Nel presente lavoro vengono indagati gli aspetti politici della teologia di Friedrich Gogarten durante l’arco temporale della Repubblica di Weimar. La ricerca si propone due obiettivi fondamentali. In primo luogo, in essa si vuole dimostrare la presenza di una discontinuità all’interno della teologia politica di Gogarten, i cui noti esiti conservatori e vicini al nazismo durante gli ultimi anni della repubblica vengono generalmente considerati dalla critica come impliciti nel suo pensiero precedente. Un’analisi dettagliata della produzione di Gogarten, condotta con un’attenzione particolare al contesto storico-culturale, mostrerà che il suo pensiero politico fino al biennio ‘27/’28 presenta, al contrario, elementi critici nei confronti di un pensiero politico autoritario e dell’ideologia delle nuove destre, ai quali si avvicinerà solo successivamente. Il secondo obiettivo è quello di rinvenire le cause di questa evoluzione del suo pensiero. L’ipotesi di questa ricerca è che essa sia maturata sul terreno dei rapporti di Gogarten con la Chiesa Luterana della Turingia, e che le idee conservatrici inizialmente abbracciate dal teologo in questo ambito lo abbiano spinto a sviluppare una visione sempre più reazionaria della politica e della società durante gli ultimi problematici anni della Repubblica di Weimar. / This work examines the political aspects of Friedrich Gogarten’s theology during the time span of the Weimar Republic. The research seeks two fundamental goals. In the first place, it aims at demonstrating the discontinuity within Gogarten’s political theology, whose well-known conservative outcomes, close to Nazism, in the last years of the republic are generally considered by scholarship as implicit in his earlier thought. An in-depth analysis of Gogarten’s production, with particular attention to the socio-cultural context, will rather show that until the two-year period ‘27/’28 his political thought presents critical elements against authoritarian political power and new right-wing ideologies, that he will embrace only later. The second aim is to find the causes of this evolution of his thought. The research hypothesis is that it matured on the ground of Gogarten’s relationship with the Lutheran church of Thuringia. The conservative ideas first embraced by the theologian brought him to develop an increasingly reactionary vision of politics and society during the last problematic years of the Weimar Republic.

Notre thèse étudie la position et la fonction qu’occupa le philosophe Erich Rothacker (1888-1965) dans le champ philosophique et scientifique allemand de son temps. Elle retrace l’évolution de sa politique intellectuelle de la République de Weimar à l’après-guerre, évolution qu’il faut lire comme un processus de redéfinition de son historisme conservateur face aux contextes historiques successifs. Tandis que son activité sous la République de Weimar fut guidée par sa volonté d’imposer un paradigme d’historisme polémique et idéologisé, l’avènement du national-socialisme l’a conduit, après une phase d’étroite adhésion, à redéfinir cet historisme, qui devint progressivement (et non sans quelques ambiguïtés) un simple paradigme épistémologique désidéologisé. C’est au terme de cette évolution que Rothacker put influencer dans l’après-guerre la réflexion de certains de ses étudiants devenus par la suite célèbres, tels Jürgen Habermas, Karl-Otto Apel et Hermann Schmitz. Outre qu’elle répond à plusieurs questions jusqu’à présent en suspens dans la littérature secondaire sur Rothacker (relatives à son rapport au nazisme, ou encore au rôle – éminent mais paradoxal – qu’il joua au sein du champ théorique de son temps), notre étude de sa politique intellectuelle met ainsi en évidence deux phénomènes qui dépassent le cadre de son analyse stricto sensu : le mouvement – commun à plusieurs penseurs – de radicalisation puis de déradicalisation du conservatisme intellectuel allemand au cours du 20ème siècle, et l’existence d’une ligne de continuité souterraine de la pensée historiste dans l’Allemagne de l’après-guerre en dépit de l’ostracisme dont cette tradition faisait alors l’objet. / Our dissertation investigates the position in, and function of, the german philosopher Erich Rothacker (1888-1965) within the philosophical and scientific fields of his time. It traces the developments in Rothacker’s intellectual politics from the Weimar Republic into the post-war world – a development that can be interpreted as a process of redefining his conservative historicism within the framework of changing historical contexts. While his work was guided by the aim of promoting a polemic and ideologised paradigm of historicism at the time of the Weimar Republic, Rothacker, faced with the national-socialist regime, subsequently redefined this historicism after a period of enthusiastic endorsement with the National-Socialists. Rothacker’s historicism thus gradually developed (though not without remnants of ambiguity) into a purely epistemological paradigm, stripped of all ideology. As a consequence of this development Rothacker succeeded in the post-war era in influencing the thought of several of his students who were to become well-known intellectual figures, such as Jürgen Habermas, Karl-Otto Apel and Hermann Schmitz. Besides offering answers to some questions concerning Rothacker that remain unanswered in critical discourse to this day – such as his relationship to Nazism, or his role within the theoretical field of his time – our analysis provides a picture of two phenomena transcending Rothacker’s own person: the deradicalization of German intellectual conservatism in the course of the twentieth century, and the persistence of historicist thought in post-war Germany despite the ostracism that this tradition was subjected to in the decades following the war.

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The Political Thought of Karl Jaspers - Abstract The aim of the dissertation was to interpret the thinking of Karl Jaspers as an endeavour to clarify the connecting lines between the basic characteristics of human being and its historical and political dimensions. In the book we reconstructed Jaspers' spiritual development from systematic-theoretical research to the engagement of a public intellectual. As his main legacy are shown the importance of the inseparability, of a mutual cultivation and prove of philosophical foundation and historical being as well as exploration. Jaspers is presented as an important participant in the discussions about the problems of German society from the 1930s to the 1960s, whose contribution laid not in a philosophically "more abstract" analysing of problems, but in discovering that social and political being cannot do without philosophical self-reflection of man, of the structure of human existence and knowledge and of the principial values derived from it. In his confrontations with the situation of German culture, politics and society, Jaspers enriched the public debate by cultivating the philosophical and methodical consciousness. He emphasized the distinctions between the nature and instruments of the different spheres of human spirit (of sciences, religion, philosophy...

Rezension einer Studie von beinahe 1.200 Seiten Text und 300 Seiten bibliographischen und statistischen Anhang. Es werden über 100 Berufungsvorgänge im Fach Philosophie vom Ende des Ersten bis zum Ende des Zweiten Weltkrieges aus den Akten dargestellt. Die einigermaßen dröge Materie nötigt den Autor, des öfteren seinen Positivismus hervorzukehren und den Lesern zu versichern, hier würden zentrale historische Wissenslücken geschlossen. Was er von vornherein nicht beansprucht, ist ein Erkenntnisgewinn in philosophischer Hinsicht, es geht um historische Quellenaufbereitung und nicht um eine neue Form der philosophiehistorischen Wahrheit.

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[pt] Com o fim da II Guerra e a queda do III Reich, ganha ímpeto um ataque jusnaturalista ao positivismo jurídico sob o fundamento de que ele foi o pensamento jurídico predominante na Alemanha da República de Weimar e que continuou sendo durante o regime nazista. Desta forma, o positivismo teve responsabilidade tanto pela queda da república quanto pelo funcionamento genocida do regime de Hitler. Iniciando-se com um artigo de Gustav Radbruch, tais ataques prosseguiram nas vozes de diversos antipositivistas e neoconstitucionalistas como Fuller, Dworkin, Alexy e, mais recentemente, David Dyzenhaus, jurista com quem a presente tese procura debater. Contra estes argumentos, pretende-se aqui refutá-los a partir das categorias fantasmagoria e hostilidade, extraídas do pensamento político-jurídico de Thomas Hobbes. A primeira procura demonstrar que o pensamento jurídico nazista era calcado em uma forma transcendental e eseencialista de pensar, implicando uma concepção do direito como algo já dado e que deveria ser realizado. A segunda determinava que, para realizar esta fantasmagoria, a forma jurídica poderia ser completamente afastada, de modo que o regime nazista, na verdade, seria antipositivista. Com isto, tanto a partir da teoria de Hobbes quanto de exemplos históricos, a presente tese procura afastar tal mito sobre o positivismo, afirmando que, ao contrário, o pensamento jurídico nazista era mais próximo do jusnaturalismo, e que as teses antipositivistas e neoconstitucionalistas de abertura do direito à moral, ao contrário do que pretendem, podem acabar por fornecer meios de ascensão de regimes autoritários, de modo que uma interpretação formal do direito deve ser vista como mais adequada do que uma jurisprudência de princípios. / [en] With the end of World War II and the fall of the Third Reich, a jusnaturalist attack on legal positivism gained momentum on the ground that it was the predominant legal thought in the German Weimar Republic and continued to be so during the Nazi regime. In this way, positivism was responsible both for the fall of the republic and for the genocidal functioning of the Hitler regime. Starting with an article by Gustav Radbruch, such attacks continued in the voices of several antipositivists and neo-constitutionalists such as Fuller, Dworkin, Alexy and more recently David Dyzenhaus, a jurist whose arguments this thesis intends to debate. Against these arguments, the objective here is to refute them with the help of the concepts of phantasmagoria and hostility, extracted from the political-juridical thought of Thomas Hobbes. The first concept seeks to demonstrate that Nazi legal thinking was modeled on a transcendental and essentialist way, implying a conception of law as an a priori that should be realized. The second concept determined that in order to realize this phantasmagoria, the legal form could be completely removed. Thus, the Nazi regime, in fact, would be anti-positivist. Thereby, both with the help of Hobbes s theory and historical examples, this thesis aims to dispel such a myth about positivism, stating that, on the contrary, Nazi legal thought was closer to natural-law, and that the anti-positivist and neo-constitutionalist theses, contrary to what intend or claim, may ultimately provide help to authoritarian regimes seize power. Thus, a formalist law interpretation must be seen as more appropriate than an interpretation based on principles.

The aim of this thesis is to analyze the establishment and development of lectureships in the Swedish language in German universities during the first half of the 20th century. Building on earlier research about the role of language teaching abroad for public diplomacy, the study sees the lecturer as a part of both the the academic and political fields in Germany and Sweden. The establishment of and changes in the system of lectureships in Swedish 1906–1945 are explained through an analysis of the actors involved and of the assets allowing the actors to control both the establishment of lectureships and the appointment of lecturers in Germany. During the Weimar Republic a number of actors were involved in the establishment of the lectureships. They included academics with a scholarly interest in Scandinavian languages and old Norse,, the German state, which worked to promote the study of foreign countries and interna­tional academic mobility as a way of breaking German isolation after World War I, and the Swedish organization for the preservation of Swedishness abroad for which the teaching of Swed­ish abroad was a way of increasing the academic status of the language. After the National Social­ist takeover in 1933 the NSDAP and the Swedish foreign ministry also took an interest in the Swedish lectureships in Germany for propaganda purposes. The dissertation shows how a system for the appointment of Swedish lecturers to Germany was established through interaction between the actors. Central in this process were the control over economic assets, a social network which made recommendations of lecturers possible, and the control over communication between both the lecturers and universites and between the German and Swedish states. The study also shows that the uneven distribution of assets between German and Swedish actors resulted in an inferior position for the German state and organizations in relationship to their Swedish counterparts.