　　In the 30 years of economic development of the Chinese Communist Party, President Jiang Zemin has set up the first overseas China Cultural Center in the Republic of Mauritius and the Republic of Benin in 1988. So far, it has been built 30 Cultural Centers in the world. China Cultural Center is also scheduled to reach 50 targets by 2020. The layout of going out strategy was transitioned from economy to culture. In recent years, with the rapid advancement of China's international status and influence, the development of overseas China cultural center has come to unprecedented opportunities. However, there is still a considerable gap in the number of centers with great powers, such as France, the United Kingdom, and Germany, etc. How can the Chinese Communist Party employ its comprehensive national strength and implement the national soft power in the future, and it is urgent and challenging to formulate the overall strategic layout to demonstrate the global cultural charm offensive.