No description available.

<p>EU:s utvidgning 2004 var den största enskilda utvidgningen i unionens historia då tio nya medlemsländer inkorporerades i den Europeiska unionen. Enligt artikel 49 i fördraget om Europeiska unionen kan varje europeisk stat som respekterar EU:s grundläggande demokratiska principer ansöka om medlemskap i unionen. Detta anlägger en viktig principiell fråga som är av stor vikt för utvidgningspolitiken. Tillhör Turkiet Europa? Denna typ av fråga framförs ofta i samband med utvidgningen av EU. Turkiet står på tur för medlemskap i unionen inom en snar framtid, men anses fortfarande vara ett kontroversiellt land då många bedömare inte anser att Turkiet ligger i Europa.</p><p>Mitt syfte har varit att studera politiska dokument författade av Europeiska kommissionen, avseende Turkiet som ansökarland. En textanalys med starka influenser av kritisk diskursanalys har använts som metod för att analysera den bild av Turkiet som framkommer i texterna. Därigenom har jag undersökt de olika diskurser som framkommer i dokumenten och således granskat EU:s syn på Turkiet som ansökarland.</p><p>Medlemskap i unionen uppnås genom att uppfylla Köpenhamnskriterierna, det vill säga det politiska kriteriet, det ekonomiska kriteriet och det administrativa kriteriet. Mitt fokus i uppsatsen har legat på det politiska kriteriet av integrationsprocessen då det anses vara det största hindret för ett Turkiskt medlemskap. Även andra integrationsaspekter på medlemskapet har undersökts då Turkiet beskrivs som en komplex stat, med stora olikheter jämförelsevis med staterna från tidigare utvidgningar. Exempel på integrationsfrågor som behandlas i uppsatsen är ; Det fjärde informella kriteriet, jordbruk och regionalstöd samt Cypernkonflikten.</p>

<p><strong>This paper explains the position of the principle of transparency in the EU up to the year 2010. (Including the changes made by the Lisbon treaty.)</strong></p><p>The question to answer is: how could transparency develop into a general principle without being mentioned explicitly in the legislation? It was also out to try to see what the future of transparency might look like.</p><p>In the conclusion it was found that openness and transparency was not something fixed, but an evolving concept. If it was encoded into a single written principle, it could hamper the institutions‟ adaptation to the developing case-law. In the end I concluded that with will and trust, transparency could continue to grow in the future.</p>

<p>The aim of this study is to describe and analyze how the European union relates to the different dimensions of abortion. What kind of problem is abortion and whose right is it? Does difference framings of the problem enable different solutions?</p><p>By analyzing debates from the European parliament through Carol Lee Bacchis method “What’s the problem approach” I have come to see that different representations of a problem changes the problem it self. This emphasis that a problem is a problem in one context, but not in an other.</p><p>Depending on the work of, among others, Barbara Hobson and Ailbhe Smyth I have focused upon the European union as a economical project, leaving social issues to national competence. This makes the EU a patriarchal project that fails to guarantee women’s rights. By not being able to assure women the right of abortion, the women of Europe is treated as second class citizens.</p><p>Through the eyes of the European union my material has shown that abortion is not only a conflict between the woman’s right to choose and the child’s right to live, but also a conflict of democracy. National sovereignty is challenged by a European citizenship of women.</p><p>The right to information and the right to freedom of movement within the EU puts the European question of abortion in a new focus. By framing the problem of abortion as a problem of mobility it enables a way of placing women’s right in the free market system. A Europe that allows women to choose where to perform an abortion, and also provide them with information on contraceptives and the morning-after pill, is a Europe that falls within the idea of the EU as a economical project.</p>

<p>The aim of this master thesis was to examine the European Commission's information resources from a user perspective in order to clarify the needs and circumstances of the search of EU-information among students at Örebro University. 41 students participated in a survey, and four of them was interviewed. On the basis of Pendelton- and Chatmans theories of information behaviour in small worlds, it were assumed that the students' education and citizenship in the European Union affected their needs and the search of EU information.</p><p>The study showed that the students needs for EU-related information has increased, with the current education, but also been linked to earlier educations. The students Citizens need were mainly associated with elections such as the EMU-election, but also in some cases to a need of the general knowledge.</p><p>A review of the European Commission's information resources were made with an emphasis on European Documentation Centre, EDC. The survey showed that most students used the EDC and the EU-databases that was made available by the European Commission through the EDC and the university library but were not aware that they used EDC.</p><p>The survey also showed that students made use of familiar sources and resources when they searched the EU-information, such as the library's regular database list, the library catalogue and search engine on the internet are not requested of other resources. In line with Pendelton and Chatmans's theory the students did not seek information if it was not consider necessary.</p>

<p>This thesis contains (1) a discussion of theory and methods in the contemporary analysis of political ideas (chap II), (2) a framework for the study of decision-making in the field of foreign policy, and (3) an application of the framework to the discussions about the dissolution of the Union between Sweden and Norway in 1905. The subject-matter has been treated in the form of a comparative study of Swedish and Norwegian discussions, as they can be followed in newpaper articles, pamphlets, and records of parliamentary sessions and party meetings. I have also drawn upon a considerable amount of private materials (diaries, minutes and memoranda).</p>

<p>Copied from the mimeographed version, issued by the Statsvetenskapliga institutionen in 1994, ISBN 91-506-1030-9, which in its turn was copied from the 1966 original in the Skytteanum archive.</p><p>The investigation analyses the Swedish public debate in newspapers, booklets and pamphlets on Norways secession from the union with Sweden in 1905. In the first part covering the period from February till June 7, Norway´s strategy is at the centre of attention. After the Norwegian break-out on June 7, Swedish reactions to the secession are clarified. Above all, the right-wing nationalistic agitation is analysed. While targeted at the Norwegian secessionists, it was also directed at the allegedly unpatriotic Swedish left-radicalism as well; the argumentation of the latter was debunked as repulsive courting of and loathesome ovations for the Norwegian revolutionaries.</p><p>One line of argument in the dissertation is that Swedish right-wing parties and parliamentarians were motivated by an internal domestic agenda. They were using the union issue to agitate a Swedish nationalistic opinion wave against Norway in order to beat the left in the upcoming elections in order to stop a development towards universal suffrage and progressive income tax.</p>

This thesis contains (1) a discussion of theory and methods in the contemporary analysis of political ideas (chap II), (2) a framework for the study of decision-making in the field of foreign policy, and (3) an application of the framework to the discussions about the dissolution of the Union between Sweden and Norway in 1905. The subject-matter has been treated in the form of a comparative study of Swedish and Norwegian discussions, as they can be followed in newpaper articles, pamphlets, and records of parliamentary sessions and party meetings. I have also drawn upon a considerable amount of private materials (diaries, minutes and memoranda).

The aim of this study is to describe and analyze how the European union relates to the different dimensions of abortion. What kind of problem is abortion and whose right is it? Does difference framings of the problem enable different solutions? By analyzing debates from the European parliament through Carol Lee Bacchis method “What’s the problem approach” I have come to see that different representations of a problem changes the problem it self. This emphasis that a problem is a problem in one context, but not in an other. Depending on the work of, among others, Barbara Hobson and Ailbhe Smyth I have focused upon the European union as a economical project, leaving social issues to national competence. This makes the EU a patriarchal project that fails to guarantee women’s rights. By not being able to assure women the right of abortion, the women of Europe is treated as second class citizens. Through the eyes of the European union my material has shown that abortion is not only a conflict between the woman’s right to choose and the child’s right to live, but also a conflict of democracy. National sovereignty is challenged by a European citizenship of women. The right to information and the right to freedom of movement within the EU puts the European question of abortion in a new focus. By framing the problem of abortion as a problem of mobility it enables a way of placing women’s right in the free market system. A Europe that allows women to choose where to perform an abortion, and also provide them with information on contraceptives and the morning-after pill, is a Europe that falls within the idea of the EU as a economical project.

The purpose of this study is to investigate differences of how the Swedishemployees union “Unionen” communicates with its members, on one hand thosewho are members of local union clubs and on the other non-club members. Thenumber of non-club members has increased due to labour market changes implyingthat workplaces have been fragmented and hence affect the possibility to form localunion clubs.The questions posed in the study are: How does Unionen communicate with itsmembers? How does the communication differ between club members and non-clubmembers? What are the preferences of Unionen´s members as far as communicationwith the central organization? What kind of information do the members seek andhow do they find it? What values does Unionen represent? Are there differencesbetween the messages that Unionen is sends out and how members and non-clubmembers, respectively, perceive them?A case study method has been used applying both quantitative and qualitativeanalyses. Quantitative methods have been used in illustrating the number ofdiscussion subjects at Unionen´s website, the members needs for receivingcommunication and channel usage while qualitative methodologies have been usedin interviews with Unionen´s members, club chairmen and union representatives aswell as semiotic picture analyses and analyses based on methods of Uses andgratifications theory.One conclusion of the study is that two significant differences of communicationhave been found between members and non-club members. The club chairmen saythat they have less communication with non-club members and the non-clubmembers’ claim that Unionen´s messages are more biased. A second conclusion isthat there is a difference in the preferred choice of communication channels. Themembers suggest that e-mail, the member magazine and verbal communication workbest while “Unionen” put a lot of its faith in electronic channels, such as web-sites.A third conclusion is that members request more locally relevant information andthat they see the Unionen´s communication as too general, creating muchuncertainty of the objectives of “Unionen´s” communication