冷戰結束後，朝鮮半島依舊是東北亞區域勢力的交會點，區內相關國家始終沒有放棄在該區的利益。在2002年北韓核武危機嚴重影響東北亞的和平與穩定。中國從中協調舉辦了「三方會談」及六輪「六方會談」，與東北亞相關國家尋求和平解決對安全的憂慮，令北韓放棄核武計劃。在會談中，中國所扮演的關鍵角色令人關注。 本論文透過回顧中國在六方會談與北韓核武危機中扮演的角色，探討中國的戰略和分析其他參與國對中國的評估。隨著中國國力的相對崛起，中國在北韓核武危機與六方會談中發揮了至關重要的影響力。中國的東北亞政策採用現實主義的路線，維護北韓政權的存續，亦同時保障中國的安全利益﹔藉由主導六方會談去穩固區域現狀，以強化區域領導者角色，符合其最大的國家利益。 / After the Cold War, the conflicts on the Korean Peninsula still remain unsolvable over half century, the related countries have not given up its interests in the Northeast Asia region. In 2002, North Korea nuclear crisis has brought up the serious security concern to the Northeast Asia. China has organized "Trilateral Talks" and "Six-Party Talks", hoping to find a peaceful solution through mediation. China had played a key role in the Talks. This paper aims to explore and analyze the role and strategies of China in Six-Party Talks. China, as host of the Six-Party alks, played a vital role and had been engaged in more active diplomacy to defuse this crisis, leading its growing influence in the Northeast Asia. China has the potential both to guarantee North Korea's security, and to impose and enforce a denuclearization agreement. The role of China in the Six-Party Talk is to eliminate the North Korea nuclear capability, stable the status quo in the Korean Peninsula and strengthen its influence in the Northeast Asia region.

Have you ever listened to a speech, seriously attempted to discern the speaker’s message, then realize you have forgotten most of, if not, the entire message moments after the speech is finished? Far too often audiences sit through a presentation focusing as best as they can, only to have the speaker craft a message in a way that is nearly impossible for the audience to remember. The best speakers not only deliver a memorable message, but also one that inspires their audience to action or change of mindset. Speakers at Ted Conferences are faced with a difficult challenge: they are given roughly 20 minutes to deliver a speech that is both unforgettable and inspiring. This thesis will examine how to craft speeches that are both memorable and inspiring.

The goal of this thesis is to advance the use of recurrent neural network language models (RNNLMs) for large vocabulary continuous speech recognition (LVCSR). RNNLMs are currently state-of-the-art and shown to consistently reduce the word error rates (WERs) of LVCSR tasks when compared to other language models. In this thesis we propose various advances to RNNLMs. The advances are: improved learning procedures for RNNLMs, enhancing the context, and adaptation of RNNLMs. We learned better parameters by a novel pre-training approach and enhanced the context using prosody and syntactic features. We present a pre-training method for RNNLMs, in which the output weights of a feed-forward neural network language model (NNLM) are shared with the RNNLM. This is accomplished by first fine-tuning the weights of the NNLM, which are then used to initialise the output weights of an RNNLM with the same number of hidden units. To investigate the effectiveness of the proposed pre-training method, we have carried out text-based experiments on the Penn Treebank Wall Street Journal data, and ASR experiments on the TED lectures data. Across the experiments, we observe small but significant improvements in perplexity (PPL) and ASR WER. Next, we present unsupervised adaptation of RNNLMs. We adapted the RNNLMs to a target domain (topic or genre or television programme (show)) at test time using ASR transcripts from first pass recognition. We investigated two approaches to adapt the RNNLMs. In the first approach the forward propagating hidden activations are scaled - learning hidden unit contributions (LHUC). In the second approach we adapt all parameters of RNNLM.We evaluated the adapted RNNLMs by showing the WERs on multi genre broadcast speech data. We observe small (on an average 0.1% absolute) but significant improvements in WER compared to a strong unadapted RNNLM model. Finally, we present the context-enhancement of RNNLMs using prosody and syntactic features. The prosody features were computed from the acoustics of the context words and the syntactic features were from the surface form of the words in the context. We trained the RNNLMs with word duration, pause duration, final phone duration, syllable duration, syllable F0, part-of-speech tag and Combinatory Categorial Grammar (CCG) supertag features. The proposed context-enhanced RNNLMs were evaluated by reporting PPL and WER on two speech recognition tasks, Switchboard and TED lectures. We observed substantial improvements in PPL (5% to 15% relative) and small but significant improvements in WER (0.1% to 0.5% absolute).

The thesis introduces the Juche ideology and examines its impact on the North Korean regime. The main objective is to evaluate the role of the DPRK in the system of international relations, with regard to the Juche ideology. Due to the fact that in the DPRK and the mutual relations with other countries, it is very difficult to find a direct link with the ideas of proclaimed ideology, the main characteristics for a given pair of countries is emphasised. Mutual relations with five countries, which are articipating in the six-party talks with DPRK(the disarmament process is discussed in a separate section of thesis) are commented on. The role of the European Union is mentioned, because in the future, the EU could happen for several reasons, an important partner for the DPRK.

The thesis deals with the Six-Party Talks on North Korean nuclear program between the U.S., the People's Republic of China, the Russian Federation, Japan, the Republic of Korea, and the Democratic People's Republic of Korea. In the first part the theoretical bases -- multilateralism and the non-proliferation regime - are presented. In the second part the situation in North Korea is being analyzed with respect to the political regime of the country and to its nuclear program. In the last part the most important diplomatic initiatives aimed at dismantling North Korean nuclear sites are being presented with emphasis being put on the Six-Party Talks. In the conclusion of the thesis a change of the approach towards North Korea is proposed with regard to the change of the priorities that could lead to more successful diplomatic negotiations in the future.

Läroplanen, Lgr 11, vilar på en sociokulturell syn på lärande där lärande genom interaktion och kommunikation är en naturlig del. Kommunikationens men också de matematiska resonemangens betydelse för elevers matematiklärande råder samstämmighet kring inom forskningen. En viktig del i att skapa givande samtal är lärares frågor. Syftet med studien är att undersöka vilka slags frågor matematiklärare använder sig av vid problemlösningslektioner och i vilken uträckning frågorna leder till så kallade utforskande samtal. Undersökningen genomfördes genom strukturerade observationer via ett egenkonstruerat analysverktyg utifrån teorier om olika slags frågor och utforskande samtal. Studien visar att de vanligast förekommande frågorna är de som gäller fakta eller procedur och att de utforskande samtalen är sparsamt förekommande. Vidare synliggörs att det finns stora skillnader lärare emellan gällande vilka frågor som ställs och vad de ger upphov till samt att förekomsten av både frågor som uppmuntrar till resonemang och utforskande interaktion är vanligare vid grupparbete än i helklassinteraktion. Dominansen av fakta och procedurfrågor visar att traditionella frågemönster består, även om en förändring eventuellt kan skönjas. Studien har gett en inblick i förekommande frågor vid matematikundervisning samt huruvida de ger upphov till utforskande samtal. Därmed har kunskap skapats om elevernas möjlighet att kommunicera och resonera matematiskt med utgångspunkt i lärares frågor. Studien har även bidragit till att lärares frågor och hantering av elevsvar uppmärksammas, något som kan leda till att djupare matematiska diskussioner blir mer vanligt förekommande / The Swedish curriculum is grounded in a sociocultural view of learning where learning through interaction and communication comes naturally. Research unanimously emphasizes the role of communication and mathematical reasoning for students’ learning in mathematics. Teachers’ questions are important when creating fruitful discussions. The purpose of this study is therefore to examine what kind of questions mathematics teachers pose in problem-solving lessons and the extent to which the questions lead to so-called exploratory talks. The study was conducted through structured observations via a self-constructed analysis tool which was based on theories regarding questions and exploratory talks. The study shows that the most common questions are about facts or procedures and that exploratory talks sparsely occur. Furthermore, there are great differences between teachers regarding what kind of questions are asked and what kind of communication these generate. Questions that encourage reasoning and exploratory talks are more common in group work than in whole-class interaction. The domination of factual and procedure questions shows that traditional question-patterns persist, although a change may be discernible. The study has provided an insight into the kind of questions mathematics teachers pose in their teaching and whether they generate exploratory talks. Thus, knowledge has been created about students’ possibilities to communicate and reason mathematically based on teachers’ questions. In addition, this study has drawn attention to teachers’ questions and handling of students’ answers, which can lead to deeper mathematical discussions becoming more common.

Bakgrund: Andelen elever med problematisk skolfrånvaro ökar, och i takt med det ökar efterfrågan kring ökad kompetens hur skolan kan arbeta tillbaka dessa elever. I detta arbete är elevhälsans professioner och däribland skolsköterskans roll en viktig del. Skolsköterskan har genom sin yrkesroll kunskap om hälsa, hälsoproblematik samt fysisk och psykisk ohälsa. Syfte: Syfte är att beskriva skolsköterskors erfarenheter av att arbeta med elever som har problematisk skolfrånvaro. Metod: Datamaterialet insamlades genom enkät och sammanlagt 19 skolsköterskor besvarade frågeformuläret. En induktiv ansats valdes där datamaterialet analyserades med kvalitativ innehållsanalys. Resultat: Ur datamaterialet framträdde temat säkra en ömsesidig tillit, tre kategorier; anlitas som specialistkompetent, lättillgänglig och insatt i situationen, samordnande länk samt sex underkategorier. Slutsats: Skolsköterskorna upplever att de sällan är delaktiga, varken i det förebyggande eller i det direkta arbetet, med elever som har en problematisk skolfrånvaro utöver att de informeras via elevhälsoteamet. Skolsköterskor är delaktiga i arbetet om det föreligger fysisk eller psykisk orsak till frånvaron. / Background: The proportion of students with problematic school absenteeism is increasing, and in step with this, the demand for increased competence is increasing as to how the school can work back these students. In this work, the student health professions, including the role of the school nurse, are an important part. Aim: Aim is to describe school nurses´ experiences of working with students who have problematic school absence. Method: The data material was collected through a survey and 19 school nurses answered the questionnaire. An inductive approach was chosen where the data material was analyzed with qualitative content analysis. Results: From the data material, the theme of securing mutual trust emerged, three categories; hired as a specialist competence, easily accessible and familiar with the situation, coordinating link and six subcategories. Conclusion: The school nurses experience that they are rarely involved, neither in the prevention nor in the direct work, with students who have a problematic school absence in addition to being informed via the student health team. School nurses are involved in the work if there is a physical or mental reason for the absence.

The main aim of this diploma thesis is to evaluate the attitude of Justice and Development party (AKP) towards the European Union (EU). Moravcsik's Theory of Liberal Intergovernmentalism (LI) is used in the thesis for the evaluation. The thesis is divided into four main parts. The first chapter introduces two main theoretical attitudes which deal with process of EU enlargement. These two main approaches are Rational and Constructivist theoretical schools. The basic arguments of these two attitudes are used in several different particular theories. The first theoretical chapter is concluded by empirical limitations of constructivist approach in a case of the Eastern Enlargement. The second chapter is devoted to methodology. It justifies selection of the LI theory as well as selects main dependent and independent variables. Two other chapters pursue empirical part of the thesis while they reflect the logic of the LI theory. The empirical chapter focuses on Turkish domestic politics, especially on the AKP's position within this sphere. Rational behavior of AKP representatives is evaluated in the very first part of this chapter. Two other subchapters are devoted to the interconnection among the AKP and Turkish business interest groups and Turkish public opinion as well as their stance towards the EU....

This Master thesis deals with the Sino-American cooperation during the Six-Party Talks between 2003 and 2009 and it aims to analyze both the main interests and objectives, with which the US and China came in the negotiations, and the problematic issues between the US and China, most critically complicating a progress in the negotiations. Although both countries cordially declared common interest in denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula, their real order of priorities within the Talks greatly differed. Contrary to the United States, China prioritized stability of the region to its denuclearization and was trying very hard to moderate the harsh US approach towards the DPRK's nuclear activities. In this way, it was, however, practically impossible to effectively force the North to abandon its nuclear program, which was something unconditionally demanded by the United States. What is more, the long-lasting political and strategic alliance between Beijing and Pyongyang considerably complicated the problem. In consequence, any statements or resolutions, which were adopted during the Talks, lacked sufficient strength and did not force North Korea to start dismantlement of its nuclear program. Thus, the US-China cooperation was not very fruitful. Based on these findings, the thesis concludes that the...

[pt] Esta pesquisa aborda a questão da inclusão nas negociações de paz de um ângulo diferente daquele normalmente empregado pela literatura de Estudos sobre Paz e Conflitos (PCS). Este tema vem ganhando cada vez mais atenção nas últimas décadas: embora por muito tempo tenha sido visto apenas como uma fonte de perturbação no caminho de acordos políticos, a inclusão da sociedade está lentamente sendo aceita como uma perturbação necessária à construção de acordos legítimos e de uma paz duradoura. O desconforto que motiva esta investigação decorre da frequente despolitização e instrumentalização da inclusão no contexto da negociação e mediação da paz. A inclusão é muitas vezes tratada como uma entidade benigna que visa cultivar a legitimidade de um novo sistema político, enquanto sua natureza política inerente – as articulações políticas, disputas e exclusões que envolve – recebem pouca atenção. A literatura tende, portanto, a tratar tanto o processo de paz como o sistema político em negociação como um dado, neutralizando as disputas e exclusões que se renovam ou se criam pela reinvenção política envolvida em um processo de paz. Essa discussão não é de forma alguma dispensável se se quiser refletir sobre a construção da paz e a prevenção de conflitos em longo prazo, ou mesmo sobre a inclusão política em geral e a atual crise vivida pela democracia representativa. No esforço de politizar essa discussão, a tese disseca a ideia de inclusão nos processos de paz, analisando-a pelas lentes conceituais da representação política. Ao contrário de nossa tendência contemporânea de considerar a representação apenas o produto pontual de eleições periódicas, aqui o conceito é tomado em uma interpretação crítica e ampliada, considerada no contexto de seus dilemas atuais e sua relação complexa com a participação política, particularmente à luz da teoria democrática feminista. Além das eleições e da autorização formal, a pesquisa considera a representação política possível e presente em situações diferentes dos ambientes institucionalizados usuais, tais como as negociações de paz. Uma dupla estratégia é buscada para enfrentar esse desconforto: uma, uma discussão teórica da literatura existente sobre inclusão, que é relida por meio de sua interpretação como questão de representação política; e a segunda, uma observação empírica desse debate no contexto do caso colombiano, mais especificamente o papel das mulheres nos diálogos de Havana entre o governo e as FARC-EP (2012-2016). Esta parte se baseia na documentação disponível (declarações e relatórios oficiais, acordos de paz, material da mídia, relatórios da sociedade civil) e em um trabalho de campo realizado em Bogotá em novembro de 2018. / [en] This research approaches the issue of inclusion in peace negotiations from a different angle than the one(s) usually employed by the Peace and Conflict Studies (PCS) literature. This topic has been gaining increasing attention over the last few decades: while, for a long time, it was seen solely as a source of disturbance in the way of achieving political settlement, including societies is slowly becoming accepted as a necessary disturbance in the construction of legitimate agreements and durable peace. The discomfort that motivates this investigation stems from the frequent depoliticization and instrumentalization of inclusion in the context of peace negotiation and mediation. Inclusion is often treated as a benign entity aimed at cultivating legitimacy for a new political system, while its inherent political nature – the political articulations, disputes and exclusions it involves – receive little attention. It tends, therefore, to treat both the peace process and the political system under negotiation as a given, neutralizing the disputes and exclusions that are renewed or created by the political reinvention involved in a peace process. This discussion is by no means dispensable if one wants to reflect on long-term peacebuilding and conflict prevention, or even on political inclusion in general and the current crisis experienced by representative democracy. In an effort to politicize this discussion, the dissertation dissects the idea of inclusion in peace processes by analyzing it through the conceptual lens of political representation. As opposed to our contemporary tendency of considering representation merely the punctual product of periodic elections, here the concept is taken in a critical and expanded interpretation, considered in the context of its current dilemmas and its complex relationship with political participation, particularly in light of feminist democratic theory. Beyond elections and formal authorization, the research considers political representation to be possible and present in situations other than usual institutionalized settings, such as peace negotiations. A twofold strategy is thus pursued in order to address this discomfort: one, a theoretical discussion of the existing literature on inclusion, which is re-read through its interpretation as a matter of political representation; and two, an empirical observation of this debate in the context of the Colombian case, more specifically the role of women in the Havana dialogues between the government and the FARC-EP (2012-2016). This part is based both on available documentation (official declarations and reports, the peace agreements, media material, civil society reports) and fieldwork conducted in Bogotá in November 2018.