This thesis investigates the narrated experiences of a number of individuals that migrated to Argentina from Russia and Ukraine in the wake of the fall of the Soviet Union. The over-arching aim of this thesis is to study the ways in which these migrants navigated the social reality in Argentina, with regards to available physical, material, and socioeconomic positions as well as with regards to their narrated self-understandings and identifications. The empirical data consists of ethnographic in-depth interviews and participatory observation from Buenos Aires between the years 2011 and 2014. Through the theoretical frameworks of political discourse theory, critical race studies, auto-ethnography, and theories on coloniality, the author examines questions of migration, mobility, race, class, and gender in the processes of re-establishing a life in a new context. The interviewees were not only directly affected by the collapse of the USSR in the sense that it drastically changed their terrain of possible futures as well as retroactive understandings of their pasts, but they also began their lives in Argentina during the turmoil of the economic crisis that culminated in 2001. Central to this thesis is how these dislocatory events impacted the interviewees’ possibilities and limitations for living the life they had expected, and thus how discursive structures affect subject positions and identifications, and thereby create specific conditions for different relocatory trajectories. By focusing on how these individuals narrate their reasons for migration and their integration into Argentine labor and housing markets, the author demonstrates the role Argentine and East European history, as well as the neoliberal restructuring of the postsocialist region and Argentina in the 1990’s, had for self-understandings, subject positions, identities, and mobility. Various intersections of power, and particularly the making of race and whiteness, are important for the way that the interviewees negotiated subject positions and identifications. The author addresses how affect and hope played a part in these processes and how downward mobility was articulated and made meaningful. She also examines how participants’ ideas about a “good life” were related to understandings of the past, questions of race, social inequality, and a logic of coloniality. / Den här avhandlingen undersöker hur ett antal individer som migrerade från Ryssland och Ukraina till Argentina efter Sovjetunionens fall berättar om sin erfarenhet. Det övergripande syftet är att studera hur dessa migranter navigerade i den sociala verkligheten i Argentina, särskilt vad det gäller kroppsliga, materiella och socioekonomiska positioner, såväl som hur detta påverkat deras berättade självförståelse och identifikationer. Det empiriska materialet består av etnografiska djupintervjuer och deltagande observationer gjorda i Buenos Aires mellan åren 2011 och 2014. Författaren använder sig av ett teoretiskt ramverk bestående av politisk diskursteori, kritiska ras- och vithetsstudier, autoetnografi och teorier om kolonialitet för att undersöka frågor om migration, mobilitet, rasialisering, klass och kön i en kontext av återetablering av ett liv i ett nytt samhälle. De som intervjuas i denna avhandling påverkades inte bara av Sovjetunionens kollaps, på så sätt att det påverkade deras förståelse av möjlig framtid samt deras retroaktiva förståelser av det förflutna, utan de påbörjade även sina nya liv i Argentina under den ekonomiska krisen som kulminerade år 2001. Centralt i avhandlingen är hur dessa dislokatoriska händelser inverkade på de intervjuades möjligheter och begränsningar för att kunna leva det liv som de hade förväntat sig, och därmed hur diskursiva strukturer påverkar subjektspositioner och identifikationer och därmed skapar specifika villkor för olika vägar för återetablering. Genom fokus på hur dessa individer berättar om sina anledningar för migrationen och om deras väg in i den argentinska arbets- och bostadsmarknaden visar författaren vilken roll argentinsk och östeuropeisk historia, såväl som 1990-talets nyliberala omstrukturering av den postsovjetiska regionen och Argentina, hade för deras självförståelse, subjektspositioner, identitet och mobilitet. Viktigt för hur de intervjuade förhandlade om olika subjektspositioner och identifikationer är intersektionella maktordningar och särskilt skapandet av ras och vithet. Författaren analyserar hur affekt och hopp spelade en roll i dessa processer och hur social deklassering artikulerades och gjordes meningsfull. Här undersöks även hur de intervjuades idéer om möjligheten att leva ett ”gott liv” var sammanflätade med förståelser av det förflutna, rasialisering, social ojämlikhet och en logik som präglades av kolonialitet. / Тема этой диссертации – это личный опыт ряда индивидуумов, переехавших в Аргентину вскоре после распада Советского Союза, на основе их собственных повествований. Основная цель работы заключается в исследовании того, как мигранты-участники вписывались в общественную реальность Аргентины на фоне её превалирующих физических,  материальных и социо-экономических позиций, а также по отношению к тому, как согласно их рассказам, эти люди сами себя воспринимали и идентифицировали. Эмпирическая компонента диссертации включает в себя комплекс углубленных этнографических интервью и включенного наблюдения, проводимых в Буэнос Айрес в 2011 -2014 гг. Автор изучает вопросы миграции, класса, социальной мобильности, расы и гендера в процессе переустановки жизни в новых условиях, руководствуясь теоретическими посылами теорий политического дискурса, критических расовых исследований (critical race studies), автоэтнографии и теорий колониальности. В дополнение к тому факту, что на интервьюируемых оказал непосредственное влияние распад Советского Союза, который кардинальным образом изменил как возможные сценарии их будущего, так и ретроактивные интерпретации их прошлого, эти люди начали свою новую жизнь в Аргентине сразу после сумятицы экономического кризиса, достигшего кульминации в 2001 г. Центральным аспектом диссертации является изучение воздействия, которое имели эти дислоцирующие обстоятельства на спектр естественных возможностей и преград на пути реализации жизненного проекта участников исследования, как они себе его представляли, а также какое влияние оказывают соответствующие дискурсивные структуры на позиции и идентификации субъектов, обуславливая определенные условия реализации различных траекторий их жизни в эмиграции. Фокусируя внимание на том, как эти индивидуумы повествуют о том, что побудило их к эмиграции в Аргентину и интеграции в местные рынки труда и жилья, автор подчеркивает ту роль, которую сыграли в этом особенности как аргентинской, так и восточноевропейской истории, наряду с более поздними структурными изменениями 90х гг., происходившими как на постсоветском, так и аргентинском пространствах в эпоху неолиберализма. Это касается в равной степени аспектов самовосприятия, позиций субъектов, а также вопросов их идентификации и мобильности. Важной составляющей того, каким образом интервьюируемые устанавливали рамки своей субъективной идентификации и позиции, являлись различные грани концепции власти; в частности того, как возникают понятия расы и ‘белизны’ (whiteness). Автор обращается к вопросу, какую роль в этих процессах сыграли аффект и надежда, и как субъекты исследования артикулировали и находили смысл в своей нисходящей мобильности. Параллельно автор анализирует то, как представления участников о "хорошей жизни" ставились ими в зависимость от их собственной интерпретации прошлого, наряду с вопросами расы, общественного неравенства и колониальной логики. / Esta tesis investiga las experiencias narradas por una serie de individuos que emigraron a Argentina desde Rusia y Ucrania a raíz de la caída de la Unión Soviética. Su objetivo general es estudiar el modo en que estos inmigrantes transitaron la realidad social argentina en lo que se refiere a las posiciones físicas, materiales y socioeconómicas disponibles, así como también a su auto-comprensión y a las identidades construidas desde sus narraciones. La autora examina cuestiones de migración, movilidad, raza, clase y género en los procesos de restablecimiento de la vida de estos sujetos a través del marco de la teoría política del discurso, los estudios críticos de la raza, la auto-etnografía y teorías sobre la colonialidad. Los datos empíricos consisten en entrevistas etnográficas en profundidad y observación participante realizadas en Buenos Aires entre los años 2011 y 2014. Los entrevistados no sólo se vieron directamente afectados por el colapso de la URSS en el sentido de que éste cambió drásticamente su terreno de futuros posibles y la comprensión retroactiva de su pasado, sino que también comenzaron sus vidas en Argentina durante las turbulencias de la crisis económica que estalló en el año 2001. En esta tesis, es central la indagación sobre cómo estos eventos dislocatorios impactaron en las posibilidades y limitaciones de los entrevistados para vivir la vida que esperaban y cómo las estructuras discursivas afectan las posiciones y las identificaciones de los sujetos, creando condiciones específicas para diferentes trayectorias de reubicación. Al enfocarse en cómo estos individuos narran sus razones para la migración y su integración en los mercados laborales y de la vivienda en Argentina, la autora demuestra el papel que tienen en las auto-comprensiones, posiciones de sujeto, identidades y movilidad, tanto la historia argentina y de Europa del Este, así como también la reestructuración neoliberal de la región postsocialista y de la Argentina en los años 90. Diversas intersecciones de poder, y particularmente la raza y la blancura son importantes para la manera en que los entrevistados negociaron posiciones subjetivas e identificaciones. La autora aborda cómo el afecto y la esperanza desempeñaron un papel en estos procesos y cómo la movilidad descendente se articuló y se hizo significativa. También examina cómo las ideas de los participantes acerca de una "buena vida" se relacionan con la comprensión del pasado, las cuestiones de raza, desigualdad social y una lógica colonial.

Den här studien ämnade undersöka utommusikaliska dimensioner av gymnasieskolans ensembleundervisning, med fokus på pop- och rockensemble. Ambitionen var att identifiera möjliga roller och identiteter hos elever för att synliggöra eventuella maktrelationer. Detta för att bidra till ökad kunskap i strävan efter en jämlik och inkluderande musikundervisning. Datainsamlingen skedde genom enskilda semistrukturerade intervjuer och fokusgrupper med gymnasieelever vid estetiska programmet. Dessa transkriberades till text och analyserades tematiskt utifrån diskursteorins begreppsapparat.  Resultatet visar ojämlika maktrelationer där framför allt gruppbildningar utifrån könsidentitet och instrument avgör vilka som kan inta attraktiva positioner och roller. Dessa maktrelationer upprätthålls genom att utesluta subjekt och grupper som kan förstås som motsatser. Vidare synliggör resultatet att ensembleformatets utgångspunkt i genrepraktiken pop- och rock kan ses som en anledning till att normer och stereotyper upprätthålls. Slutsatserna visar ett behov av en breddad undervisningsrepertoar, en bredare representation samt en ökad social medvetenhet bland lärare och elever. / This study intended to examine the extra-musical dimensions of upper secondary school ensemble teaching, pop and rock in particular. The ambition was to identify the student’s possible roles and identities in order to make any power relations visible in order to contribute to increased knowledge in the pursuit of an equal and inclusive music education. Data collection was made through individual semi-structured interviews and focus groups with students off the upper secondary high school arts program. These were transcribed into text and analyzed thematically based on the concepts of discourse theory. The results show unequal power relations where, above all, group formations based on gender and instruments are the decisive factor in who can take attractive positions and roles. Positions of power are maintained by excluding other groups that can be understood as opposites. Furthermore, the results show that the ensemble’s starting point in the practice of pop -and rock genre can be seen as a reason for norms and stereotypes to be maintained. The conclusions show a need for a broader teaching repertoire, a broader representation and an increased social awareness among teachers and students.

The aim of this thesis is to examine discourses that surround the role of libraries as democratic institutions. This is done by studying the proposal for a National Strategy for Libraries, The Treasure Trove of Democracy. and the reactions to that document in two library journals. The questions asked are the following: how is the democratic role depicted in the proposal for a national library strategy? What were the reactions and what discourses characterized the relationship between the two library journals and the proposal for a national strategy? Are there any lines of conflict or tension within the identified discourses? Four discourses were identified: the library-democracy discourse, the children discourse, the political-administrative discourse and judiciary-argumentative discourse. Three out of the four discourses were present in both the library journals and the proposed strategy except the library- democratic discourse which was only explicitly found in the latter. The results indicate that the tension within the child discourse concerned means rather than objectives. The political-administrative discourse concerned demarcation questions regarding the municipal self-government. The judiciary- argumentative discourse permeated the entire empirical material and was rarely contested. The library-democratic discourse was the only discourse identified which was clearly present in the proposal for a National Strategy for Libraries and not in the two library journals. We suggest that this omission could be explained against the background of that the democratic role often is taken for granted.

Syftet med denna uppsats är att analysera två för Sverige betydelsefulla kulturpolitiska styrdokument, för att analysera hur relationen mellan kultur och ekonomi gestaltas i respektive diskurs. Genom att jämföra 1970-talets med det tidiga 2000-talets kulturpolitik, med de kulturella och ekonomiska begreppens historiska utveckling från senmedeltiden och framåt, förklaras det spända förhållandet mellan kultur och ekonomi. De idéer och teorier som utgör grunden för de kulturpolitiska diskurserna kommer att analyseras genom att använda den hermeneutiska metoden, innehållsanalys och semiotisk diskursanalys, där olika strategier för kulturell och ekonomisk planering utgör idealtyper för uppsatsens undersökning. Samtidigt som kultur och ekonomi har en delad historisk utveckling i samband med det moderna samhällets uppkomst, blir det tydligt att det rör sig om två motsatta synsätt där antingen kulturen eller ekonomin ges prioritet i kulturpolitiken, där den ena blir ett ändamål för att uppnå den andra. / The purpose of this essay is to analyze two key documents in relation to Swedish culture policies, and to analyze how the relationship between culture and economy manifest in their respective discourses. By comparing the 1970’s to the early 2000’s cultural policies, with the cultural and economic terms and historical development from the late middle ages forward, theories and ideas from which the tense relationship between culture and economics will be explained. Also, by using the method of hermeneutics, content analysis and semiotic discourse analysis with the ideal types of different strategies for culture and economic, the ideas which formed the basics of the policies discourses will be shown. While showing that culture and economy has a shared historical development in conjunction with the development of modern society, the result showed two opposite points of view in which either culture or economics is considered a priority which leads to achieving the other.

Human rights are the pervasive practical and political concept, discussed in various branches: political and legal philosophy, political science or jurisprudence. In the diploma thesis, this concept is discussed in the framework of political philosophy. An author's basic question: Is the concept of human rights plausible (rationally valid) in the postmetaphysical situation as well, and if so, which rights are possible to specify as "human"? This question is asked in view of contemporary (content, spatial and symbolical) expansion of human rights and solved in light of Jürgen Habermas' conception of human rights. Habermas' conception of human rights represents probably the most significant rational attempt to reformulate this concept in the postmetaphysical situation. His foundation is apparently free from the burden of all anthropological presuppositions, connected with a pristine articulation of the rights of man. As we know, these presuppositions also resound in the legal concept of human dignity. After the problem definition, a historical excursus on the field of rational natural law and basic characterization of the postmetaphysical situation, an analysis and evaluation of presuppositions intrinsic to Habermas' "linguistificated" conception of human rights follow - i.e. universal pragmatics,...

The thesis topic is the cooperation between the Czech and German far-right. The author focuses on the cooperation of Czech and German extreme-right parties from 1989 to 2019. The thesis aims not only to describe the contacts of the respective parties but also to explore the logic of the relations between the Czech and German extreme right. Adopting the theoretical framework of the Discursive theory of Essex school, the author proceeds to a detailed analysis of the discourses of Czech extreme-right parties about Germans and Germany; she traces back the transformations of the original anti-German discourses and the origins of these changes. Against the background of these processes, she explores the transformations of the "conditions of possibility" that make Czech-German cooperation "conceivable" for both Czech and German extreme-right parties. The author explores the changes in the discursive conditions that allow Czech-German friendship to be "rationalised" and justified despite the contradictory positions on the issues of the Czech-German past. The author analyses the anti-German discourse of the SPR-RSČ in the 1990s and examines the circumstances of the SPR-RSČ's alleged contacts with the German Die Republikaner. Further parts of the thesis are devoted to the relations between Dělnická strana...

This essay aims to investigate what discourses and what forms of exercise of power that can appear in the description of intercultural work in the book Interkulturellt arbete i förskolan med läroplanen som grund (2019) by Jonas Stier & Bim Riddersporre. The entrance to the essay is a wonder about which discourses are actualized and whether they can be seen to contribute to the categorization of individuals being constructed and to norms being anchored on the basis of these categorizations. We also wonder how power relations emerge in relation to these discourses. Our research questions: 1. What discourses appear in the descriptions of intercultural work in the book Interkulturellt arbete i förskolan by Stier & Riddersporre? 2. What forms of power can be seen in these discourses that appear in the intercultural work in the book by Stier & Riddersporre?  The theoretical starting point for our analysis is discourse theory as it focuses on how the creation of discourses contributes to the design of different types of categorizations, power, and norms. This starting point becomes, when we analyze parts of Stier & Riddersporre's book, relevant to how and what positions individuals are attributed through the language used by the authors and educators. In the analysis, we also use Foucault's forms of power to highlight how the text's description of intercultural work through various forms of power imputes other individuals to an identity through the construction of discourses on ethnicity, gender and religion. Our results show inequalities in positions of power through categorizations, norms and values and that it’s difficult to know what really characterizes intercultural work.

本研究的目的是探討大陸網路媒體如何建構知識產權，而此一建構又對人構成什麼樣的張力，並由此進一步反思知識經濟時代下的身體政治學。研究途徑是文化研究，並利用論述理論進行分析。 著作權、專利權、商標權是知識產權三大主要內涵，本研究選擇了王同億現象作為著作權的案例；漢芯晶片造假事件作為專利權的案例；爽歪歪爭議事件作為商標權的案例，經由解構上述案例的網路文本，以見建構它們、評價它們價值的論述立場為何。 而這些論述立場，可分為由黨國體制主導的主流立場與作為他者的非主立場。主流立場是由黨國主導，包括了追求黨國為公、民族先進、經濟規範、知識創新等論述，它是一套中國知識經濟追趕戰略；非主流立場則是相對於主流立場的黨國貪腐、民族落後、經濟無序、知識造假等論述。在國家介入，以及知識經濟與網路媒體促使資訊快速流通、議題快速汰換等因素作用下，這兩個立場是討論知識產權事件的限制性框架。 知識產權與網路審查是國家機器為適應知識經濟潮流的自我調適，並利用它們將知識創意活動侷限在以經濟發展、民族主義為目標等無關黨國體制的範疇上，以免創意活動危及黨國。國家機器利用掌握知識產權的法律力量與網路媒體的宣傳力量，吸引與主導了主流立場的結盟。在威權政治透過法律與宣傳加緊催化下，主流立場加緊活動，同時也就激發了非主流立場的反作用力，正反勢力互相拉抬、互相證成以致知識經濟時代下大陸的文化圖像呈現出威權政治引導下的眾聲喧嘩之景。 在此眾聲喧嘩下產生的知識產權生產活動，或相應而生的偽劣假冒活動，均會被收編，以有助國家主導的主流價值再生產。基於民族國家和公民身體的辯證統一的現代國家權力形態，以及知識經濟代表意識為身體服務的邏輯，主流價值的再生產亦即身體得到照顧與伸展。雖然威權體制致國家較身體享有更大能動性，但在威權體制集中施力的情況下，也將驅動主流、非主流雙方互動更形熱烈，提高了人遊走在從屬性、能動性、與解放性的機會與速率。因此，知識經濟的環境，創造了一個國家與身體在知識產權論述中介下，緊密鑲嵌，相依並存的關係。而知識經濟下的身體政治學，是國家提取身體力量之學，也是國家滿足身體須要之學，也是身體在從屬中取得能動性與解放之學。 / The aim of the dissertation is to discuss how online media of Mainland China construct intellectual property, and what kind of tension does the construction set up to human being. Furthermore, I can introspect body politics in time of knowledge economy. I use cultural studies as methodology and analyses by discourse theory. Copyrights, patent rights and trademark rights are three mainly components of intellectual property. The dissertation selected the phenomena of tong-yi wang as case of copyrights, hanxin fake event as case of patent rights, and shuang wai wai as case of trademark rights. I construct and evaluate their value of discourse position by way of deconstruct cybertext of the three cases. The discourse positions can be divided mainstream position dominated by party-state system and the position of non-mainstream as the other. Mainstream position means dominated by party-state. The discourses contain pursuit of whole interests of party-state, advancement of nation, norms of economy and innovation of knowledge. It’s a catch-up strategy of knowledge economy of Mainland China. The discourses of non-mainstream position, as opposite of mainstream,contain party-state corruption, failure of nation, disorder of economy and fake of knowledge. The two positions are limited frameworks in discussing events of intellectual property because of the interactions of factors such as state intervention, rapid flow information by knowledge economy and online media, rapid issue update, etc. Intellectual property and cyber examination is self adjustment of state mechanism for the purpose of adaptation of knowledge economy. Activities of knowledge innovation should be limited in economic development and nationalism that without any connection of category of party-state system. So the activities of innovation won’t be hazardous to party-state. State mechanism used the legal power of controlling intellectual property and propaganda of cyber media and attracted and dominated the alliance of mainstream position. Mainstream position accelerated activities under catalysis of law and propaganda in authoritarian regime. And it stimulated the power of counter-operation of non-mainstream position. The mutual promotion and mutual confirm lead to phenomena of heteroglossia that constructing cultural image of time of knowledge economy in Mainland China. The production activities of intellectual property under heteroglossia, or the fake and copy activities accompany with them will be all recruited and helpful reproduction of main value that dominated by state. Based on the form of state power of dialection and unification of nation state and civil body, and the logic of consciousness served for body, the reproduction of main value means the body can be took after and extension. Although state owns greater autonomous than body under authoritarian regime, but under the condition of concentration of power of authoritarian regime, the interaction of mainstream and non-mainstream will be more frequent. This will promote the opportunity and rapidity of belonging, autonomous and emancipation of human being. So it will create a relationship of mutually embedded and existence under discourse of intellectual property of state and body. Body politics under knowledge economy is a discipline of state’s extracting body strength, a discipline of state’s satisfaction of body requirement, a discipline of body’s acquiring autonomy and emancipation under subordination also.

In this essay I investigate the role of civil society in relation to migrants in the municipality of Kalix, in a rural area in northern Sweden. The purpose is to discover which subject positions that leaders from the civil society describe as possible and which positions they see as possible for migrants. I also want to see which discourses the leaders from the civil associations are a part of and contribute to. The material comes from interviews completed with people involved in civil society and from meetings, organized by the municipality and with participants from civil associations, discussing the subject. The method used is discourse analysis, influenced by Laclau and Mouffes theory about discourses. Foucault´s theory of governmentality is used to examine how civil society and migrants are affected by state control. This control manifests in control mechanisms such as the Swedish government’s establishment program, legislation about migrants rights and economic grants. The analysis is supported by earlier research and theories about multiculturalism and rights. The leaders mainly moved within four discourses: ´multicultural´, ´repressive liberalism´, ´rural preservation´ and ´quality of life and humanity´. The multicultural discourse had a positive view of cultural and religious differences. This discourse made the subject positions of organizer of cultural activities possible for the leaders. Migrants were described as having the position of representatives of specific cultural groups and as group members in need of extra support. The repressive liberalism discourse viewed difference as something negative. The goal was for migrants to be assimilated into the local culture. The leaders adopted the role of tutors. Migrants were described as occupying the subject positions of employment oriented, able to assimilate, and as representatives of all immigrant people. In the discourse about ‘rural preservation’ activities were motivated by goals for a bright future for Kalix. The leaders’ subject positions were understood as coordinators, mentors and debaters. Migrants were understood as competent in particular professions and as desirable long term residents of Kalix. Governmental Control mechanics were considered to be something that limited migrants’ possibilities. The quality of life and humanity discourse has the goal that everyone shall have the possibility to live a good life. The leaders adopted the role as creators of safety and confidence and migrants were considered to be both victims of unfair regulation that limited their legitimacy, and as developers of civil associations. There were antagonisms between the discourses about rights/justice, integration and culture. Because of these conflicts the activities are striving towards different goals and consider different phenomena to be obstacles. Cooperation and the possibilities of getting along are therefore made difficult. Both these antagonisms and the governmental control mechanisms affect which activities can be performed and thereby which subjects positions that are made possible.

The claim to successfully have eliminated racism and xenophobia in socialist Germany was crucial for the GDR’s demarcation against the Federal Republic and for GDR’s political self-conception. According to the state party SED, both the GDR’s government and its people met with all members of the working class, regardless their ethnicity or culture, in the spirit of Völkerfreundschaft – the peoples’ friendship. In the early 1960s, suffering from a lack of work power, the GDR began to recruit foreign workers, and continued to do so up until German reunification. When workers arrived from Eastern Europe, Latin America, Africa and Asia, the propositions of antiracism and peoples’ friendship were tested in practice. Following a discourse-analytical approach this study analyzes how the ideal of Völkerfreundschaft was dealt with and how it was exploited and altered both by citizens communicating with the state and within party-loyal circles. It examines when, why and by whom ethnicity was downplayed in favor of common class affiliation, and under which circumstances it regained importance. While latest research on foreigners in the GDR has focused on diagnosing the discrepancy between ideological claims and reality this study goes beyond such an approach and analyzes how this discrepancy was dealt with – both by state authorities, the state-owned factories and ordinary people – in everyday life.   This study is a contribution to migration research, as well as to everyday-life-history and history of mentality in the GDR.