In the German Democratic Republic (GDR) the overthrow of the socialist regime did not only bring about both an economic and political shift, it resulted also in the inclusion of the GDR into the Federal Republic of Germany. The fall of the Wall brought with it transformations in everyday life as well as changes in social identities. This study examines how people who grew up in the GDR define the East and the West in unified Germany, as well as identifying which concepts play a role in the self-interpretations given by former GDR citizens. Through applying discourse theory, I investigate how identities are partially fixed and change over time, relating this always to historically situated discourses. In the analysis, East and West are considered as floating signifiers, which, through articulations made with other categories such as class, nation, place and gender, come to be filled with meaning. The study is based on twenty-five life story interviews conducted in Eastern Germany. The group of interviewees consisted of fifteen women and ten men born in the GDR between the years of 1970 and 1979, all of whom had different levels of education. The demise of the socialist state and the transition to a capitalist society is central in the interviewees’ life stories. Their narratives about the past are formed in a discursive order other than the one in which the events themselves took place. Conversely, the past is used as a foil against which the present is compared. With the dislocation, the interviewees have developed a reflexive stance to both themselves and the world. The study reveals both how East and West are still used to make the world intelligible in a number of fields and, at the same time, how these same concepts are transcended. It shows in what ways the interviewees employ different strategies to adapt to the new circumstances and to handle a potentially marked position in unified Germany.

Many contemporary grassroots environmental campaigns do not begin in urban areas but in small towns, rural enclaves, and racially or economically disadvantaged communities. Citizens with no previous activist experience or association with the established environmental movement organize to fight industry-created degradation in their communities, such as coal-fired power plants in Texas, the focus of this dissertation. The Texas coal plant opposition movement is identified as sites of environmental justice, particularly as discriminatory practices against sparsely populated communities. The movement’s collaborative efforts are defined as a new category of counterpublic, co-counterpublic, due to the discrete organizations’ shared focus and common purpose. The concept that a growing number of environmental activists are atypical is advanced; atypical environmentalists often engage in environmental practices while rejecting traditional environmentalist language and identity to avoid stigmatization as tree-huggers, extremists, or affluent whites. Presented are rhetorical analyses of identity negotiation and modalities of public enactments of citizenship within the Texas coal plant opposition movement and a critique of plant proponent hegemonic discourses. Research focused on five sites of coal plant opposition in Texas, gathered through ethnographic fieldwork and through a compilation of mediated materials. Asen’s discourse theory of citizenship was used to analyze the data for instances of rhetorical negotiation of environmentalist identity in politically conservative and in ethnically marginalized communities, their localized performances as public citizens, and the collaborative processes between established environmental groups and discrete local organizations. Texas anti-coal activists engaged in what Asen called hybrid citizenship; activists were primarily motivated toward enacted citizenship by a sense of betrayal by authorities. Issue and identity framing theories were implemented to critique rhetorical strategies used by plant proponents. In order to silence the opposition, plant supporters marginalized local anti-coal activists using what Cloud called identity frames by foil; proponents borrowed derogatory rhetorics from well-established anti-environmentalist discourse through which they self-identified positively by framing opponents as Other. The means through which proponents deflected their responsibility to the community by promoting technological solutions to pollution and deferring authority to industry executives and government agencies is analyzed within Chong and Druckman’s competing frames and frames in communication theories. / text

From an institutionalized conception of contemporary intellectuals as silent or absent, the aim of this thesis is to analyse how the representation of the intellectual changed from a hero of reason to a more or less absent actor. Descriptions of intellectuals that were initially analysed which showed that the representation of the intellectual, besides being linked to modernity, contained a relationship between the individual actor and political power, a relationship which could be traced back to ancient myths. Using discourse theory and concepts primarily from Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe, the dissertation demonstrates how the discourse of intellectuals changed the representation content in relation to the myth of the postmodern and to the myth of the modern society. In relation to the modern intellectual, the discourse linked the representation with elements as reason, freedom and politics. Texts written after the linguistic turn or the myth of the postmodern describe intellectuals as specific, bourgeois, academic and politicized. This makes the representation impossible in relation to the initial establishment. The main contribution of the thesis to research on the discourse of intellectuals is the myths bearing on how intellectuals can or should act and how the representation can be described. The notion of the intellectuals can only be understood in an already existing discourse based on what an intellectual should do or be.

面臨嚴峻的商業競爭，報業老闆對新聞事業的想像或認知，關乎競爭策略的擬定，競爭策略是否能獲得新聞記者的認同，是報業組織溝通的重要課題，它不但牽涉到報紙生產商品、新聞的內涵，也影響組織整體戰力或競爭力的發揮。 本論文以2008年易主後的《中國時報》為個案研究，探討報紙的組織溝通與其競爭力間的關連。雖說是關連性的分析，但本文未採量化分析，而是著重如何「理解」組織上下層溝通與其競爭力之間的關係。 本文採用拉克勞（Laclau & Mouffe）的論述理論（Discourse Theory）架構來觀察組織上下層的溝通行為。溝通是一種語言符號的串連與建構，新聞事業具雙重特質，每日生產的新聞不但與文化、政治領域息息相關，同時也是典型的消費商品。作為一個商業組織，報紙每日面對生存競爭論述，新經營者亟思競爭優勢之建立，另一方面記者這一行也有其歷史形構的新聞專業論述，當這些論述與新的領導者蔡衍明先生相遇，會產生何種溝通樣貌？ 研究發現蔡衍明先生因米果事業在中國發跡致富，報紙對他而言是個全新的事業體。他對新聞的認知或想像，與上述的新聞專業論述有不小差距，這些差距在組織溝通上產生不少衝撞，致使組織的穩定度不佳，競爭力發揮有限。 如果說組織是一個語言符號的結構體，那麼新中國時報的組織體仍處於一種不完整的、有缺口的半結構狀態，從論述理論的架構而言，就是上下層的組織溝通過程中，始終未產生一強而有力的主導論述，以縫合這缺口。本研究之結論顯示當組織內的論述仍處於衝撞不穩定狀態時，其產出之商品難以建立差異化特色，競爭優勢亦難以建立。 / This thesis presents a theoretical model to address the communication behavior and competitive strategy issues in the newspaper industry, where technological changes have greatly increased the scope of competition. Newspaper companies are being confronted with market changes that are destablising successful mature markets, undermining long-term relationships with readers and advertisers, and threatening the sustainability of their business models. The pace of these changes is extraordinary, forcing managers, shareholders, and employees to scramble to comprehend the changes, to develop strategic responses, and to reorganize their activities. The thesis starts with the case of China Times Daily, which used to be one of the biggest newspapers in Taiwan but sold, in the end of 2008, to a successful businessman of rice cracker, Tsai Eng-Meng. Tsai Eng-Meng, now 53, runs the biggest snack empire in China. Want Want China is now unrivaled in the country’s rice cracker market. It’s not unusual for powerful businesspeople looking to ensure a public outlet for their views to invest in the media. The question is how Tsai Eng-Meng, as the latest entrant into the media market, can manage the newspaper as successful as his cracker business. In divided Taiwan, where pro-China and anti-China groups can’t agree on much, Tsai’s purchase of the China Times sparked worries about free speech in the society and inside China Times as well. Tsai Eng-Meng does not have an experience or knowledge base of how to operate the press. The employees he needs to communicate with or he needs to “understand” mostly are the reporters with expertise in news industry. They highly praise the values of free speech and impartial reports. These values can be regarded as the most important discourse evolving from the press history. With the analytical framework of Laclau and Mouffe’s Discourse Theory, the communication between Tsai Eng-Meng and the reporters is not smooth. Some events occurring in the first year of Tsai’s management reveals that the confrontation between Tsai and the news department is so harsh that even diminishes competitive advantages of the company. Since the communication behavior in China Times remains unstable, there is not possible to bring a dominant discourse in the organization, which will lead to a bad performance in ways of public opinion and the circulation.

O esporte chegou ao século XXI como uma das maiores manifestações da cultura corporal de movimento. No entanto sua presença no currículo escolar ainda depende de professores que acreditam no valor educacional da experiência esporti-va ou de projetos que têm origem fora do contexto educacional. O campo acadêmico da Educação Física escolar, que faz a mediação entre esporte e escola, permanece alheio às demandas dos alunos e da escola eratifica sua posição em significar o esporte como isento de qualidades educacionais em seu discurso hegemônico. Por outro lado os discursos olímpicos produzidos pelas instituições de organização es-portiva precisam justificar suas demandas e voltam seus olhares para o sistema e-ducacional. Proponho uma articulação entre a educação Física escolar e o esporte superando o antagonismo acadêmico fundamentalista que os separa para introduzir o esporte escolar no currículo como elemento do Projeto Político Pedagógico das escolas vinculado à Educação Física escolar e como política pública de educação e esportes. Identifico a necessidade de deslocar o contexto de influência das políticas públicas para o esporte do Comitê Olímpico Brasileiro para os setores de Educação Física escolar do Ministério da Educação. Defendo que a experiência esportiva no interior da escola é o que torna o esporte um elemento curricular educacionalmente interessante e denuncio a concepção de esporte escolar presente nas recontextualização de políticas públicas para o esporte escolar voltadas apenas para a organização das competições escolares. Utilizo como referencial teórico-metodológicos as contribuições do pós-fundacionismo, a Teoria do Discurso de Ernesto Laclau e Chantal Mouffe, os estudos de Hugo Lovisolo sobre a estética e sua relação com a educação Física e o esporte.Aponto para a substituição do paradigma marxista que orienta as propostas hegemônicas para a Educação Física escolar pelas proposições de Chantal Mouffe para a democracia radical e vejo nessa substituição uma possibilidade de ressignificação do esporte escolar em termos políticos. Utilizo entrevistas com cinco professores aos quais denomino como professores interlocutores pela contribuição em ampliar meu entendimento sobre as relações entre EFE e esporte, assim como, sobre as demandas presentes nas instituições em que trabalham e sobre a convivência de projetos de parcerias público-privadas com a Educação Física escolar no interior das escolas. Entendo que a inserção do esporte na escola por projetos e oficinas de origem externa ao sistema educacional possa representar uma ameaça à Educação Física escolar. / Sports came to the twenty-first century as one of the major manifestations of the culture of body movement. However, their presence in the school curriculum depends on teachers who still believe in the educational value of sports experience or projects that originate outside the educational context. The academic field of Physical Education, which mediates between sports and school, remains oblivious to the demands of students and the schoolas an institution. Its hegemonic discourse asserts that sports have no educational qualities. On the other hand, the Olympic discourses produced by sports organizations need to justify themselves and turn their eyes to the educational system. I propose that education and school sports must be linked, overcoming the academic fundamentalism that keeps them apart. In order to introduce school sports in the curriculum, as part of schools pedagogical project, and as an educational public policy, I suggest that it is necessary to dislocate those policies from the Brazilian Olympic Committee to the Education Ministry sectors responsible for Physical Education. I argue that the sports experience within the school is what makes the sports a curricular component educationally relevant, as so disagreeing with the conceptions based exclusively on competition that drive educational policies. I use the post-foundational Discourse Theory from E. Laclau and C. Mouffe as well as H. Lovisolos writings on aesthetics and its relationship with Physical Education and sports. Methodologically, I deeply interviewed 5 teachers, whom I call interlocutors for their contribution in expanding my understanding of the relationship between Physical Education and sports as well as the demands posed by theinstitutions where they work. They also helped me to discuss the convenience of public-private partnerships in school Physical Education. I move towards the substitution of Marxist paradigm, hegemonic in school Physical Education, by Mouffes idea of radical democracy as a way to re-signify school sports in political terms. The inclusion of sports in school by projects and workshops originated outside the educational system may represent a threat to Physical Education.

H.P. Blavatsky’s (1831-1891) Theosophy has been defined as central to the history of modern Western spirituality and esotericism, yet to this date no major study has mapped and analysed the major themes of Blavatsky’s writings, how Blavatsky used the concept ‘Theosophy’ or to what extent she was engaged with the intellectual contexts of her time. Thus the purpose of this thesis is to fill this gap. The proposed theoretical framework is based on the centrality of language in the production of intellectual products, such as texts—but contrary to the dominant focus on strategies, rhetoric and power this thesis will focus on the construction of meaning coupled with a set of methodological tools based on contextual analysis, intellectual history and intertextuality. In addition to an overview of Blavatsky research this thesis will map and analyse Blavatsky’s use of the concept ‘Theosophy’ as well as Blavatsky’s primary discourses, identified as: (1) discourse for ancient knowledge, (2) discourse against Christian dogmatism, (3) discourse against the modern natural sciences and materialism, (4) discourse against modern spiritualism, (5) discourse for system and (7) discourse for universal brotherhood. In mapping and analysing Blavatsky’s discourses, it was found that her construction of meaning was significantly interconnected with broader intellectual contexts, such as ‘modern historical consciousness’, ‘critical enlightenment ideas’, studies in religion, studies in mythology, the modern sciences, spiritualism, systemic philosophy, reform movements and practical ethics. It, for example, becomes clear that Blavatsky’s search for an ancient ‘Wisdom Religion’ was actually a part of a common intellectual occupation during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries and that her critique of the Christian dogmas was equally a common intellectual trend. To read Blavatsky’s discourses as the idiosyncratic strategies of an esotericist, isolated from their larger contexts or only engaged with them in order to legitimise minority views would therefore largely fail to account for the result of this thesis: that in historical actuality, they were a part of the larger cultural web of meaning.

In this thesis I have studied the conflicts that arose in Vara when the municipality ordered a sculpture by the artist Katharina Grosse in collaboration with The National Swedish Public Art Council and the Swedish Transport Administration in 2012. The aim of the study is to analyze the meaning-making of the sculpture as a process determined by social negotiations concerning variables such as identity, societal hierarchies and education. The material is foremost consisting of interviews with employees from The National Swedish Public Art Council and Vara municipality, a local objector whom organized a protesting Facebook group and a local newspaper journalist. The material is analyzed with discourse theory in order to examine how the discourses about public art are characterized in a local context today and how its meaning continually is being constructed and reconstructed through this. By studying the resistance and critique against The Blue Orange in Vara as local fragments of a more global context the analysis also targets how the practices and meaning-making of art in the public domain are conditioned by political ideologies and societal structures such as the neoliberal market, economic growth and competition. The protesters and protagonists of the art work places the sculpture in different narratives about the municipality where the municipality is either described as something progressing; moving from a state where something is lacking, or as something with a fixed identity and already defined. The latter narrative is used by those who criticize the art work because it does not reflect their perceived shared identity while the former motivates the advocates who want to create a more distinct municipal identity, a branding of sorts, to attract tourists and stimulate economic growth. These narratives demonstrates how debates revolving art works and the public domain can bring up articulations and everyday experiences of power structures, citizenship and societal norms.

O esporte chegou ao século XXI como uma das maiores manifestações da cultura corporal de movimento. No entanto sua presença no currículo escolar ainda depende de professores que acreditam no valor educacional da experiência esporti-va ou de projetos que têm origem fora do contexto educacional. O campo acadêmico da Educação Física escolar, que faz a mediação entre esporte e escola, permanece alheio às demandas dos alunos e da escola eratifica sua posição em significar o esporte como isento de qualidades educacionais em seu discurso hegemônico. Por outro lado os discursos olímpicos produzidos pelas instituições de organização es-portiva precisam justificar suas demandas e voltam seus olhares para o sistema e-ducacional. Proponho uma articulação entre a educação Física escolar e o esporte superando o antagonismo acadêmico fundamentalista que os separa para introduzir o esporte escolar no currículo como elemento do Projeto Político Pedagógico das escolas vinculado à Educação Física escolar e como política pública de educação e esportes. Identifico a necessidade de deslocar o contexto de influência das políticas públicas para o esporte do Comitê Olímpico Brasileiro para os setores de Educação Física escolar do Ministério da Educação. Defendo que a experiência esportiva no interior da escola é o que torna o esporte um elemento curricular educacionalmente interessante e denuncio a concepção de esporte escolar presente nas recontextualização de políticas públicas para o esporte escolar voltadas apenas para a organização das competições escolares. Utilizo como referencial teórico-metodológicos as contribuições do pós-fundacionismo, a Teoria do Discurso de Ernesto Laclau e Chantal Mouffe, os estudos de Hugo Lovisolo sobre a estética e sua relação com a educação Física e o esporte.Aponto para a substituição do paradigma marxista que orienta as propostas hegemônicas para a Educação Física escolar pelas proposições de Chantal Mouffe para a democracia radical e vejo nessa substituição uma possibilidade de ressignificação do esporte escolar em termos políticos. Utilizo entrevistas com cinco professores aos quais denomino como professores interlocutores pela contribuição em ampliar meu entendimento sobre as relações entre EFE e esporte, assim como, sobre as demandas presentes nas instituições em que trabalham e sobre a convivência de projetos de parcerias público-privadas com a Educação Física escolar no interior das escolas. Entendo que a inserção do esporte na escola por projetos e oficinas de origem externa ao sistema educacional possa representar uma ameaça à Educação Física escolar. / Sports came to the twenty-first century as one of the major manifestations of the culture of body movement. However, their presence in the school curriculum depends on teachers who still believe in the educational value of sports experience or projects that originate outside the educational context. The academic field of Physical Education, which mediates between sports and school, remains oblivious to the demands of students and the schoolas an institution. Its hegemonic discourse asserts that sports have no educational qualities. On the other hand, the Olympic discourses produced by sports organizations need to justify themselves and turn their eyes to the educational system. I propose that education and school sports must be linked, overcoming the academic fundamentalism that keeps them apart. In order to introduce school sports in the curriculum, as part of schools pedagogical project, and as an educational public policy, I suggest that it is necessary to dislocate those policies from the Brazilian Olympic Committee to the Education Ministry sectors responsible for Physical Education. I argue that the sports experience within the school is what makes the sports a curricular component educationally relevant, as so disagreeing with the conceptions based exclusively on competition that drive educational policies. I use the post-foundational Discourse Theory from E. Laclau and C. Mouffe as well as H. Lovisolos writings on aesthetics and its relationship with Physical Education and sports. Methodologically, I deeply interviewed 5 teachers, whom I call interlocutors for their contribution in expanding my understanding of the relationship between Physical Education and sports as well as the demands posed by theinstitutions where they work. They also helped me to discuss the convenience of public-private partnerships in school Physical Education. I move towards the substitution of Marxist paradigm, hegemonic in school Physical Education, by Mouffes idea of radical democracy as a way to re-signify school sports in political terms. The inclusion of sports in school by projects and workshops originated outside the educational system may represent a threat to Physical Education.

The aim of this thesis is to examine the fear of crime in old peoples lives. Notwithstanding that the age category is exposed to crime to a low degree, old people are experiencing a great fear of crime relative younger people. This is the paradox of fear, also recognized in gender studies. The question is how this paradox can be understood. To answer this, twelve elderly men and women have been interviewed and the reports about crime in the local newspaper, Norrköpings Tidningar, has been analyzed, through discourse analysis. The discursive construction of fear is here discussed in terms of discourses of a fearful society, and stereotypes of old age. The hegemonic discourse of old age is collaborating with a discourse, in this paper called the discourse of a threatening society. Old peoples fear is produced, through the interplay of these discourses, because they are objectified and seen as victims alongside with a construction of an ever-present threat.

This thesis investigates the narrated experiences of a number of individuals that migrated to Argentina from Russia and Ukraine in the wake of the fall of the Soviet Union. The over-arching aim of this thesis is to study the ways in which these migrants navigated the social reality in Argentina, with regards to available physical, material, and socioeconomic positions as well as with regards to their narrated self-understandings and identifications. The empirical data consists of ethnographic in-depth interviews and participatory observation from Buenos Aires between the years 2011 and 2014. Through the theoretical frameworks of political discourse theory, critical race studies, auto-ethnography, and theories on coloniality, the author examines questions of migration, mobility, race, class, and gender in the processes of re-establishing a life in a new context. The interviewees were not only directly affected by the collapse of the USSR in the sense that it drastically changed their terrain of possible futures as well as retroactive understandings of their pasts, but they also began their lives in Argentina during the turmoil of the economic crisis that culminated in 2001. Central to this thesis is how these dislocatory events impacted the interviewees’ possibilities and limitations for living the life they had expected, and thus how discursive structures affect subject positions and identifications, and thereby create specific conditions for different relocatory trajectories. By focusing on how these individuals narrate their reasons for migration and their integration into Argentine labor and housing markets, the author demonstrates the role Argentine and East European history, as well as the neoliberal restructuring of the postsocialist region and Argentina in the 1990’s, had for self-understandings, subject positions, identities, and mobility. Various intersections of power, and particularly the making of race and whiteness, are important for the way that the interviewees negotiated subject positions and identifications. The author addresses how affect and hope played a part in these processes and how downward mobility was articulated and made meaningful. She also examines how participants’ ideas about a “good life” were related to understandings of the past, questions of race, social inequality, and a logic of coloniality. / Den här avhandlingen undersöker hur ett antal individer som migrerade från Ryssland och Ukraina till Argentina efter Sovjetunionens fall berättar om sin erfarenhet. Det övergripande syftet är att studera hur dessa migranter navigerade i den sociala verkligheten i Argentina, särskilt vad det gäller kroppsliga, materiella och socioekonomiska positioner, såväl som hur detta påverkat deras berättade självförståelse och identifikationer. Det empiriska materialet består av etnografiska djupintervjuer och deltagande observationer gjorda i Buenos Aires mellan åren 2011 och 2014. Författaren använder sig av ett teoretiskt ramverk bestående av politisk diskursteori, kritiska ras- och vithetsstudier, autoetnografi och teorier om kolonialitet för att undersöka frågor om migration, mobilitet, rasialisering, klass och kön i en kontext av återetablering av ett liv i ett nytt samhälle. De som intervjuas i denna avhandling påverkades inte bara av Sovjetunionens kollaps, på så sätt att det påverkade deras förståelse av möjlig framtid samt deras retroaktiva förståelser av det förflutna, utan de påbörjade även sina nya liv i Argentina under den ekonomiska krisen som kulminerade år 2001. Centralt i avhandlingen är hur dessa dislokatoriska händelser inverkade på de intervjuades möjligheter och begränsningar för att kunna leva det liv som de hade förväntat sig, och därmed hur diskursiva strukturer påverkar subjektspositioner och identifikationer och därmed skapar specifika villkor för olika vägar för återetablering. Genom fokus på hur dessa individer berättar om sina anledningar för migrationen och om deras väg in i den argentinska arbets- och bostadsmarknaden visar författaren vilken roll argentinsk och östeuropeisk historia, såväl som 1990-talets nyliberala omstrukturering av den postsovjetiska regionen och Argentina, hade för deras självförståelse, subjektspositioner, identitet och mobilitet. Viktigt för hur de intervjuade förhandlade om olika subjektspositioner och identifikationer är intersektionella maktordningar och särskilt skapandet av ras och vithet. Författaren analyserar hur affekt och hopp spelade en roll i dessa processer och hur social deklassering artikulerades och gjordes meningsfull. Här undersöks även hur de intervjuades idéer om möjligheten att leva ett ”gott liv” var sammanflätade med förståelser av det förflutna, rasialisering, social ojämlikhet och en logik som präglades av kolonialitet. / Тема этой диссертации – это личный опыт ряда индивидуумов, переехавших в Аргентину вскоре после распада Советского Союза, на основе их собственных повествований. Основная цель работы заключается в исследовании того, как мигранты-участники вписывались в общественную реальность Аргентины на фоне её превалирующих физических,  материальных и социо-экономических позиций, а также по отношению к тому, как согласно их рассказам, эти люди сами себя воспринимали и идентифицировали. Эмпирическая компонента диссертации включает в себя комплекс углубленных этнографических интервью и включенного наблюдения, проводимых в Буэнос Айрес в 2011 -2014 гг. Автор изучает вопросы миграции, класса, социальной мобильности, расы и гендера в процессе переустановки жизни в новых условиях, руководствуясь теоретическими посылами теорий политического дискурса, критических расовых исследований (critical race studies), автоэтнографии и теорий колониальности. В дополнение к тому факту, что на интервьюируемых оказал непосредственное влияние распад Советского Союза, который кардинальным образом изменил как возможные сценарии их будущего, так и ретроактивные интерпретации их прошлого, эти люди начали свою новую жизнь в Аргентине сразу после сумятицы экономического кризиса, достигшего кульминации в 2001 г. Центральным аспектом диссертации является изучение воздействия, которое имели эти дислоцирующие обстоятельства на спектр естественных возможностей и преград на пути реализации жизненного проекта участников исследования, как они себе его представляли, а также какое влияние оказывают соответствующие дискурсивные структуры на позиции и идентификации субъектов, обуславливая определенные условия реализации различных траекторий их жизни в эмиграции. Фокусируя внимание на том, как эти индивидуумы повествуют о том, что побудило их к эмиграции в Аргентину и интеграции в местные рынки труда и жилья, автор подчеркивает ту роль, которую сыграли в этом особенности как аргентинской, так и восточноевропейской истории, наряду с более поздними структурными изменениями 90х гг., происходившими как на постсоветском, так и аргентинском пространствах в эпоху неолиберализма. Это касается в равной степени аспектов самовосприятия, позиций субъектов, а также вопросов их идентификации и мобильности. Важной составляющей того, каким образом интервьюируемые устанавливали рамки своей субъективной идентификации и позиции, являлись различные грани концепции власти; в частности того, как возникают понятия расы и ‘белизны’ (whiteness). Автор обращается к вопросу, какую роль в этих процессах сыграли аффект и надежда, и как субъекты исследования артикулировали и находили смысл в своей нисходящей мобильности. Параллельно автор анализирует то, как представления участников о "хорошей жизни" ставились ими в зависимость от их собственной интерпретации прошлого, наряду с вопросами расы, общественного неравенства и колониальной логики. / Esta tesis investiga las experiencias narradas por una serie de individuos que emigraron a Argentina desde Rusia y Ucrania a raíz de la caída de la Unión Soviética. Su objetivo general es estudiar el modo en que estos inmigrantes transitaron la realidad social argentina en lo que se refiere a las posiciones físicas, materiales y socioeconómicas disponibles, así como también a su auto-comprensión y a las identidades construidas desde sus narraciones. La autora examina cuestiones de migración, movilidad, raza, clase y género en los procesos de restablecimiento de la vida de estos sujetos a través del marco de la teoría política del discurso, los estudios críticos de la raza, la auto-etnografía y teorías sobre la colonialidad. Los datos empíricos consisten en entrevistas etnográficas en profundidad y observación participante realizadas en Buenos Aires entre los años 2011 y 2014. Los entrevistados no sólo se vieron directamente afectados por el colapso de la URSS en el sentido de que éste cambió drásticamente su terreno de futuros posibles y la comprensión retroactiva de su pasado, sino que también comenzaron sus vidas en Argentina durante las turbulencias de la crisis económica que estalló en el año 2001. En esta tesis, es central la indagación sobre cómo estos eventos dislocatorios impactaron en las posibilidades y limitaciones de los entrevistados para vivir la vida que esperaban y cómo las estructuras discursivas afectan las posiciones y las identificaciones de los sujetos, creando condiciones específicas para diferentes trayectorias de reubicación. Al enfocarse en cómo estos individuos narran sus razones para la migración y su integración en los mercados laborales y de la vivienda en Argentina, la autora demuestra el papel que tienen en las auto-comprensiones, posiciones de sujeto, identidades y movilidad, tanto la historia argentina y de Europa del Este, así como también la reestructuración neoliberal de la región postsocialista y de la Argentina en los años 90. Diversas intersecciones de poder, y particularmente la raza y la blancura son importantes para la manera en que los entrevistados negociaron posiciones subjetivas e identificaciones. La autora aborda cómo el afecto y la esperanza desempeñaron un papel en estos procesos y cómo la movilidad descendente se articuló y se hizo significativa. También examina cómo las ideas de los participantes acerca de una "buena vida" se relacionan con la comprensión del pasado, las cuestiones de raza, desigualdad social y una lógica colonial.