La présente thèse a pour objet l’étude d’un fragment des mobilisations associatives des « héritiers » de l’immigration maghrébine. Elle porte sur Zaâma d’Banlieue et les Jeunes Arabes de Lyon et Banlieue (1979-1998). La thèse repose sur un constat: la formation d’un espace spécifique articulé autour d’une catégorie, les « héritiers », d’un réseau d’individus et d’organisations interconnectés ; d’une cause, l’énonciation de l’expérience du groupe ; de thèmes de mobilisations et de registres rhétoriques valorisant l’autonomie et la fidélité au « texte caché ». Son appréciation s’inscrit dans la continuité d’une approche en termes d’« espace des mouvements sociaux ». Fondée sur une approche socio-historique et une enquête qualitative réunissant des entretiens semi directifs, le dépouillement d’archives et d’articles de presse, la thèse conjugue une socio-histoire du fait migratoire à la sociologie des mouvements sociaux. Elle entend enrichir l’analyse des opérations concrètes des mobilisations par une attention aux configurations sociales, historiques et politiques dans lesquelles elles prennent place. Elle propose une approche adaptée à la prédominance des liens affinitaires au sein de l’économie interne de ces mouvements, à l’indécision de leurs frontières et au caractère multipositionné des membres par une attention aux circulations. / The PhD dissertation aims to study a fragment of the mobilizations led by people with a North African origin. More specifically, it relates to Zaâma d’Banlieue and the Jeunes Arabes de Lyon et Banlieue (1979-1998). It relies on one observation: the formation of a specific space articulated around a category, the individuals with North African background; a network of individuals and organisations; an issue, the enunciation of the group experience; some relevant themes of mobilization and rhetoric registers which enhances the autonomy and the loyalty to the “hidden text”. It assessment extends an approach in terms of “space of social movements”. Based on a socio-historical approach and a qualitative research (interviews, archives, press), the study combines a socio-history of the migration with the sociology of social movements. It aims to enrich the analysis of concrete operations of mobilization by attention to social, historical and political configurations in which it takes place. It offers a suitable device to take into account the predominance of affinitive ties within the internal economy of theses organisations, their blurred boundaries and the multiposition of theses members by paying attention to the flows.

Klimatproblematiken som ett Collective Action problem är oerhört komplext då klimatet inte är nationsbundet utan berör hela världen, vilket i sin tur gör att alla världens stater är inkorporerade i ett gigantiskt klimatproblem. Komplexiteten blir ännu mer påtaglig på grund av den globala marknaden där stater såväl som andra aktörer opererar transnationellt. Första nation att lagstifta om ett klimatförändringsmål var Storbritannien som 2008 antog den så kallade Climate Change Act med huvudsyfte att 2050 ha minskat de nationella växthusgasutsläppen med 80 procent, jämfört med 1990 års utsläppsnivå (Climate Change Act 2008). Drygt 9 år senare har den svenska regeringen lagt fram en proposition (Prop. 2016/17:146) gällande ett klimatpolitiskt ramverk som föreslår nya klimatmål samt en klimatlag för att Sverige ska få en stabil och långsiktig klimatpolitik. Det Klimatpolitiska ramverket ska bidra till att Sverige år 2045 har minskat sina växthusgasutsläpp med 85 procent jämfört med 1990 års nivå. Studien syftar till att jämföra Storbritanniens och Sveriges klimatlagar för att sedan väga detta mot vilka krav som ställs teoretiskt för att institutioner ska kunna lösa kollektiva dilemman av den här digniteten. En fallstudiemetodik har använts för att kunna jämföra Storbritanniens och Sveriges klimatlagar både gentemot de teoretiska kraven som ställs för institutioner men även för att kunna jämföra länderna emellan i en Cross-Case slutsats. Studiens analysramverk har utgjorts av Ostrom´s (2005) "Grammar of institutions" därefter har ländernas klimatåtaganden studerats och studien visar på att den brittiska Climate Change Act och den svenska Propositionen för ett klimatpolitiskt ramverk i det stora hela är väldigt lik varandra. Den största iakttagelsen som studien gör är att det för båda länderna finns tydliga brister och då främst när det gäller avsaknaden av sanktioner eller rättsliga påföljder givet att staterna inte följer klimatlagarna.

Kyoto University (京都大学) / 0048 / 新制・課程博士 / 博士(工学) / 甲第16379号 / 工博第3460号 / 新制||工||1523(附属図書館) / 29010 / 京都大学大学院工学研究科都市社会工学専攻 / (主査)教授 小林 潔司, 教授 川﨑 雅史, 准教授 松島 格也 / 学位規則第4条第1項該当

Le projet constitue une modalité centrale d’administration de l’Aide publique au développement (APD). Moyen d’injecter des fonds selon des objectifs préétablis dans des secteurs donnés de l’économie, les projets ont suscité une littérature abondante dédiée à la rationalisation de ce format gestionnaire afin d’en assurer une plus grande maitrise. C’est également par projet que le secteur de l’APD intègre les enjeux de biodiversité dans ses activités de développement. Or la généalogie de cette question environnementale globale nous montre qu’elle déborde les pratiques standards de la conduite de projet, qu’elle se construit autant au niveau global qu’au niveau local, et que les méthodes d’élaboration ex ante et d’évaluation ex post brident la compréhension de ce qui se construit in itinere, dans le temps du projet et de son déroulé. En décalant la focale classique d’analyse de la gestion de projet nous faisons l’hypothèse qu’une posture de « recherche embarquée » nous permet d’expérimenter et de restituer au plus près l’activité stratégique de construction des cadres émergents de l’action environnementale. Nous outillons analytiquement cette posture à partir des travaux foucaldiens en sciences de gestion sur la conception de l’action collective et en aménageant le cadre d’Analyse stratégique de la gestion environnementale (ASGE). Nous faisons du couple régime-dispositif l’analyseur central de cette activité qui articule une intention générale - le régime de biodiversité - et sa conception dans un projet entendu comme un dispositif (i.e. un ensemble hétérogène d’acteurs, d’institutions, d’outils et de savoirs). Le « pôle réflexif » devient alors le lieu d’émergence de la stratégie environnementale du dispositif à partir de l’exercice d’une « réflexivité engagée ». Le projet qui sert de base empirique à cette réflexion, financé par le Fonds français pour l’environnement mondial (FFEM) été conçu dans une démarche originale entre une Agence de développement rural albanaise (MADA) et une organisation intergouvernementale méditerranéenne (CIHEAM-IAMM) ayant accepté « d’embarquer » une fonction recherche dans un processus concret de création de signes de qualité et d’origine (SIQO) pour des productions locales issues des systèmes pastoraux et agricoles et des activités de collecte de produits non-ligneux. L’hypothèse avancée par le projet « BiodivBalkans » (2012-2016) étant que ce processus peut favoriser une gestion environnementale durable des territoires agro-silvo-pastoraux albanais. La restitution de cette enquête prend la forme d’une narration-description située du projet comme dispositif à laquelle est rapportée une analyse de l’activité de mise en dispositif du régime de biodiversité endossée par le pôle réflexif, dans ses dimensions cognitive, organisationnelle et stratégique. Au-delà de l’irréductibilité de cette expérience de recherche, la portée démonstrative de ce travail s’articule en deux temps. D’un point de vue pratique, l’activité de pôle réflexif nous semble constituer une modalité additionnelle de conception et de mise en œuvre des projets de l’APD à visée environnementale. Nous dégageons des invariants de l’activité de mise en dispositif du régime de biodiversité en définissant trois catégories d’exercice d’une réflexivité engagée. Ces types d’opérations stratégiques de nature et d’échelles conceptuelles différentes permettent de concevoir les cadres de l’action environnementale au cœur des dispositifs d’action collective en univers complexe, ambigu et conflictuel.Du point de vue analytique, la théorisation de l’activité de pôle réflexif nous permet de redéfinir le statut de l’acteur environnemental tel qu’il est proposé par l’Analyse stratégique de la Gestion Environnementale (ASGE) en y intégrant une dimension cognitive, procédurale et située du changement en faveur de l’environnement dans les collectifs, rendue par les notions de « courtage de connaissances » et « d’organisation frontière ». / Overseas Development Assistance (ODA) operates mainly through projects. Envisioned as an efficient mean to inject funds according established targets in specific sectors of the economy, projects have generated a vast managerial literature aiming at optimizing the delivery of rationally planned and controlled outputs. Projects are also widely used to mainstream biodiversity in the ODA sector. However, our genealogy of biodiversity as a global environmental issue shows how this kind of wicked and ambiguous problem challenges the mechanistic rationality at the basis of all ODA project models. Building on both global and local levels, biodiversity issues cannot be properly constructed and managed through ex ante planning processes or ex post evaluations, but are arising from multi-actors interactions throughout the project life.By shifting the traditional focus of analysis of project management we assume a posture of "embedded research" allows us to experiment and describe the strategic activity of conceiving environmental action frames. We are equipping this posture building on Strategic Environmental Management Analysis (SEMA), adjusted with foucaldian analytical frameworks in management science on collective action design.Pairing the concepts of “regime” and “device”, we propose to use them as a central analytic tool to study this strategic activity that articulates a general intention – a biodiversity regime – conceived through a project understood as a device (i.e.: an heterogeneous set of actors, institutions, tools and knowledges). The figure of "reflexive pole” endorses the conception of the environmental strategy as a liminal site embedded in a specific device through the exercise of a “committed reflexivity”.The project used as an empirical basis for this intervention research, funded by the French Global Environment Facility (GEF), was designed in an original approach between Albanian Rural Development Agency (MADA) and Mediterranean intergovernmental organization (CIHEAM-IAMM) having agreed to "embark" a research function in a concrete process of building Signs of quality and origin (SIQO) for local productions from pastoral and agricultural systems and collection activities of non-timber products. The hypothesis advanced by the project "BiodivBalkans" (2012-2016) was that this process can promote a sustainable environmental management of agro-silvopastoral Albanian territories.This inquiry – led in a pragmatic perspective – is based on a situated narrative and description of the project’s developments studied as a strategic device, to which is attached the activity of the “reflexive pole”. Doing so, we emphasize the cognitive, organizational and strategic nature of conceiving the frames of environmental action in a situated device related to an evolving biodiversity regime. Beyond the irreducibility of this experience, the added value of this research work is twofold.From a practical standpoint, we propose to consider the “reflexive pole’s” activity as an additional modality to design and implement ODA environmental projects. We derive three invariants of this biodiversity mainstreaming activity (i.e.: framing, shaping, using), which designate three modes of exerting a “committed reflexivity”. Theses strategic operations of different nature and conceptual scales are to design the environmental dimension of collective action devices in complex, ambiguous and adverse universe.From an analytical standpoint then, theorizing the “reflexive pole’s” strategic activity allows us to redefine the status of the environmental actor as proposed by the Strategic Environmental Management Analysis (SEMA) in an actor-centric perspective. We used the concepts of “knowledge brokering" and» boundary organization” to enlarge this focus with a socio-cognitive dimension and build theoretical foundations to further explore the cognitive, procedural and located dimension of environmental changes in collective action devices.

Cette recherche vise à saisir les conditions d’émergence, de stabilisation et de déstabilisation de l’organisation de la vitiviniculture instituée en France dans la première moitié du XXe siècle. Au cours de cette période, l’État accorde aux Appellations d’Origine Contrôlée (AOC), érigées en modèle d’excellence et de rareté, le pouvoir de contrôler leur propre réglementation, tandis qu’il place sous sa tutelle les autres catégories de vin, établies en problème public en raison d’une surproduction chronique. Mais l’intégration européenne, dès les années 1970, s’accompagne d’un changement d’échelle réglementaire et de nouvelles régulations politiques sectorielles. Dès lors, et contre toute attente, les vins d’AOC sont graduellement concurrencés, en prix et en réputation, par ceux qui étaient autrefois les moins valorisés. Nous montrons historiquement que la forte indépendance des vins d’AOC, d’une part, et la dépendance des autres vis-à-vis des autorités, de l’autre, ont posé les conditions de ce bouleversement. La Gironde et le Languedoc-Roussillon, territoires administrativement différents, mais structurellement dominants à l’échelle nationale, constituent deux terrains d’observation appropriés. Les deux conceptions vitivinicoles qui divisent la vitiviniculture nationale s’y sont développées de façon emblématique. Les syndicats qui en ont été les fers de lance ont noué des relations asymétriques avec les autorités. L’entrée en vigueur de la réglementation communautaire les a alors atteints différemment, de sorte que des évolutions en ciseau ont été enregistrées. Sur cette base, la thèse engage une problématique de portée générale. Le cas de la vitiviniculture permet d’interroger dans la longue durée l’incidence des changements d’échelles sur la régulation politique de l’économie. En articulant des schémas d’analyse et des outils fournis par la science politique et la sociologie économique, la démonstration livrée permet de préciser les conditions dans lesquelles une politique publique (nationale puis communautaire) en arrive à déstabiliser les conduites économiques sans que ce résultat ait été visé ni même anticipé. / This research aims to understand the conditions that emerged and caused the stabilization and destabilization of the organizational structure of the wine industry, which had first been established in France in the first half of the twentieth century. During this initial period, the State granted to certain wines the “controlled designation of origin” or Appellations d'Origine Contrôlée (AOC) – established as a singular model of excellence – the power to control their own regulations, while also placing other categories of wine under its guidance due to the public interest issue of chronic overproduction. However, with the deepening of European integration as of the 1970s, a rescaling of regulatory changes began, including new sectoral policy regulations. Since then, and against all expectations, AOC wines gradually began to compete in price and reputation against those which had once been valued the least. This thesis reveals, on the one hand, the historically strong independence of AOC wines and, on the other hand, the dependence of the others wines vis-à-vis public authorities, set the terms of this upheaval. Gironde and the Languedoc-Roussillon, while administratively different territories, but both structurally dominant on a national level, have been the two most relevant fields of observation. The two conceptions of wine emblematically developed in those two regions have divided the national wine industry. The unions who spearheaded each of the two types of wine also developed asymetrical relations with the authorities. Moreover, the implementation of European Community legislation affected them differently, thus creating a price ‘scissors’ phenomenon. By examining the tensions this caused, this thesis tackles a wider problem. The case of the wine industry thus enable analysis to examine the long term impact of scaled changes with regards to the political regulation of the economy. Through the application of analytical frameworks and tools provided by political science and economic sociology, this example allows to focus on the conditions under which public policy (national and communautaire”) came to destabilize economic behaviour without the results that occurred having been aimed for, or even anticipated.

The ever-increasing use of the internet by terrorist groups as a platform for the dissemination of radical, violent ideologies is well documented. The internet has, in this way, become a breeding ground for potential lone-wolf terrorists; that is, individuals who commit acts of terror inspired by the ideological rhetoric emitted by terrorist organizations. These individuals are characterized by their lack of formal affiliation with terror organizations, making them difficult to intercept with traditional intelligence techniques. The radicalization of individuals on the internet poses a considerable threat to law enforcement and national security officials. This new medium of radicalization, however, also presents new opportunities for the interdiction of lone wolf terrorism. This dissertation is an account of the development and evaluation of an information technology (IT) framework for detecting potentially radicalized individuals on social media sites and Web fora. Unifying Collective Action Framing Theory (CAFT) and a radicalization model of lone wolf terrorism, this dissertation analyzes a corpus of propaganda documents produced by several, radically different, terror organizations. This analysis provides the building blocks to define a knowledge model of terrorist ideological framing that is implemented as a Semantic Web Ontology. Using several techniques for ontology guided information extraction, the resultant ontology can be accurately processed from textual data sources. This dissertation subsequently defines several techniques that leverage the populated ontological representation for automatically identifying individuals who are potentially radicalized to one or more terrorist ideologies based on their postings on social media and other Web fora. The dissertation also discusses how the ontology can be queried using intuitive structured query languages to infer triggering events in the news. The prototype system is evaluated in the context of classification and is shown to provide state of the art results. The main outputs of this research are (1) an ontological model of terrorist ideologies (2) an information extraction framework capable of identifying and extracting terrorist ideologies from text, (3) a classification methodology for classifying Web content as resonating the ideology of one or more terrorist groups and (4) a methodology for rapidly identifying news content of relevance to one or more terrorist groups.

Made available in DSpace on 2017-06-01T18:17:59Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 dissertacao_ joao_armando.pdf: 510354 bytes, checksum: b2b95dfe5220bc6600966c67c131c285 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-04-24 / The focus of this work is the Conduct Settlement Commitment, an instrument which wards off or brings a Public Civil Action to an end, aiming its complete scope, more precisely, as regards its substantial contents delimitation and the validity control that should be carries on such contents, starting from the bear out that, as regards the judicial complexion, this Commitment is not an agreement (accordance), but, in fact, having the public-social and judicial concerns as its scope, it s a question of juridical action in the strict sense, related to the political-governmental action, contemplating the objective (utterly judicial) invigorated by the unavailability, from that cause, besides the formal limits imposed by law s regency, the contents (substantial composition) should fulfill the limits of its own objectives and the legally planed objectives In tune with the aims, it is visualized (imposed) the lawfulness control of the Conduct Settlement Commitment, the formal elements control as well as the substantial diction (object, reason and predetermined end) of this judicial action which directly affects the general concerns of social State body / O presente trabalho focaliza o Compromisso de Ajustamento de Conduta, instrumento que previne ou extingue a Ação Civil Pública, divisando seu exato alcance, precisamente quanto à delimitação de seu conteúdo material e o controle de validade que sobre tal conteúdo se há de exercer, partindo-se da constatação de que, quanto à natureza jurídica, tal Compromisso não se trata de transação (negócio), mas, na verdade, tendo por escopo a tutela de interesses jurídicos de dimensão público-social, trata-se de ato jurídico em sentido estrito, com substância de ato político-governamental, contemplando objeto (bem jurídico) tonificado de indisponibilidade, daí por que, além do traçado formal que a lei de regência lhe impõe, o próprio conteúdo (composição material) haverá de cumprir a delimitação de motivos e finalidades legalmente projetada. Nesse diapasão, visualiza-se (e impõe-se) o controle de validade do Compromisso de Ajustamento de Conduta, controle que se exerce tanto sobre os elementos formais como sobre a própria dicção material (objeto, motivo e finalidade) de tal ato jurídico afeto ao interesse geral do corpo social do Estado

Orientador: Antonio Francisco Magnoni / Resumo: Historicamente tem-se observado a inserção das tecnologias nos processos de transformação econômica, social, cultural e política. Também estão evidentes os padrões geracionais no uso das tecnologias, bem como padrões de classe, de acesso a serviços públicos e privados, e seu potencial para mobilizar opiniões e configurar ou reformatar movimentos de protesto e reivindicações sociais. A internet e as redes sociais digitais são importantes para a inclusão participativa de parcelas da sociedade que permaneciam excluídas da convivência política. As juventudes são um exemplo concreto de aumento da participação online. Neste sentido, esta pesquisa tem como objetivo analisar os usos e apropriações das tecnologias digitais para a participação político-cidadã pelas juventudes brasileiras. Foram definidos os seguintes objetivos específicos: a) verificar quais elementos e contextos caracterizam o processo de apropriação de novas tecnologias em experiências de mobilização político-social no Brasil; b) mapear e divulgar iniciativas de participação político-cidadã realizadas a partir dos usos e apropriações de tecnologias digitais; c) contribuir para a discussão sobre participação, capital social, ação e mobilização coletiva e tecnologias digitais, com foco nos processos de apropriação e de uso das tecnologias digitais para a participação política pelos jovens brasileiros. Considerando os objetos de pesquisa como dinâmicos e mutáveis diante de atualizações não apenas tecnológicas, mas també... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo) / Abstract: Historically, the insertion of technologies in the processes of economic, social, cultural and political transformation has been observed. Generational patterns in the use of technologies are also evident, as well as class standards, access to public and private services, and their potential to mobilize opinions and configure or reformat protest movements and social demands. The internet and social media are important for the participatory inclusion of parts of society that remained excluded from political coexistence. Youths are a concrete example of increasing online participation. Thus, this research aims to analyze the uses and appropriations of digital technologies for political-citizen participation by Brazilian youth. The following specific objectives were defined: a) to verify which elements and contexts characterize the process of appropriation of new technologies in experiences of political and social mobilization in Brazil; b) map and disseminate initiatives for political-citizen participation carried out based on the uses and appropriations of digital technologies; c) contribute to the discussion on participation, social capital, collective action and mobilization and digital technologies, focusing on the processes of appropriation and use of digital technologies for political participation by young Brazilians. Considering the research objects as dynamic and changeable in the face of not only technological updates, but also of a behavioral and subjective nature, i... (Complete abstract click electronic access below) / Históricamente se ha observado la inserción de tecnologías en los procesos de transformación económica, social, cultural y política. Los patrones generacionales en el uso de tecnologías también son evidentes, así como los estándares de clase, el acceso a servicios públicos y privados, y su potencial para movilizar opiniones y configurar o reformatear movimientos de protesta y demandas sociales. Internet y las redes sociales digitales son importantes para la inclusión participativa de partes de la sociedad que quedaron excluidas de la convivencia política. Los jóvenes son un ejemplo concreto de aumentar la participación en línea. En este sentido, esta investigación tiene como objetivo analizar los usos y apropiaciones de tecnologías digitales para la participación ciudadana política de la juventud brasileña. Se definieron los siguientes objetivos específicos: a) verificar qué elementos y contextos caracterizan el proceso de apropiación de nuevas tecnologías en experiencias de movilización política y social en Brasil; b) mapear y difundir iniciativas de participación político-ciudadana realizadas en función de los usos y apropiaciones de las tecnologías digitales; c) contribuir a la discusión sobre participación, capital social, acción colectiva y movilización y tecnologías digitales, enfocándose en los procesos de apropiación y uso de tecnologías digitales para la participación política de los jóvenes brasileños. Considerando los objetos de investigación como dinámicos y cambi / Doutor

<p>The purpose of this critical ethnographic dissertation research was to explore the multiple and diverse ways in which university student activists in Honduras constructed oppositional political cultures within the institutional constraints and possibilities of the university and the broader neoliberal and authoritarian postcoup context. In this research, I considered studying up and down and anything in between a necessary task to understand the complexity of student activism in relation to the university’s complicity with the coloniality of power and knowledge (Nader, 1972; Quijano, 2000, 2007). Critical ethnography, decolonial, space and place, and collective action theory provided the philosophical, methodological, conceptual, practical, political, and ethical commitments to understand how the University Student Movement’s political culture resisted neoliberal higher education reform. This research, in addition, offers an ethnographic analysis and interpretation of the student movement’s political culture and the role it played in democratizing the university. First, I used a historical perspective to contextualize reemerging student movements in Honduras. After tracing Latin American student movement’s origin to the Cordoba Student Movement of Argentina, I examined the ways in which the student movement of Honduras adopted, reclaimed, and extended the democratic principles implemented in the former. University autonomy, ideological pluralism, democratic governance, academic freedom, and curriculum reform were salient points of analyses. Second, I examined the student movement’s horizontal organization, identified the democratic social practices and political culture that emerged after the coup of 2009, and interpreted student activists’ knowledges born in struggle through a decolonial lens concomitant with a sensitivity to space and place and collective action. Particularly, the direct participation of students in all decision-making processes within the student movement was interpreted as an act of resistance to reclaim democratic spaces within a sociopolitical context increasingly becoming dictatorial. Third, I analyzed the student movement’s impact in democratizing the university’s governance structure and resisting neoliberal higher education reform. Fourth, I shared the knowledge produced collectively by student activists. The way students conceived of the university and its curriculum and governing practices unsettled the authorial individualism still present in educational research. The knowledges born in struggle, I argued, have sociopolitical, cultural, and decolonial implications. In addition to the analytical and interpretive work which included the research, knowledges, and practices student activists shared with me during the 12 months of fieldwork and participant observation in Honduras, I highlighted how the emergence of a heterogeneously articulated student movement slowed down, at the very least, the neocolonial and neoliberal reconfiguration of the university. This dissertation thus addressed the political relationship between the global and the local. The re-localization of politics here must not to be confused with reactionary politics. It means instead to recognize how the particular is enmeshed in a more complex web of power, domination, resistance, and reexistence. To resist locally means that collective actors engage global powers, even if indirectly and unintentionally. Student activists, who were able to put a stop to the series of neoliberal reforms implemented since the coup of 2009, reminded those in power (local, national, and global) that neoliberal higher education reform within a re-politicized autonomous university with an organized student movement will be faced with resistance. This ethnographic account will hopefully reveal the ways in which student activist built a politically culture characterized by alternative forms of organizing to resist what is too often conceived fatalistically as the inevitable neoliberalization of education. These fatalistic perspectives will hopefully be unsettled throughout the dissertation. The significance of this study is that it is oriented toward an ethnographic understanding of higher education reform and student resistance in Latin America, a region with a student population which continues to be engaged in collective action. The educational significance of this work revolves around the need to rethink and rebuild universities in radically democratic terms. This rethinking involves the need to not only democratize access to higher education but rather to democratize governance, curriculum, knowledge, research, and ways of knowing and being. Transforming the university into a democratic place in which students are directly and meaningfully involved in governance and curriculum reform opens a path toward decolonial futurities where knowledge is no longer dictated from above but rather deconstructed and reconstructed from below. This dissertation research, lastly, as it works at the intersections of curriculum studies, decolonial theories, methodologies, pedagogies, and emerging university student resistance in Latin America, offers, I hope, a valuable way to do curriculum inquiry in higher education institutions within international contexts. </p>

This thesis is focused on the issue of violence in civil society. Using Charles Tilly's political theory, it attempts to point out that the emergence of collective violence can be well understood by tracing small scale causes (mechanisms), rather than large causes (poverty, extremism etc.). This argument is empirically studied in the context of anti-Roma riots that took place in Šluknov Hook, Czech republic, in the year 2011. The research is based on a broad concept of civil society, which doesn't assume fixed division between civil and uncivil subjects, but works with a number of actors, whose identity is unstable and their acting strategy fluently changes from nonviolent to violent and contra. The data show, that radical actors are generally more prone to use force. However, Tilly's theory provides opportunity to explain their influence on majority through the dynamics of relationships that is studied in this paper. The catalogue of events was created on the basis of news and document analysis and the incidence of theoretically defined mechanisms is identified by process tracing method: Boundary activation between us and them (mainly network-based escalation, signaling spirals), polarization, competitive display, selective retaliation, containment, monitoring, certification/decertification and...