Cette étude s’intéresse aux enjeux éthiques de l’advocacy et de la défense des droits comme composante de l’humanitaire d’urgence. Les violences sexuelles sont devenues des instruments de guerre, utilisées à des fins politiques et militaires. Les plaidoyers qui sont habituellement une fonction des organisations humanitaires des droits de l’homme intègrent les interventions humanitaires d’urgence. Le recours à l’advocacy dans le milieu humanitaire expose les missions humanitaires à des tensions et dilemmes éthiques notamment en ce qui concerne l’accès aux victimes et la défense de leurs droits, le principe d’humanité et le principe de neutralité. L’advocacy représente également un danger pour l’image apolitique des organisations humanitaires et ébranle la confiance des États belligérants aux conflits. Face à ces dangers que présente l’advocacy, la question se pose sur les raisons qui peuvent justifier une partie advocacy dans les interventions humanitaires dans le cas des violences sexuelles utilisées à des fins politiques. A partir d’une méthode décrite comme un essai interdisciplinaire et critique de théorie du droit, notre argumentation et nos preuves sont structurées afin de justifier l’hypothèse selon laquelle le silence face au non-respect de la dignité humaine et des droits des victimes est contraire aux valeurs universelles et à l’esprit d’humanité qui sont la raison d’être des actions humanitaires, que cela renforce également l’État de non-droit et l’impunité des auteurs des crimes, mais en même temps cela accentue la stigmatisation des victimes. En effet, le silence des organismes humanitaires qui sont témoins des violations des droits fondamentaux, perpétue la culture du silence qui accompagne habituellement les actes de violence sexuelle et ne permet pas de restaurer la paix ni de prévenir que cela ne revienne dans le futur. La collecte des données pour étayer cette hypothèse s’effectue à partir d’une recherche documentaire analysée de manière critique, réflexive et interdisciplinaire. Le caractère oscillatoire de l’essai, entre les différentes disciplines, a fait ressortir que sur le plan moral, le silence complice est contraire à l’esprit de l’humanitaire. L’advocacy est une interprétation du principe d’humanité qui est l’essence de l’assistance humanitaire. La prise en charge des victimes par les organisations humanitaires ne saurait se limiter, de ce fait, à la médecine humanitaire d’urgence. En même temps, l’obligation de réserve et de confidentialité est également contraire au principe de « first do not harm ». Soigner et soutenir les victimes nécessite que l’action humanitaire soit étendue aux protections de la vie humaine dans un sens holistique et aussi aux défenses des droits des victimes. Sur le plan juridique, l’analyse des paradigmes concernant l’humanitaire démontre que les mécanismes juridiques mis en place pour protéger les personnes, en temps de conflit, sont en grande partie tributaires des organisations humanitaires et de leurs rôles en tant que « gardiens » du droit international. Le plaidoyer et la défense des droits sont devenus des obligations légales implicites des organisations humanitaires pour prévenir la résurgence des violations des règles de droit dans le futur mais également dans le but de réprimer les auteurs des crimes. / This study looks at the ethical issues of advocacy and rights-based approaches to emergency humanitarian work. Sexual violence has become an instrument of war, used for political and military purposes. Advocacy, which is usually a function of humanitarian human rights organizations, is becoming part of emergency humanitarian response. The use of advocacy in humanitarian settings exposes humanitarian missions to ethical tensions and dilemmas, particularly with regard to access to victims and the defense of their rights, the principle of humanity and the principle of neutrality. Advocacy also represents a danger to the apolitical image of humanitarian organizations and therefore undermines the confidence of belligerent states in conflicts. In view of these dangers of advocacy, the question arises as to what reasons might justify advocacy in humanitarian interventions in the case of politically motivated sexual violence. From a method described as an interdisciplinary and critical essay of legal theory, our argument and evidence will be structured to justify the hypothesis that silence in the face of non-respect for human dignity and the rights of victims is contrary to the universal values and spirit of humanity that are the raison d'être of humanitarian actions, that it also reinforces the state of lawlessness and impunity of perpetrators, but at the same time it accentuates the stigmatization of victims. In fact, the silence of humanitarian organizations that witness violations of fundamental rights perpetuates the culture of silence that usually accompanies acts of sexual violence and does not help to restore peace or prevent it from happening again in the future. The collection of data to support this hypothesis is based on a documentary research that is critically analyzed, reflexive and interdisciplinary. The oscillating nature of the essay, across disciplines, made it clear that morally, complicit silence is contrary to the spirit of humanitarianism. Advocacy is an interpretation of the principle of humanity that is the essence of humanitarian assistance. The care of victims by humanitarian organizations cannot therefore be limited to emergency humanitarian medicine. At the same time, the obligation of reserve and confidentiality is also contrary to the "first do not harm" principle. Caring for and supporting victims requires that humanitarian action be extended to the protection of human life in a holistic sense and also to the defense of victims' rights. From a legal perspective, the analysis of humanitarian paradigms demonstrates that the legal mechanisms put in place to protect people in times of conflict are largely dependent on humanitarian organizations and their roles as "gatekeepers" of international law. Advocacy has become a legal obligation of humanitarian organizations as a preventive measure against future violations of the rule of law, but also as a repressive measure against perpetrators.

Plusieurs organisations internationales régionales de sécurité ont été créées en Asie centrale depuis la fin de la Guerre froide, typiquement sous l’impulsion d’un État entrepreneur. Malgré la présence de plusieures ménaces à la sécurité provenant de cette région, on peut se si les institutions existent vraiment pour réduire les coûts de transaction qui découlent du besoin de négocier les accords destinés à encadrer les relations interétatiques, n’en serait-il suffisante une seule? Si d’autre part, les institutions internationales sont sans importance tel que le prétendent les néoréalistes, comment expliquer cette multiplication d’acronymes? En prenant comme point de départ l’affirmation que “la coopération rend possible l’exercice du pouvoir” (Moe 2003, 12), cette thèse présume que depuis la fin de la Guerre froide, les grandes puissances ont été enclines à se servir des institutions intergouvernementales multilatérales pour brandir leur influence dans la région. Il est suggéré que les institutions multilatérales représentent une option stratégique inégalée par des outils de politique alternatifs, tel que les relations bilatérales. Leur valeur spécifique réside dans le fait de générer des opportunités permettant de légitimer des positions et des discours, former des coalitions et solidifier des relations, y compris des relations de pouvoir. Ceci s’éloigne sensiblement de la position réaliste selon laquelle les institutions ne sont autre chose que le miroir d’un équilibre de puissance en présence. Au contraire, cela suggère que les institutions contribuent à créer et à façonner les rapports de pouvoir. Cela s’éloigne également de l’approche néolibérale des couts de transaction, qui néglige largement la dimension du pouvoir. À partir de ces observations, cette thèse développe un cadre théorique pour expliquer le comportement respectif de la Chine dans l’Organisation de coopération de Shanghai, de la Russie dans l’Organisation du Traité de sécurité collective, et des États-Unis dans le Partenariat Euro-Atlantique de l’OTAN. Ce cadre met de l’avant deux hypothèses stipulant que les institutions internationales représentent la variable intermédiaire grâce à laquelle un État entrepreneur s’efforce de : 1) promouvoir son propre contrôle sur les États membres qui lui sont associés; 2) refuser ce même contrôle à une institution ou à une puissance rivale. Les donnés empiriques récoltées soutiennent significativement le mécanisme exposé dans le cadre de la première hypothèse, mais sont insuffisantes à confirmer pleinement la seconde, bien que les réalisations de ces institutions soient cohérentes avec les attentes evoqués par l’hypothèse. / Numerous regional security organizations have emerged in Central Asia since the end of the Cold War under the leadership of one entrepreneur nation. Whereas multiple security externalities stem from the region, if institutions are really in place to reduce the transaction costs arising from the need to negotiate agreements that guide interstate cooperation, wouldn’t one be sufficient? If, on the other hand, institutions are irrelevant as neorealists argue, why such proliferation of acronyms? Starting from the insight that “it is cooperation that makes the exercise of power possible” (Moe 2003: 12), this thesis assumes that since the end of the Cold War, major powers have been prone to using multilateral intergovernmental institutions as a means of wielding influence in the region. It is suggested that multilateral institutions represent a strategic option that alternative policy instruments, such as bilateral agreements, do not match. Their specific value is that they generate opportunities to legitimize claims, form coalitions, and crystallize power relations. This is quite different from saying that institutions are merely a reflection of existing power relations, as much realist literature does. Rather it suggests that institutions have a role in creating and shaping power relations. But it also differs from the transaction costs approach which neglects the power dimension. The research develops a framework to explain the respective agency of China in the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, Russia in the Collective Security Treaty Organization, and the United States in NATO’s Euro-Atlantic Partnership. This framework advances two hypotheses which postulate that institutions represent the intervening variable for entrepreneur states to: 1) foster control over the associated member states; and 2) Deny attempts to exercise control to rival institutional projects or major powers. Empirical evidence lends significant support to the mechanism described by the first hypothesis, but is insufficient in the case of the second one, though institutional outputs are consistent with the expectations of the hypothesis.

Traditional development theories concentrated on stimulating economic growth without considering the extent to which growth would affect rural people's quality of life. Modernisation has failed to improve life in rural Third World areas. Current development thinking emphasises the human aspect of development and IS more inclined towards participatory rural development. Referring specifically to the Batlharos Water project, the study investigates and identifies the causes ofthe limited initiatives in participatory development within the Kudumane district in the North-West Province of South Africa. Trends in the evolution of development thought to people's participation, including factors, processes and approaches that may facilitate participatory development in the Kudumane area are discussed. Factors that have affected and limited earlier participatory initiatives in this area are isolated. The study concludes that unless rural communities constantly become the planners, initiators and executors of local development, no real transformation of their lives can be accomplished. / Development Studies / M.A. (Development Administration)

La redéfinition des conditions d’exercice de la souveraineté aérienne des États membres, par un transfert progressif de compétences au profit de l’Union européenne, ne peut être analysée uniquement en termes de dépossession et de réduction de leur puissance individuelle. Les compétences aériennes confiées à l’Union permettent l’affirmation de l’ensemble européen sur la scène internationale. Ce processus, mouvant et encore inachevé, se traduit par une prise en compte accrue de la spécificité européenne en matière d’aviation civile. Malgré des réticences certaines émanant aussi bien des États membres que des États tiers, l’Union s’érige progressivement au rang d’acteur de poids, capable d’influencer le contenu normatif du droit aérien contemporain, de la même manière que le font les puissances aériennes traditionnelles et notamment les États-Unis. Ces nouvelles tendances, révélatrices de la souplesse et de la plasticité de la convention de Chicago, permettent de dresser des perspectives quant aux possibles évolutions futures de l’ordre international de l’aviation civile. / The way in which the Member States have redefined the conditions regarding how they exercise their air sovereignty, by progressively transferring power to the European Union, cannot be viewed solely as them removing and reducing their individual powers. The powers conferred to the European Union in aviation matters are resulting in an affirmation of the international role of Europe as a whole. This on-going, and as yet incomplete process, may be seen in a greater recognition of the specific European aspect regarding Civil Aviation. In spite of the hesitance of Member States and non-member States, the European Union has progressively taken its place among the key players, able to influence developments in modern aviation law, in the same way as other established aviation authorities and especially the United States. These new trends reveal the flexibility and elasticity of the Chicago Convention and the potential future developments in International Civil Aviation.

The rise of civil society organisations in South Africa is crucial to development as it contributes to the bridging of the communication gap between civil society and local government organisations and municipalities and promotes access to resources. The contribution of civil society organisations to development has been widely acknowledged as they are involved in service delivery, advocacy, innovation and poverty reduction initiatives. In spite of the development work done by civil society organisations in developing countries, they still face challenges in promoting development as poverty, inequality and unemployment persist. This research focused on the social capital approach as a strategy for the development of local communities in South Africa. The social capital approach involves increasing social stability and enhancement of development issues. Social capital relies on the basic idea that “it is not what you know but who you know”. Social capital refers mostly to social cohesion, which makes a community more committed to better living conditions for all. People in communities have the capacity to improve the quality of their lives with the support of all sectors, civil society, the state and the market by letting the people in communities get involved in all the stages of the programmes because they know better from living in those communities. Civil society organisations can meaningfully add value to economic and social development in any third world country through their work. The government, the market and civil society can complement each other and add value to the development of the country. This study employed a qualitative research design. It used in-depth interviews, direct observation and focus-group interviews to collect data, which was later transcribed and analysed thematically. The main focus of this study was to critically evaluate the roles and strategies of civil society organisations in the development of South African communities, using Planact as a case study. The specific objectives were to: 1) To explore the role Planact plays in development in Johannesburg; 2) To evaluate how Planact uses social capital as a strategy in promoting development if at all; 3) To explore the challenges of civil society organisations, particularly that of Planact in the development process of poor communities and 4) To make possible recommendations in the light of the roles and strategies of civil societies identified in analysing Planact ‘s strategy in development process for the poor. This study found that as a civil society organisation Planact is acting as a voice for the voiceless through its advocacy programme. It contributes to policy making, good governance and accountability. In addition, Planact promotes participation and assists in education and training. Planact uses different strategies to promote development in the community, such as mentoring, promoting integrated human settlement, using technology in networking, encouraging participation, community economic development and social organisation. Furthermore, the organisation uses forums, awareness campaigns and empowerment as strategies to promote development in the community. However, the study found that the organisation faces challenges because of limited funding. The community also encounters certain challenges as they engage with the organisation, for example, lack of accountability, unresponsiveness and inaccessibility. It was noted that civil society organisations should adopt a higher priority in development planning and practice and should allow the participation of poor people in the development process. / Development Studies / M.A. (S.S.)

Traditional development theories concentrated on stimulating economic growth without considering the extent to which growth would affect rural people's quality of life. Modernisation has failed to improve life in rural Third World areas. Current development thinking emphasises the human aspect of development and IS more inclined towards participatory rural development. Referring specifically to the Batlharos Water project, the study investigates and identifies the causes ofthe limited initiatives in participatory development within the Kudumane district in the North-West Province of South Africa. Trends in the evolution of development thought to people's participation, including factors, processes and approaches that may facilitate participatory development in the Kudumane area are discussed. Factors that have affected and limited earlier participatory initiatives in this area are isolated. The study concludes that unless rural communities constantly become the planners, initiators and executors of local development, no real transformation of their lives can be accomplished. / Development Studies / M.A. (Development Administration)

Too often, literature on participation in community development is void of the rationale for the participation of teachers; the roles they may play; factors for and against their participation; and strategies for inviting and sustaining their participation. This study examines what could be done to ensure the participation of rural based teachers in community development activities, by exploring these issues. A qualitative design and purposeful sampling are used. The sample consists of information-rich informants from the following five categories: officials of the Rural District Council, non-governmental organisation workers, rural based school teachers, Village Development Committee Chairpersons, and ordinary community members. Interviewing is used as the major instrument of data collection. The study reveals that rural based teachers should participate in community development activities, since they have a wide knowledge base and transferable skills, and they are part of and trusted by the community. It reveals that rural based teachers' participation is deterred by political factors, lack of supportive policies, attitudes, conservativeness, lack of specialized training, and labour issues. Twenty two roles are identified for rural based teachers in community development activities. Strategies for inviting them to participate are: the use of policy, change of attitudes, use of media campaigns, training, and inclusion of community development in tertiary education in general, and teacher education in particular. Strategies for sustaining their participation emerge as: the use of incentives, free time or days off and holding responsible offices. Sixteen recommendations are finally presented. / DEVELOPMENT STUDIES / MA (DEVELOPMENT STUD)

For organisations to survive in an ever-changing milieu, as evident from the current business environment, sufficient crisis communication and management practices need to be in place to ensure organisational survival. Despite the latter, organisational crises are often inefficiently managed which could be ascribed to the lack of managing crises strategically (Kash & Darling 1998:180). This study explores the lack of strategic crisis communication processes within the financial industry specifically, to ensure effective crisis communication with the media as stakeholder group, through the proposition of an integrated crisis communication framework, which focuses on: · Combining integrated communication (IC) literature with Grunig’s theory of communication excellence to build sustainable media relationships through two-way communication; and · Implementing a crisis communication process that has proactive, reactive and post-evaluative crisis communication stages, thereby moving away from crisis communication as a predominant reactive function. / Communication Sciences / M.A. (Communication)

Der Vortrag stellt zunächst die Allianz-Initiative im Bereich Digitale Information und deren verschiedene Handlungsfelder vor. Danach widmet er sich eingehender dem Handlungsfeld Open Access und beleuchtet die verschiedenen Aktivitäten der Allianz in diesem Feld. An verschiedenen Beispielen wird zudem erläutert, welchen Impact die verschiedenen Aktivitäten entfaltet haben. Abschließend wird ein Ausblick in die thematische Planung für die nächsten Jahre gegeben.

D. Tech. (Business, Faculty of Management Sciences), Vaal University of Technology / Organisational performance in the public sector has emerged as a critical topic in the post-1994 era in South Africa. This could ostensibly be attributed to the inability of the majority of most public organisations in the country to deliver a satisfactory standard of service to the public. An intense controversy has also emerged the world over on the selection of performance measures that are appropriate for use in public organisations. This debate is actuated by the existence of a multiplicity of performance measurement indices as well as frameworks that can be applied to manage performance in organisations. The existence of these multiple measurement mechanisms tends to confound the entire process of managing organisational performance. Another unresolved controversy focuses on the extent to which various organisational resources impact on organisational performance. The purpose of this study was to examine the relationship between organisational performance and three organisational resources; specifically, the human factor, organisational systems and organisational processes. A quantitative design was adopted in which a survey questionnaire was administered to 272 managers and employees of a South African National Government Department. Respondents were selected using a blend of purposive sampling and convenience sampling approaches. Data were analysed using the Statistical Packages for the Social Sciences (SPSS version 20.0). Reliabilities were measured using Cronbach’s alpha coefficient. Exploratory factor analysis was used to identify the human factors, organisational systems and organisational processes. Spearman’s correlation and multiple linear regression analyses were used to investigate the relationship between organisational performance and the sub-elements under each of the three organisational resources. The impacts of each of the three factors on organisational performance were compared using the mean-score ranking technique. Performance of the National Government Department was measured using the four performance yardsticks of the Balanced Scorecard; namely, customer satisfaction, financial performance, innovation and learning, and internal processes The findings of the study revealed that performance of the National Government Department was highest in four strategic areas; which are the promotion of good corporate ethics and values, client satisfaction, service quality and relations with external organisations. However, performance shortfalls were observed in four key areas; namely, organisational speed, attrition of manpower, overloading of employees and the overburdening of divisions with high workloads. Correlation analysis showed that there were positive relationships between organisational performance and the five human factor components; life satisfaction, quality of work life, ability utilisation, creativity and autonomy. Regression analysis indicated that there were significant and predictive relationships between organisational performance and three human factor elements; namely, quality of work life, ability utilisation and life satisfaction. Among the five human factor elements, life satisfaction exerted the greatest impact on organisational performance. Significant, positive and predictive associations were also found between organisational performance and three organisational system factors; quality, innovation and inter-organisational systems, with quality exerting the greatest impact on organisational performance. Significant, positive and predictive relationships were further observed between organisational performance and the four organisational process factors identified in the study; namely, organisational structure, organisational change, team processes and organisational change. Among these, team processes exerted the greatest influence on organisational performance. Overall, the human factor applied the greatest impact on organisational performance, followed by organisational processes with organisational systems having the least impact. Based on these findings, recommendations were made and implications for further studies were suggested. The findings of the study provide empirical confirmation of the effectiveness of the Balanced Scorecard as a tool for the measurement and management of performance in public sector organisations. Additionally, managers in different public organisations may enhance the performance of their organisations by optimising the sub-elements of the three organisational resources examined in this study.