Confrontées à l’inaction des États et à la sévérité de la crise environnementale, plusieurs grandes villes choisissent non seulement d’agir localement, mais aussi sur la scène internationale dans le but de trouver des solutions et s’adapter au défi climatique. Longtemps considérées comme étant nuisibles à l’environnement de par leur consommation de diverses ressources, les autorités locales constituent aussi des acteurs stratégiques dans la lutte aux changements climatiques, puisqu’elles exercent une influence considérable sur les émissions de gaz à effet de serre. Afin d’avoir un effet agrégé à l’échelle mondiale, plusieurs métropoles participent au sein d’organisations transnationales municipales. C’est d’ailleurs le cas de la Ville de Montréal qui après avoir soumis une demande officielle d’adhésion en novembre 2015, est devenu membre du réseau C40 Cities Climate Leadership Group (C40) à la fin de 2016. Ce dernier regroupe plus 90 métropoles et cherche notamment à adopter un plan d’action commun pour répondre au réchauffement planétaire. Compte tenu du fait qu’il existe une variation importante au niveau de la participation des villes à l’international, que les facteurs plutôt objectifs, tels que la vulnérabilité, les capacités et la connectivité d’une ville ne semblent pas justifier cette différenciation, nous proposons d’étudier l’influence du maire dans la mise à l’agenda d’une telle option. Plus spécifiquement, cette recherche vise à répondre à la question suivante: comment le maire de Montréal, Denis Coderre, a-t-il influencé le processus de mise à l’agenda décisionnel de l’adhésion de sa ville à l’organisation C40 Cities Climate Leadership Group en 2015? Pour répondre à cette question, nous adoptons l’approche théorique de l’agenda setting proposée par John W. Kingdon dans son livre intitulé Agendas, Alternatives and Public Policies (2003). Ce travail séminal en politique publique permet de poser comme hypothèse de travail que Denis Coderre a agi comme un entrepreneur politique. Grâce aux données collectées, par l’entremise d’entrevues et d’analyse de divers types de contenus, ce projet vise à apporter une contribution à la fois empirique et théorique à la littérature sur les politiques publiques, les études urbaines et les relations internationales.

Denna uppsats fokuserar på den etableringsprocess som har skett i Jönköpings kommun vid införandet av familjecentraler. Syftet med studien är att undersöka hur införandet av familjecentraler kan förstås och genom det skapa fördjupad kunskap om etableringsprocesser i socialt arbete. Studien har genomförts i form av en fallstudie. Empiri har samlats in genom intervjuer och genom offentliga allmänna handlingar. Materialet har analyserats genom ett adhoc-förfarande inspirerat av fallstudieanalys. Teorier som använts i analysen grundar sig i agenda-settingteori och i nyinstitutionell organisationsteori. Resultatet visar att familjecentraler som idé är omtolkningsbart vilket resulterat i en omfattande översättningsprocess. I den processen har socialtjänstens roll varit decimerad, vilket avspeglas i det utrymme som socialtjänsten ges på familjecentralerna där deras roll definieras av andra professioner än de själva. Det som gör att familjecentralerna kommer att etableras är en kritik mot och från barnhälsovården rörande relationen med socialtjänsten. Detta ackompanjeras av en ökad oro för föräldraskapet samt ökade krav på billigare och bättre verksamheter inom den offentliga sektorn. Dock får familjecentralsetableringen ett abrupt avbrott i och med att studier lyfts fram som indikerar att det finns bristande kunskaper rörande familjecentralernas effekt, vilket skapar hinder för nyetableringar. Detta medför inte att befintliga familjecentraler läggs ner vilket kan förstås i att familjecentralspolicyn visar en hög grad av institutionalisering, en stark förgivettagen tro på familjecentralerna, där dessa upphör att behöva legitimeras i form av problemadressering och resultat. / This bachelor thesis focuses on the establishment process of family centers in Jönköping municipality, Sweden. The purpose of this case-study is to examine on which terms the establishment of family centers can be understood aiming for the creation of in-depth knowledge about establishment processes in social work. Data has been collected via semi-structured interviews and via open records. The data has been analyzed via ad-hoc analyses inspired by cases study analyses. Theoretical framework used in the study is Kingdon’s agenda setting theory and neo-institutional organization theory. The study presents that family centre policy is highly interpretable and therefore has been a case of policy translation, which has resulted in a decimated part for the social services in the family centers, highly defined by other professions. The establishment of family centers is a result of a critique aimed against and from the child health care services, accompanied with an increased worry for parenthood and demands for more economically efficient function within the public sector. The process is interrupted by studies that indicate insufficient knowledge about the efficiency of the family centers. However this doesn’t result in closure of family centers because the function has reached a high degree of institutionalization, where it is legitimized by presumptions and beliefs rather than results and problem addressing.

Since the 1960s, the United States has experienced steady declines in news consumption and commensurate attrition in civic engagement and political participation. Americans read newspapers at less than one fourth the rate of 60 years ago; voter turnout has fallen to the point where the U.S. ranks 23 out of 24 established democracies; signing petitions, volunteering for a civic organization like the PTA and political party affiliation are all at contemporary lows. But these indicators only tell half the story…the younger half. Because among Americans over age 50, attrition in all these areas is much milder; among those under age 30 they are much steeper. So do young adults get news? If so, how do they get news? If not, how do they find out about things? A 21-year old journalism student reported that: “I usually just hear it from friends, when I talk to friends.” The present study employed four methods: Secondary analysis of longitudinal Pew data; interviews and focus groups about news consumption and media use habits, including social media and wireless devices; a survey on social media use and its relationship to news and news knowledge; and an experiment testing a novel game as a way to convey news and civics knowledge, all involving students at three large state universities. Findings include the following: students often rank social media use, like Facebook, as their most important and most-used media; social media are negatively related with traditional news use and with news knowledge; students draw clear and important distinctions between news and information; one method of teaching (direct instruction) works well while another (a news game) works, but not as well. Of particular interest is the role of opinion leaders in the two-step flow of news, and the role of relevance and need for orientation in agenda setting. Novel contributions include a clearer definition of students’ distinction between news and important information as they define it, a framework by which to experiment with creating an interactive game using news to promote news seeking, and some provocative recommendations for future research. / text

Depuis l’élection de Jean Charest en 2003, nous constatons que les dogmes issus du discours idéologique néolibéral (déréglementation, privatisation, libéralisation et réduction des dépenses publiques) ont régulièrement et fortement inondé tous les domaines de l’espace public québécois, tant chez les élus que chez les grands conglomérats de médias écrits et audiovisuels. Nous cherchions à savoir qui exerçait une si grande influence pour que rayonnent ces idées conservatrices dans les discours publics au Québec. Nos recherches nous ont menée à un Think Tank québécois : l’Institut économique de Montréal. L’élite intellectuelle qui compose cette organisation a su user d’une influence importante auprès de certains médias écrits, notamment ceux de Gesca, qui, grâce à l’étendue de son puissant réseau social et à son adhésion aux stratégies d’influence de ses pairs, les Think Tanks partisans, a relayé les idées néolibérales de l’IEDM à l’intérieur du discours public québécois. Ce Think Tank a ainsi fait rayonner ses idées dans les pages des quotidiens parmi les plus lus par les Québécois francophones. De jeunes Think Tanks comme l’IEDM jugent primordial l’accès aux médias pour façonner l’opinion et les politiques publiques. Leur objectif est de réussir à influencer la mise à l’agenda et le cadrage des médias afin qu’ils favorisent leurs propositions et leurs idées. L’analyse de trois cas a permis de montrer, qu’à trois moments différents, l’IEDM a influencé la mise à l’agenda des quotidiens de Gesca et que le cadrage s’est révélé favorable aux propositions de l’IEDM dans une proportion importante. / Since the election of Jean Charest in 2003, we notice that the neoliberal’s ideas (deregulation, privatization, liberalization, and reduction of government expenditures) have regularly inundated all public exchange of ideas in Quebec, from elected politicians to media conglomerates. The author tried to determine how conservative ideas became part of the public discourse in Quebec. Our research lead us to a Quebec think tank: Montreal Economic Institute. The managers of this organization used its important influence with written media, particularly Gesca. Thanks to its large, powerful social network and its influence strategy, the Montreal Economic Institute think tank was able to transmit its neoliberal ideas. In this way, this think tank has spread these ideas in the pages of the most read Quebecois daily newspapers. Young think tanks, such as Montreal Economic Institute, believe that access to the media is essential to shape public opinion and public policy. Their purpose is to influence the setting of the agenda and the framing of discourse in the media to favor the respective think tank’s propositions and ideas. The author analyzed three different cases, at three different times, in which she demonstrates that the Montreal Economic Institute has influenced the agenda setting of Gesca, and that the framing was largely favorable to the Montreal Economic Institute’s propositions.

À partir des années 1960, avec l’apparition d’un « nous » québécois territorialement défini, intellectuels et groupes de pression se mettent à construire le « problème » de la sous-représentation des autochtones dans l’enseignement de l’histoire nationale à l’école au Québec. Nous comparons la place de ce « problème » à l’agenda des concepteurs des deux derniers programmes d’enseignement de l’histoire nationale à l’école secondaire au Québec : Histoire du Québec et du Canada (1982-2008) et Histoire et éducation à la citoyenneté (2007/2008-). Nous montrons que ce « problème » n’a été inscrit avec proéminence qu’à l’agenda des concepteurs du nouveau programme. Comment expliquer cette différence entre l’agenda des concepteurs de ces deux programmes? En se basant sur l’approche des courants multiples développé par John Kingdon, nous montrons qu’à partir des années 1990, tous les éléments étaient réunis pour favoriser la mise à l’agenda de ce « problème » - courant des problèmes, courant des solutions, courant de la politique, entrepreneur politique et fenêtre d’opportunité. Par contraste, nous arguons qu’à la fin des années 1970, un élément manquait : le courant de la politique, et en particulier le « national mood ». Pour rendre ce concept moins a-historique, nous déclinons le « national mood » en trois niveaux hiérarchiques de croyances, selon la typologie de Sabatier et Jenkins-Smith (1993). Nous montrons qu’il y a eu un changement au niveau des croyances les plus fondamentales et inaltérables des élites intellectuelles et politiques québécoises entre la fin des années 1970 et les années 1990 consistant à reconnaître les peuples autochtones. / With the emergence of a territorially-based Quebec identity in the 1960s intellectuals and pressure groups began to construct the “problem” of aboriginal under-representation in Quebec’s national history program. We compare the importance of this “problem” on the agenda of the designers of the last two high school national history teaching programs in Quebec: History of Quebec and Canada (1982-2008) and History and Education Citizenship (2007/2008-). We show that this “problem” only gained prominence on the agenda of the second program’s designers. To explain this difference between the agenda of the two programs’ designers, we use John Kingdon’s Multiple Streams approach. We show that in the 1990s and 2000s, all the elements favouring the agenda setting of this “problem” were present: the problem stream, the policy stream, the politics stream, the political entrepreneur and the policy window. In contrast, we argue that in the late 1970s, one element was missing: the politics stream, more specifically the national mood. To make the concept of national mood less a-historical, we use Sabatier and Jenkins-Smith’s typology (1993) and distinguish three levels of beliefs constitutive of the national mood. We assert that a change occurred at the deepest and most unalterable level of beliefs held by Quebec’s intellectual and political élite between the late 1970s and the 1990s in favour of the recognition of aboriginal peoples.

The aim of this study was to examine the representation over time of the Swedish social service in the national daily press. More specifically, its aim was to compare the years 1997, 2007 and 2017 and examine any differences and patterns in the reporting due to social changes in society. As this study was based on quantitative content analysis, all articles published in four of the largest national papers during those years, containing the word ”socialtjänsten” [the social service] were read. A code schedule with six themes were made to be used when reading the articles. The themes were: 1) Name of the newspaper. 2) Year of publication. 3) Character of article; news or editorial. 4) Field of social service; e.g. ’child welfare’. 5) Level of analysis; micro, meso or macro. 6) Rating of the social service; positive, negative or neutral. The analysis was based on three media theories; agenda setting, news valuation and framing. As a conclusion the valuation of the social service seems to be pretty much the same over the years; almost two of five articles has a negative valuation of the social service and three of five articles has a neutral valuation of the social service. In relation to that approximately two of one hundred articles has a positive valuation of the social service. Editorial material tends to valuate the social service more negative than news material. The level of analysis seems to have changed to fewer articles on a micro-level in 2017 than in 1997. The five most common fields associated with the social service are youth criminality, child welfare, social service as an organisation, economic aid and migration.

The objective of the present article is to analyze the process of introducing the regulation of therapeutic abortion into the peruvian governmental agenda, identifying the factors that came together to generate such event, the period of study being between the years 2005 to 2014. The investigation corroborates that said event was possible due to the confluence of certain political and institutional factors on the national stages, the strategy of groups in favor (pro-choice) and against (pro-life) the regulation, and international influence. / El presente artículo tiene como objetivo analizar el proceso de ingreso de la reglamentación del aborto terapéutico en la agenda política gubernamental peruana, así como identificar los factores que confluyeron para generar dicho ingreso, siendo el periodo de estudio entre los años 2005 y 2014. La investigación corrobora que dicho ingreso fue posible gracias a la confluencia de ciertos factores políticos e institucionales del ámbito nacional, de las estrategias de los grupos a favor (pro-elección) y en contra (pro-vida) de la reglamentación, y de la influencia internacional.

Vårt syfte med undersökningen har varit att analysera censurdebatten kring Tintin i Kongo från 2012. Med utgångspunkt från argumentet att barn måste skyddas från kontroversiell litteratur har vi framför allt varit intresserade av att förstå hur nyanser av debatten skapats genom den argumentation och det språkbruk som debattörerna har använt sig av.   Teoretiska utgångspunkter: Dagordningsteori. Gestaltningsteori. Frågeställningar: På vilka sätt är debatten kring Tintin, censur och barns förmåga att hantera kontroversiell litteratur intressant för vår förståelse av hur vi använder språk för att kommunicera? Vilka uttalar sig i debatten kring censuren av Tintin? Vilka argument används? Vilka är några vanligt förekommande teman i böcker för barn mellan 6-9 år 2017?   Metod: Vårt tillvägagångssätt för att kunna besvara frågorna har varit att använda oss av textanalys. Material: Vi har till vår undersökning valt att analysera artiklar. Urvalet har skett från de två dagstidningarna Dagens Nyheter och Svenska Dagbladet och kvällstidningarna Aftonbladet och Expressen. Resultat: Det gör skillnad vilka ord vi använder och hur. Ord är makt och avslöjar normer i samhället. / Purpose: Our purpose with this study has been to analyze the debate regarding the attempt to ban Tintin in the Congos in 2012. With the starting-point being the argument made that children have to be protected from literature that is considered to be controversial, we’ve been interested in seeing how the nuances of the debate have been shaped by the use of arguments and language by those participating in the debate. Theoretical points of departure: Agenda setting theory, Framing theory Objectives and focus: The study has the following questions In what way is the debate surrounding Tintin in the Congos, censorship and children’s ability to handle literature considered controversial of interest in understanding how we use language to communicate? Who are the ones taking part in the debate regarding the ban of Tintin in the Congos? What are their arguments? What are some common themes presented in books aimed towards children between the ages of 6-9 2017?   Method: To answer our questions, we have analyzed our material through text analysis. Material: We have for our questions analyzed articles. They have been selected both from the newspapers Dagens Nyheter and Svenska Dagbladet as well as from the evening newspapers Aftonbladet and Expressen. Result: Your words matter. It matters how and when we use them. Words are an expression of power and reveals the norms of society.

138f. / Submitted by Oliveira Santos Dilzaná (dilznana@yahoo.com.br) on 2013-08-16T13:01:10Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação Final Henrique Campos de Oliveira.pdf: 3181552 bytes, checksum: e92c6e461e4f28e41309e956df2db3f4 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Ana Portela(anapoli@ufba.br) on 2013-08-16T18:08:54Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação Final Henrique Campos de Oliveira.pdf: 3181552 bytes, checksum: e92c6e461e4f28e41309e956df2db3f4 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2013-08-16T18:08:54Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação Final Henrique Campos de Oliveira.pdf: 3181552 bytes, checksum: e92c6e461e4f28e41309e956df2db3f4 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011 / CAPES / Esta dissertação busca descrever como ocorreu o processo decisório de incorporação do Porto Sul à Agenda do Governo do Estado da Bahia. Desse objetivo geral se destacam as seguintes questões específicas: Quais os grupos participantes, preponderantes na incorporação do Porto à agenda da política pública de infraestrutura de transporte? Quais eventos na esfera política proporcionaram a incorporação desse porto à agenda do estado? Como se procedeu a relação entres os principais grupos participantes? Para responder a essas questões, o estudo foi baseado na perspectiva analítica tradicional dos múltiplos fluxos de Kingdon (2003), sobre o processo decisório de agenda do Governo Federal estadunidense, nas áreas de saúde e transporte. A partir desse referencial adotado, foi elaborado um mapa analítico com apoio também, na literatura específica sobre políticas públicas de portos, levantada por meio de pesquisa bibliográfica extensiva, no banco de tese da Capes e nas bibliotecas da UFBA e USP. Bem como se buscou evidenciar a trajetória histórica de concepção de portos na RLS. A pesquisa empírica é caracterizada com um estudo de caso, no qual foram realizadas entrevistas semiestruturadas, com 28 participantes, identificados pela metodologia, bola de neve e pela literatura levantada. A análise das entrevistas foi realizada em três dimensões: o fluxo percepção do problema; o jogo de interesses; e delineamento das soluções. Ao final do trabalho, pode-se afirmar que o fluxo percepção do problema apresenta maior convergência com a incorporação do porto à agenda estadual, devido a eventos como a viabilidade da mina e a produção de grãos do oeste. O fluxo, jogo político, converge com a janela, por conta do alinhamento existente entre o Governo Estadual e Federal. Nesse fluxo, há limitações devido a interesses geopolíticos contra a construção do porto na RLS. Já o fluxo referente ao delineamento das soluções técnicas é o mais fragilizado pela participação consistente, tanto dos grupos de contestação local, quanto dos organismos de controle institucional, que acabam também, atuando na dimensão correspondente ao jogo de interesses. This paper seeks to describe the decision making process as it did to incorporate the South Port to the agenda of the Government of the State of Bahia. From this general aim is highlight the following specific questions: What are the predominant groups participating in the merger of the Port to the agenda of public policy for transportation infrastructure? What events in the political incorporation provided that port to the agenda of the state? As we proceeded the relationship as between the main groups involved? To answer these questions, the study was based on traditional analytical perspective of multiple streams of Kingdon (2003) on decision-making agenda of the federal government in health care and transportation. From this point of view adopted, an analytical map was produced with support also in the specific literature on public policies ports raised through extensive literature on the bank of the Capes and the thesis of the university libraries and USP. Well as it sought to highlight the historical trajectory design of ports in RLS. Empirical research is characterized with a case study in which interviews were conducted semi-structured interviews with 28 participants identified by the snowball method and raised in the literature. The analysis of interviews was conducted in three dimensions: perception of the flow problem, the game of interest, and design solutions. At the end of the work, it can be stated that the flow perception of the problem is more convergence with the incorporation of the port state to the agenda due to events such as the viability of the mine and the production of grain from the west. The political game flow converges with the window because of the alignment between the state and federal government. In this flow there are limitations due to geopolitical interests against the construction of the port in RLS. Since the flow for the design of technical solutions is most weakened by the consistent participation of both groups to challenge local and institutional control of bodies that also end up playing the game in the corresponding dimension of interest / Salvador

Submitted by Javiera Fernanda Medina Macaya (javiera.macaya.gpp@gmail.com) on 2017-04-25T12:48:42Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação_Javiera Macaya_vfinal.pdf: 3386577 bytes, checksum: 663a3772d356e8203a5cb97e1d3a980a (MD5) / Rejected by Pamela Beltran Tonsa (pamela.tonsa@fgv.br), reason: Bom dia Javiera, Para que possamos aceitar seu trabalho será necessário fazer alguns ajustes conforme normas (ABNT / APA) -Ficha catalográfica deve estar menor e mais a direita. * Não pode ter folha em branco. ( retirar ) - AGRADECIMENTOS - DEVE SER MAIÚSCULO/NEGRITO E CENTRALIZADO - RESUMO - DEVE SER MAIÚSCULO/NEGRITO E CENTRALIZADO. - ABSTRACT - DEVE SER MAIÚSCULO/NEGRITO E CENTRALIZADO - em língua estrangeira. Após os ajustes você deve submete-lo novamente para análise e aprovação. Qualquer dúvida estamos à disposição, Att, on 2017-04-25T12:59:32Z (GMT) / Submitted by Javiera Fernanda Medina Macaya (javiera.macaya.gpp@gmail.com) on 2017-04-25T13:18:33Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação_Javiera Macaya_vfinal.pdf: 3386648 bytes, checksum: 9580ac3bd3f4622b6eebab7d7644fd59 (MD5) / Rejected by Pamela Beltran Tonsa (pamela.tonsa@fgv.br), reason: Javiera, Verificar o arquivo, pois esta com duas paginas em branco. Não podemos aceitar com esse pequeno detalhe. Por favor ajustar e fazer a nova submissão. Obs: Quando for submeter novamente, inserir o nome de sua coorientadora, Qualquer duvida estamos a disposição, Att, Pâmela Tonsa on 2017-04-25T13:25:43Z (GMT) / Submitted by Javiera Fernanda Medina Macaya (javiera.macaya.gpp@gmail.com) on 2017-04-25T13:45:24Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação_Javiera Macaya_vfinal.pdf: 3384267 bytes, checksum: 4bcf786c53c02ecbc6e564748c66ffbf (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Pamela Beltran Tonsa (pamela.tonsa@fgv.br) on 2017-04-25T15:01:21Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação_Javiera Macaya_vfinal.pdf: 3384267 bytes, checksum: 4bcf786c53c02ecbc6e564748c66ffbf (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-04-25T16:03:05Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação_Javiera Macaya_vfinal.pdf: 3384267 bytes, checksum: 4bcf786c53c02ecbc6e564748c66ffbf (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-02-23 / Esta pesquisa investiga como ocorre o processo de formação de agenda de smart city através do estudo da Iniciativa de Cidades Emergentes e Sustentáveis do Banco Interamericano de Desenvolvimento (ICES-BID), no município de Vitória (Espírito Santo, Brasil). Com esse objetivo, compõem este estudo as revisões de literatura de formação de agenda, smart cities e ajuda internacional. Foram entrevistados doze gestores, que participaram da Iniciativa, em nove entrevistas, as quais foram transcritas e codificadas no software Atlas TI©, seguindo as categorias dos fluxos múltiplos (KINGDON, 1995) e framework multinível (POZZEBON; DINIZ; JAYO, 2009). O principal resultado mostrou que, no contexto do caso estudado, o papel das agências multilaterais como agências financiadoras de smart cities influencia os fluxos, sendo relevante olhar para o fenômeno de modo complementar através das lentes do framework multinível. / This research investigates how the smart city agenda-setting process occurs through the study of the Inter-American Development Bank's Initiative for Emerging and Sustainable Cities (ICES-IDB), in the city of Vitória (Espírito Santo, Brazil). To this end, this study compiles the literature reviews of agenda-setting, smart cities and foreign-aid. Twelve managers, who participated in the Initiative, were interviewed in nine interviews, which were transcribed and coded in Atlas TI © software, following the multiple streams categories (KINGDON, 1995) and multilevel framework (POZZEBON; DINIZ; JAYO, 2009). The main result showed that, in the context of the case studied, the role of multilateral agencies as funding agencies of smart cities influences the streams, being relevant to look at the phenomenon in a complementary way through the lenses of the multilevel framework.