Jonathan Haidt's The Righteous Mind seeks to explain why it is difficult for liberals and conservatives to get along. His aim is not just explanatory but also prescriptive. Once we understand that the differences between disputants spring from distinct moral views held by equally sincere people, then we will no longer have reason for deep political animus. Conservatives and Liberals have distinct (although somewhat overlapping) moral views and they understand human nature differently. He claims that these differences are best understood by consulting an array of psychological studies, key genetic findings, and the theoretical underpinnings of sociobiology. After summarizing his arguments, we isolate and discuss the three most important and contentious issues in his book. We argue that although the project's motivation is noble and some of his findings are insightful, his key explanations, inferences, and prescriptions are wanting. We end by suggesting a way he could defend a weaker version of his view.

This thesis explores to what extent prostitution policy can influence human trafficking for sexual purposes. It questions if criminalization of prostitution and legalization of prostitution can result in different outcomes, interfering with sex trafficking. This research is conducted as a comparative case study where Sweden illustrates the criminalization of prostitution and the Netherlands legalization of prostitution.  This study will focus on three main theories to understand the complexity behind the issue and the background of the different policy designs. First, the three-pronged approach commonly used in trafficking legislation will be implemented as a framework to analyze the national action plans to combat human trafficking. Moreover, the prostitution policies will be explored from a sexual liberal and radical feminist perspective. The main findings are that both criminalization and legalization of prostitution affect the establishment of sex trafficking within the country. Sweden and the Netherlands share the aim of combatting human trafficking by implementing their prostitution policy. However, they disagree on how to do so effectively. The conclusion will suggest that both approaches can succeed if enough resources and funding are put towards the issue.

The aim of this study is to examine if the Liberals interpretation of freedom affects the political party's ability to implement reforms which helps to improve the power structure between women and men. The study focus on the Liberal’s gender policy to further examine how the policy reflects liberal values to first establish the Liberal’s liberal position. Furthermore that will provide a background for the Liberals gender policy arguments which will be examined through theories of liberty, policy management and feminism. By using a qualitative idea analysis, this study aims to first distinguish the ideas behind the Liberals gender policy, and then examine if the parties gender policy actually works towards improve the power structures between women and men. The results of this study shows that there is tension between the Liberals liberal position and the general gender policy goals, which the party is allegedly working towards. The results show that the tension stems from liberal values which inhibit the Liberals to implement reforms that provides an effective protection from the power structures which systematically penalizes women.

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This study examines the political career of Maurice Edwin "Moon" Landrieu from his election to the Louisiana legislature in 1960 to the end of his first term as mayor of New Orleans in 1974. Landrieu was a white southern liberal who vigorously supported the agenda of the civil rights movement. He succeeded in building an unprecedented coalition between liberal, middle-class whites and a large segment of the black community. As the 1970s unfolded, however, he found his coalition increasingly threatened not just by disgruntled white conservatives, which might be expected, but also by angry black radicals of the Black Panther Party. This study argues that Landrieu's firm commitment to opening up political and economic opportunity to all citizens enabled him to keep his progressive, biracial coalition together and to help pave the way for the 1978 election of Ernest "Dutch" Morial, the first black mayor of New Orleans.

Amb el present treball d'investigació hem analitzat l'evolució del corporacionisme dels arquitectes catalans, essencialment el radicat a la ciutat de Barcelona, durant el transcurs d'un segle, entre 1874 i 1975. Hem conegut, així, la trajectòria de les diferents corporacions (l'Associació d'Arquitectes de Catalunya, el Sindicat d'Arquitectes i el Col•legi Oficial), les natures que adoptà cada una d'elles i les causes últimes que les determinaren, gairebé sempre una combinació entre el context polític en què nasqueren i la concepció de la professió que predominava entre la classe o la que s'imposà. Així, n'hem historiat l'evolució i les vicissituds organitzatives experimentades i, alhora, la forma d'entendre l'ofici que les condicionà. D'una manera especial, emperò, hem volgut aprofundir en el vessant polític, social i cultural d'aquestes entitats. És a dir, en la manera en què es relacionaren amb el seu marc històric, en com aquest les influí i, sobretot, en l'aportació que en aquests tres àmbits hi va fer la classe d'arquitectes catalans organitzada. Amb això, observem que, més enllà de l'exercici professional de l'Arquitectura - que evidentment no és en absolut asèptic -, els homes que es situaren al capdavant de les diferents corporacions presentaven inquietuds respecte la vida pública que els envoltava i, mitjançant els canals que oferia l'entitat, sentiren la necessitat de prendre-hi part. En termes generals, quan entre les motivacions per posicionar-se hi detectem raons alienes a l'estricta defensa o reglamentació professional, això és una voluntat de bastir una societat més estructurada o de generar coneixements, espais de debat i processos de reflexió, de l'índole que siguin, afirmarem que els agents protagonistes esdevenen intel•lectuals. Aquesta condició l'adoptaren d'una manera marcada en dos períodes molt concrets i alhora diferenciats entre ells. El primer va ser el de la Catalunya republicana, quan tant el COACB com l'AAC s'oferiren sense reserves al servei de la Generalitat autònoma; el segon, a partir de finals de la dècada dels anys cinquanta i sobretot inicis dels seixanta, en què s'aconseguí connectar novament la realitat arquitectònica catalana amb la de la resta del món occidental i es començaren a qüestionar cada cop amb més vehemència els paràmetres del franquisme. Entre totes dues etapes, en la conjuntura de màxima excepcionalitat dels anys bèl•lics, l'organització que ostentà oficialment la representació dels arquitectes catalans ha de ser qualificada de revolucionària i combatent. Per tot plegat, pel valor de les fites culturals assolides i pel nivell de compromís politicosocial adquirit, l'anàlisi de l'evolució del corporacionisme arquitectònic català ens ha fet veure en aquest col•lectiu professional una peça de força rellevància per a la configuració de la Catalunya contemporània, en tant que creadora de coneixements i generadora i difusora d'opinió i debat. A més, els facultatius que més s'hi involucraren trobaren en aquestes entitats una plataforma des d'on sumar al seu rol de tècnics, en ocasions també d'artistes, un activisme en altres vessants, però que a la postre era indestriable de la seva professió, atès que des d'allà interactuaren amb els col•legues i amb el conjunt de la societat, l'inevitable receptor de les seves obres. En aquest sentit, doncs, considerarem el paper que hi exerciren com un element més que els investigadors hauríem de tenir en compte quan avaluéssim les seves trajectòries individuals, puix fou una forma més que tingueren d'entendre i de desenvolupar l'Arquitectura al nostre país, malgrat que menys vistosa i fins ara desconeguda que l'efectuada des de les taules de disseny, a peu d'obra o a les palestres docents. / This research work analyzes the association movement of the Catalan architects, mainly located in Barcelona, during a century, from 1874 to 1975. We have studied the trajectory of the different corporations (the Associació d'Arquitectes de Catalunya, the Sindicat d'Arquitectes de Catalunya and the Col•legi Oficial), their main traits and how they were determined by the historical and political events. In that sense, we have assessed both the corporations' evolution and vicissitudes and the understanding of the profession. We especially have studied the political, social and cultural side of theses entities. Thus, we have observed how the Catalan architects were influenced by their historical context and what kind of contributions they made from their professional fields. In this way, we deduce that during the Second Spanish Republic (1931 – 1936) and in the last decade of Francisco Franco's dictatorship (1964 – 1975), the architects became intellectuals, prioritizing their social vocation to their professional or economic interests. They carried out committed political actions and developed one of the best cultural programmes of Barcelona at the time. We also infer that the collective of the Catalan architects played a major role in shaping contemporary Catalonia, because it was an outstanding creator of knowledge and generator of opinion and debate.

Instituto Federal de EducaÃÃo, CiÃncia e Tecnologia do Parà / A presente tese tem como objeto a institucionalizaÃÃo dos Grupos Escolares no Estado do Parà a partir de 1890 atà 1910, tendo como enredo o republicanismo e o modelo escolar. O estudo tem suas bases na histÃria cultural e contou com a abordagem da Micro-histÃria de Ginzburg (1987) e Espada (2006). No Ãmbito dos estudos da histÃria da educaÃÃo foi problematizado em relaÃÃo à escola moderna, dentro dos moldes do projeto civilizador traÃado pela RepÃblica, atravÃs das categorias: Republicanismo e modelo escolar em Souza (2012). Mediante os aportes sobre o conceito de âcompreensÃo e de apropriaÃÃoâ; alÃm do neologismo ârepresentÃnciaâ, para a definiÃÃo de reprÃsentance em Ricoeur (1997/ 2010), no sentido de compreender o que foi dito e como foi narrada a experiÃncia do tempo, destacando o significado do que foi atribuÃdo, por diferentes sujeitos em diferentes situaÃÃes; com centralidade Ãs aÃÃes dos sujeitos (WEBER, 2001). Respondendo, assim, à seguinte questÃo-problema: Como ocorreu a criaÃÃo do Grupo Escolar na EducaÃÃo PrimÃria no Estado do Parà (1890-1910), a partir do republicanismo e do modelo escolar, em suas articulaÃÃes com o ideÃrio pedagÃgico, religioso e polÃtico? Com Ãnfase à anÃlise nas narrativas expressas, nas fontes documentais primÃrias: relatÃrios, regulamentos, decretos, livros, diÃrio oficial, cartas e jornais; ancorada em SchÃtze (2010), Ricoeur (2010), Creswell (2007) e Strauss e Corbin (2008). Os resultados expressam que o Parà foi o terceiro Estado a implantar os grupos escolares, a institucionalizaÃÃo dos mesmos iniciou por um municÃpio do interior, em Alenquer em 1899, a partir da necessidade da reorganizaÃÃo do ensino primÃrio atravÃs do regulamento de 1899 e no inÃcio do sÃculo XX foram criados os grupos na capital, num cenÃrio de modernizaÃÃo da cidade de BelÃm, mediante a urbanizaÃÃo, Bellà Ãpoque e o apogeu do ciclo da borracha. / This thesis has the purpose of institutionalization of School Groups in the State of Parà from 1890 to 1910, and republicanism as plot and the school model. The study has its basis in cultural history and had the approach of Micro-history of Ginzburg (1987) and Sword (2006). Within the study of the history of education has been questioned in relation to modern school, along the lines of the civilizing project outlined by the Republic, through the categories: Republicanism and scholastic model Souza (2012). Through the contributions on the concept of "comprehension and appropriation"; beyond the neologism "representÃncia", for defining reprÃsentance in Ricoeur (1997/2010), in order to understand what was said and how it was narrated the experience of time, highlighting the significance of what has been ascribed by different subjects in different situations; centrality with the actions of individuals (Weber, 2001). Responding, thus the question-problem: How did the creation of the Group in Primary School Education in the State of Parà (1890-1910), from republicanism and of the school model, in its articulations with the educational, religious and political ideas? With emphasis on the analysis in the narratives expressed, in the primaries documentary sources: reports, regulations, decrees, books, official gazette, letters and newspapers; anchored in SchÃtze (2010), Ricoeur (2010), Creswell (2007) and Strauss and Corbin (2008). The results show that the Para was the third state to implement school groups, the institutionalization of them started by a municipality in in Alenquer in 1899, from the necessity of reorganization of primary education by 1899 Council Regulation and early twentieth century groups were created in the capital, in a scenario of modernization of the city of BelÃm, through urbanization, Belle Epoque and the height of the rubber boom.

Submitted by (lucia.rodrigues@ufrpe.br) on 2016-06-17T13:16:44Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Wendell Rodrigues Costa.pdf: 1893651 bytes, checksum: 0200c0289e0f82e9f533f37a96edc663 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-06-17T13:16:44Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Wendell Rodrigues Costa.pdf: 1893651 bytes, checksum: 0200c0289e0f82e9f533f37a96edc663 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-05-27 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / This work aims to understand why and how the Society of Mechanical Artists and Liberals sought to promote the development of the teaching of crafts in Pernambuco. To do so, we proceeded to an analysis of the Society of the Artists, from its formation to its commitment to manage the School of Arts and Crafts (Liceu de Artes e Ofícios). The analytical course proved to be the Society of Artists not only the beneficiary of the public funds to finance the activities of the School, but also left some visible conflicts arising from the relationship of Society with the government - in the person of the inspector - and with some partners and students. The first question was to know how the leaders of the Society took care of the public funds to manage the School. Then, we tried to understand why, in many situations, the officers asked the government to extinguish the post of inspector of the School of Arts and Crafts. This present research approaches the theoretical perspective proposed by the French philosopher Michel Foucault, due to his large study on biopower and the effect on the discipline. With the foucauldian concept of biopower, it was possible to understand the position of the Brazilian State as manager of the society. The dissertation was drawn from the analysis of sources such as documents of the Society of the Mechanical Artists and Liberals and reports relating to the supervision of the School of Arts and Crafts. The clipping researched is between 1880 to 1908, covering the period since the inauguration of the School of Arts and Crafts till the end of the inspection of the inspector Francisco Augusto Pereira da Costa. With the survey, we could understand that the inspection directed to the Society of the Artists had the intention to make the School provide to the working classes a vocational training that would meet the labor market. From the research procedures and the results obtained, it is evident that despite the conflicts in which they became involved, the Society of Artists bequeathed to Brazil from the First Republic, through the School of Arts and Crafts, an educational establishment that resting in the pedagogy of work, produced a workforce able to meet the sectors of industry and commerce. / Este trabalho objetiva compreender por que e de que forma a Sociedade dos Artistas Mecânicos e Liberais procurou promover o desenvolvimento do ensino de ofícios em Pernambuco. Para isso, procedeu-se a uma análise da Sociedade dos Artistas, desde a sua formação até o seu empenho em administrar o Liceu de Artes e Ofícios. O percurso analítico revelou ser a Sociedade dos Artistas não só beneficiária de verbas públicas para financiamento das atividades do Liceu, mas também deixou visíveis alguns conflitos surgidos do relacionamento da Sociedade com o governo – na pessoa do fiscal – e com alguns sócios e alunos. A primeira questão foi saber como os dirigentes da Sociedade cuidavam das verbas públicas para administrar o Liceu. Em seguida, procurou-se entender por que, em diversas situações, os diretores pediam ao governo que extinguisse o cargo de fiscal do Liceu de Artes e Ofícios. A presente pesquisa aproxima-se da perspectiva teórica proposta pelo filósofo francês Michel Foucault, em virtude de seu largo estudo sobre o biopoder e, por efeito, sobre a disciplina. Com o conceito foucaultiano de biopoder, foi possível entender a posição do Estado brasileiro como gestor da sociedade. A dissertação foi elaborada a partir da análise de fontes como os documentos da Sociedade dos Artistas Mecânicos e Liberais e os relatórios referentes à fiscalização do Liceu de Artes e Ofícios. O recorte pesquisado se dá entre 1880 a 1908, porquanto abrange o período da inauguração do Liceu de Artes e Ofícios até o final da inspeção do fiscal Francisco Augusto Pereira da Costa. Com a pesquisa realizada, pôde-se compreender que a fiscalização dirigida à Sociedade dos Artistas intencionava fazer com que o Liceu proporcionasse às classes operárias uma formação profissional que atendesse ao mercado de trabalho. A partir dos procedimentos de pesquisa e dos resultados obtidos, fica evidente que, apesar dos conflitos nos quais se viu envolvida, a Sociedade dos Artistas legou ao Brasil da Primeira República, por meio do Liceu de Artes e Ofícios, um estabelecimento educacional que, repousando na pedagogia do trabalho, produziu uma mão de obra capaz de atender aos setores da indústria e do comércio.

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This study has a general goal to analyse and to describe the Revista Litteraria Orgam do Gabinete de Leitura de Maroim" published between 1890 and 1891, in period of eight months as a struggle strategy by a group of intellectuals which belonged to the Cabinet and where at opposite endes to the publics government, regarding their cultural and politic representations. From the informations within the content and the typographic as well as the material resourses of the whole thirty-four editions in the process of prodution, circulation and apropriation it was not only posibile to acknowledge the profile of the authors which were more present but also the educational aim of the Cabinet, whish was in accordance to the concepts of apropriation, representation and materiality proposed by Roger Chartier, and to the Indictary Method proposed by Carlo Ginzburg. The analysis of textual corpus detected literaries produtions, discussions about New Pedagogy, scientificism, woman education, and politics inspired in republican beliefs. The ideological discussions caused the typography, where the magazine was printed, to close. / Este estudo tem como objetivo geral descrever e analisar a Revista Litteraria Orgam do Gabinete de Leitura de Maroim , que circulou entre os anos de 1890 e 1891, durante um período de oito meses, como estratégia de luta de um grupo de negociantes e intelectuais ligados ao Gabinete que fazia oposição aos poderes públicos, na imposição de suas representações culturais e políticas. A partir de informações contidas no conteúdo e nos recursos materiais e tipográficos das 34 edições, no processo de produção, circulação e apropriação, foi possível conhecer o perfil dos autores mais presentes e a proposta pedagógica da Revista, partindo dos conceitos de apropriação, representação e materialidade de Roger Chartier e do Método Indiciário de Carlo Ginzburg. A análise do corpus textual detectou obras literárias, discussões acerca da Nova Pedagogia, cientificismo, educação da mulher e política, inspirados nos ideais republicanos. Os embates ideológicos foram a causa do fechamento da tipografia onde a revista era impressa.

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