This dissertation examines the agendas and frames used by the Ethiopian News Agency (ENA) and Reuters in their coverage of issues and actors of the May 2005 Ethiopian Elections, by employing agenda-setting and framing theories. The study applies quantitative and qualitative methods and examined fifty news stories from each news agency, and forwards five main findings: One, ENA and Reuters differed in setting agendas. While ENA focused on the legitimacy, Reuters emphasised on the killings and arrests of the electoral process. Second, ENA and Reuters differed in their motives to make some actors more salient than others. Third, ENA framed Elections processes as rightful, while Reuters framed them as disfigured. Fourth, ENA framed government parties as visionary and indomitable, and the oppositions as wrongdoers. Contrastingly, Reuters framed the oppositions as victims, and the government parties as brutal actors. And finally, by so doing, both agencies reflected their respective interests. / Communication Science / MA (International Communication)

Submitted by Ivy Mayumi de Moraes (ivydemoraes@gmail.com) on 2018-07-03T14:46:34Z No. of bitstreams: 1 MORAES, I. 2018.pdf: 2054461 bytes, checksum: 6d7a8cb00488215262b94aa92f0aefdf (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Pamela Beltran Tonsa (pamela.tonsa@fgv.br) on 2018-07-03T14:49:35Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 MORAES, I. 2018.pdf: 2054461 bytes, checksum: 6d7a8cb00488215262b94aa92f0aefdf (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Suzane Guimarães (suzane.guimaraes@fgv.br) on 2018-07-03T16:13:20Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 MORAES, I. 2018.pdf: 2054461 bytes, checksum: 6d7a8cb00488215262b94aa92f0aefdf (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-07-03T16:13:20Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 MORAES, I. 2018.pdf: 2054461 bytes, checksum: 6d7a8cb00488215262b94aa92f0aefdf (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-04-24 / O objetivo desta dissertação de mestrado é analisar o tema de locação social na agenda governamental da cidade de São Paulo nas gestões municipais de 2001 a 2016. Entende-se locação social, nesta pesquisa, como ação de Estado que destina estoque de imóveis, público ou privado, para atender as demandas de moradia da população de baixa renda, sem que haja transferência de propriedade do imóvel ao beneficiário, mas, em contrapartida, o pagamento de taxas de aluguel, que podem ou não ser subsidiadas. Baseado em entrevistas e análise documental, e mobilizando o referencial teórico de definição de agenda, argumenta-se que há três períodos distintos da locação social na agenda habitacional do governo municipal, quais sejam, inclusão (entre 2001 e 2004), inércia (entre 2005 e 2015), e centralidade (entre 2015 e 2016). No período de inclusão, a locação social entrou na agenda governamental paulistana como misto de iniciativa interna e externa, em resposta ao problema de moradia acessível no centro de São Paulo, resultando na criação do Programa de Locação Social (PLS) em 2002. No período de inércia, que se iniciou em 2005 com a mudança de governo, o PLS foi revisto, fazendo com que a locação social se mantivesse na agenda nos anos seguintes apenas em virtude de desdobramentos de ações tomadas anteriormente. Isto incluiu a entrega de empreendimentos previstos ou iniciados e a realocação de unidades habitacionais para locação social em empreendimentos realizados no escopo de outros programas. Finalmente, no período de centralidade, a partir da mudança da equipe da Secretaria Municipal de Habitação em 2015, a locação social adquiriu notoriedade no planejamento da política habitacional do município. Isto incluiu a ênfase dada ao tema no projeto de lei do Plano Municipal de Habitação de 2016, seu papel no Plano Municipal de Políticas para a População em Situação de Rua de 2016, a criação de um órgão de competência única voltada à locação social, a Gerência de Locação Social, e os planos para retomada e ampliação do PLS. Em um momento de intensificação do debate sobre locação social como alternativa de habitação de interesse social, esta dissertação de mestrado contribui para preencher as lacunas na produção acadêmica brasileira sobre locação social e, na área de Administração Pública, sobre habitação de interesse social. / This thesis analyzes the social rental housing in the agenda of the Municipality of São Paulo from 2001 to 2016. Social rental housing is defined as a government policy that i) allocates public and private housing stock, ii) meets the demands of a low-income population, iii) upon payment of rents that may or may not be subsidized by the government, and iv) functions without transferring property from the owner to the beneficiary. Based on interviews and archival research, and drawing from the agenda-setting framework, I argue that social rental housing in the Municipality's housing agenda can be classified into three periods: inclusion (2001-2004), inertia (2005-2015), and centrality (2015-2016). During the period of inclusion, the social rental housing policy Programa de Locação Social (PLS, Social Rental Housing Program) was established in 2002 as an initiative, simultaneously internal and external to the Municipality, to respond to demands for housing affordability in downtown São Paulo. The inertia period started in 2005 when the new administration revised the PLS. In the subsequent years, social rental housing only persisted in the policy agenda as a consequence of past decisions. This included the delivery of previously planned PLS projects, and the reallocation of units from different policies to social rental housing. Finally, the centrality period began in 2015 with the team change at the Housing Department. Social rental housing became a prominent aspect in housing plans put forth by the Municipality in this period. In 2016, it was incorporated into the Plano Municipal de Habitação (Housing Plan) and the Plano Municipal de Políticas para a População em Situação de Rua (Homeless Policies Plan); additionally, the Gerência de Locação Social (Social Rental Housing Management Office) was created, and the Municipality made plans to resume and expand the PLS. At a time when debates over social rental housing as a housing alternative are intensifying, this study contributes to filling in the gaps of the Brazilian social rental housing literature in general and the Brazilian social housing literature in the field of Public Administration.

The thesis deals with the phenomenon of right-wing extremism in the Czech Republic during 2007-2010 which is viewed from the socio-constructivist perspective of the sociological concept of moral panic. The theoretical part focuses on definition of the terms right-wing extremism and moral panic with regard to their evolution and various approaches in social theory and also briefly describes the situation and significant subjects of the Czech extremist right-wing scene in the analyzed period. The analytic part presents media content of four selected aspects and cases of right-wing extremism as published in nationally released newspaper Mladá fronta DNES which is examined in depth using qualitative content analysis. The task of the analysis was to determine to what extent and by which specific ways the representation of these cases in given newspaper fulfills the aspects and processes of an ideal type of moral panic, represented by Klocke and Muschert's hybrid model of moral panics, and how the cases are put in the general framework of constructing the right-wing extremism as a prominent social problem and a moral panic.

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Background: Diabetes is a global health issue on the rise. Besides genetics as a cause of diabetes, diet, weight and lifestyle are amongst the main factors. Due to the modernized society, new technology and risks, there has been a shift in responsibility of safety and health. As a part of a health promoting policy development during the last few decades there has also been a natural de-authorization of health knowledge and expertise. Governmental expertise has been decentralized to the society and so has the responsibilities. Traces of this new health paradigm can be seen in the media discourse. It has been seen in studies of the reporting of diabetes in North American press, that societal factors – such as labor market, health care and infrastructure – often get veiled by individuals’ responsibility and guilt due to lifestyle and life choices. This affects how individuals feel about their life situation and how the public perceive them.     Method and material: A quantitative content analysis was performed on 112 articles from six Swedish broadsheet and tabloid newspapers. The articles were coded with variables measuring article theme, dominant framing of diabetes´ causes and whose responsibility, what arguments are used and what agents with dignity can be seen. Excerpts from the articles were also analyzed with qualitative tools as modality and argumentation analysis. Results: Similarities between the Swedish and the North American newspapers were discovered. Societal factors and structures as causes and means of responsibilities were not as prominent as those aiming for the individual. The responsibility of the society was also reported to a much greater extent than society as a factor contributing to cause diabetes. This can be considered a sign of the health promoting strategy and the individualism that is rooted in modernization, industrialization and economic liberalization. Doctors and scientists were given dignity as often as celebrities and private citizens, which indicates the de-authorization of health knowledge and the further use of scientists and doctors as a truth repository in media. Several of the articles concern the critique of the diabetes unawareness and predominant individual responsibility that was the outset of this study. Celebrities and private citizens were frequently given dignity in these cases. In their criticizing, high modality contributed to a strong authority in their knowledge. / Grund för forskningsfrågan: Diabetes av olika slag drabbar ett växande antal människor världen över. Sjukdomen tros främst bero på genetik och omgivande faktorer så som livsstil, vilken påverkas av den omgivande miljön. Det har visat sig i studier av rapportering kring sjukdomen i bland annat nordamerikansk press att samhälleliga faktorer ofta hamnar i skymundan och att skulden och ansvaret för sjukdomen framstår ligga hos individen och dess egenvalda livsstil. Detta kan bero på en hälsofrämjande strategi som setts växa fram under de senaste decennierna, som en reaktion på effekterna av teknisk utveckling, modernisering och marknadskrafter. Strategin har inneburit en naturlig av-auktorisering av hälsokunskapen och individualisering av ansvaret. Detta hälsoparadigm återspeglas i medierna.   Studien: Denna studie undersöker rapporteringen av diabetes i svensk press, genom en kvantitativ innehållsanalys av 112 artiklar från sex svenska dags- och kvällstidningar. Materialet kodades med variabler för bland annat artikeltema, dominant gestaltning av orsak samt ansvar för diabetes, vilka argument som förekommer och vilka aktörer som tillskrivs dignitet i sammanhanget. Detta kompletterades med en kvalitativ analys av några textutdrag från materialet, med verktyg och begrepp från och argumentationsanalys samt det lingvistiska begreppet modalitet.   Resultat: Det framträder stora likheter mellan de svenska tidningarna och de nordamerikanska. Samhällsstrukturer som orsak till och ansvar för diabetes framgår inte i samma utsträckning som individens roll. Samhällets ansvar för sjukdomen framgår dock i större utsträckning än dess skuld, vilket går i linje med individualiseringen av hälsoansvaret. Läkare och professorer tillsammans förekommer med dignitet i ungefär lika många artiklar som privatpersoner och kändisar tillsammans, vilket indikerar avauktoriseringen av hälsokunskapen, och den fortsatta användningen av läkare och professorer som ett slags ”sanningsvittnen”. I flera artiklar framträder just den kritik mot okunskap kring sjukdomen och hur individerna själva måste arbeta för att förändra läget, en utgångspunkt för denna studie. Kändisar och privatpersoner fick i dessa fall dignitet. I deras kritiserande av andra uttalanden de inte höll med i, agerade hög modalitet en faktor som gav dem auktoritet i sina uttalanden.

This study delves into the media coverage of cannabis by analyzing articles from Aftonbladet and Expressen between 2010 and 2024. Through a combination of quantitative and qualitative methods, the study examines the tone, content, and trends in reporting on cannabis through these years. A total of 904 articles were analyzed, with a focus on identifying patterns, trends, and shifts in the portrayal of cannabis in the two newspapers. The quantitative content analysis involves coding and categorizing a large sample of articles to uncover key themes and frequencies of coverage. Additionally, a qualitative discourse analysis is conducted on a subset of texts to deepen the understanding of how cannabis is framed and represented in the media. The methodological rigor includes inter-coderreliability checks and statistical evaluations to ensure consistency and validity in the analysis process. The findings reveal a predominance of negative articles, with a particular focus on domestic issues in Sweden such as increasing gang violence. The study also highlights the influence of media discourse in shaping perceptions of cannabis, portraying it both as an illegal commodity associated with violence and as a symbol of deviance. By scrutinizing the language and narratives used in media representations, this research sheds light on the construction of cannabis in Swedish newspapers and the potential impact on public attitudes and policies.

This dissertation asserts that American political culture faces a crisis of virtue and explores the role of citizens, journalists and politicians in fostering it. The historic election of Barack Obama on a platform of hope and change in 2008 suggests that Americans yearn for an infusion of virtue into political life. I assert, however, that we have lacked a lexicon of political virtue, or any systematic understanding of which virtues we value and which matter most to us. Nor have we understood whether groups who constitute key elements of our democracy—citizens, journalists, politicians, men and women, Democrats and Republicans—value virtues in politics similarly or differently. Without a working knowledge of the anatomy of virtue in the body politic, what is to prevent us from having to change again? By charting the virtue systems of these key groups, I have made explicit what is implicit to reveal that political virtue is more valued—and more present—than Americans likely realize. This exploration, I believe, contributes to the scholarship of political communication by enabling a fuller and more useful understanding of American political culture—and of the contradictions, curiosities, and surprises that enrich it. / text