Submitted by Aline Batista (alinehb.ufpel@gmail.com) on 2016-04-19T11:46:12Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 23148 bytes, checksum: 9da0b6dfac957114c6a7714714b86306 (MD5) A propaganda eleitoral na perspectiva da Teoria do Discurso de Ernesto Laclau.pdf: 2004355 bytes, checksum: 33aec30d3a2e2cc70dd57db6f3210e15 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Aline Batista (alinehb.ufpel@gmail.com) on 2016-04-19T18:23:31Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 23148 bytes, checksum: 9da0b6dfac957114c6a7714714b86306 (MD5) A propaganda eleitoral na perspectiva da Teoria do Discurso de Ernesto Laclau.pdf: 2004355 bytes, checksum: 33aec30d3a2e2cc70dd57db6f3210e15 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Aline Batista (alinehb.ufpel@gmail.com) on 2016-04-19T18:23:42Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 23148 bytes, checksum: 9da0b6dfac957114c6a7714714b86306 (MD5) A propaganda eleitoral na perspectiva da Teoria do Discurso de Ernesto Laclau.pdf: 2004355 bytes, checksum: 33aec30d3a2e2cc70dd57db6f3210e15 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-19T18:24:00Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 23148 bytes, checksum: 9da0b6dfac957114c6a7714714b86306 (MD5) A propaganda eleitoral na perspectiva da Teoria do Discurso de Ernesto Laclau.pdf: 2004355 bytes, checksum: 33aec30d3a2e2cc70dd57db6f3210e15 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-11-27 / O objetivo desta pesquisa é demonstrar a construção retórica discursiva utilizada pelos candidatos, Dilma Rousseff (PT) e Aécio Neves (PSDB), no segundo turno da campanha eleitoral à Presidência da República em 2014, a fim de significar os discursos em especial no que se refere aos temas: corrupção, economia e desenvolvimento social. Para o trabalho de análise foram utilizados aspectos teóricos e metodológicos da Teoria do Discurso de Ernesto Laclau e Chantal Mouffe. A partir das principais categorias de análise: o antagonismo e a formação hegemônica discursiva nós abordamos as diferenças em que os candidatos se constroem e também desconstroem o seu opositor na lógica e na dimensão social da luta política. O material empírico que embasa a pesquisa parte das falas dos candidatos veiculadas no Horário Gratuito de Propaganda Eleitoral (HGPE) em que tratam sobre os temas elencados. A pesquisa destaca a estratégia discursiva, bem como as categorias centrais de análise extraídas da obra Hegemonia e Estratégia Socialista, em consonância com os estudos teóricos, do pós-estruturalismo, em que Laclau constrói os conceitos fundantes da teoria, como forma de desvelar os aspectos complexos da política. Sobre tudo, a hipótese que guia esta dissertação consiste na afirmação de que a campanha eleitoral de 2014 apontou para uma diferenciação ideológica marcante, sobretudo econômica, entre os candidatos do PT e do PSDB. Enquanto a situação defendeu discursivamente a eficiência das medidas governamentais em defesa e promoção do desenvolvimento social para a geração de renda e riquezas, a oposição colocou em dúvida a gestão e a eficiência governamental vigente e como técnica, assim a coligação liderada pelo PSDB defendia um discurso com propostas geradoras de desenvolvimento econômico para a projeção de mecanismos em defesa do social. / This research aims to demonstrate the discursive construction used by candidates Dilma Rousseff (PT) and Aécio Neves (PSDB), in the second round of the election campaign for President of the Brazilian Republic in the year 2014. His speeches are analyzed under themes such as corruption, economics and or social development. The analytical work was done under theoretical and methodological aspects of the authors Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe. The main categories of analysis like antagonism and hegemonic discursive formation are taken to stablish discursive differences between the two candidates in logic and social dimension of political struggle. The empirical data of this research are the speeches of candidates since they were aired on the Free Time of Electoral Propaganda (HGPE in Portuguese) where they treat on those issues. The research highlights the discursive strategy, as well as central categories of discourse analysis extracted from Hegemony and Socialist Strategy work, in line with the theoretical studies and the post-structuralism. The hypothesis guiding this thesis is the claim that the election campaign of 2014 pointed to marked ideological differences, especially on economics, between the candidates of the PT and the PSDB. While the situation discursively defended the effectiveness of government measures in defense and promotion of social development for the generation of income and wealth, the opposition questioned the management and the current government efficiency, since the coalition led by the PSDB defended a speech with generating proposals for development in order to reach the projection of mechanisms in defense of the social dimension.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-08-20T13:46:37Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Mariana_Loureiro_Duarte_Bertinetti_Dissertacao.pdf: 2840386 bytes, checksum: cec23f850f1a92a2cbd1e1b54a4540ed (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-05-11 / The present study aims at analyzing the discursive constructions of the candidates for Mayor of Pelotas, Fetter Jr and Fernando Marroni, in the second round of municipal elections of 2008, at the Free Time Election Propaganda (HGPE) in television media, especially related to the more used themes in this campaign: health and asphalt. The subject of health, always highlighted in election campaigns because of the importance in people's lives, was addressed in order to highlight what each candidate did while he was in the position of the situation and what his opponent did not perform while he held office. The issue of asphalt gained prominence due to an amount arising out of international finance, whose authorship of the project, as well as its content, were the central theme of the speeches. Besides trying to understand the articulatory practice used by each candidate to hegemonize their discourses and visualize the existing antagonistic cut, the study also seeks to analyze the rhetorical strategies used by each one trying to persuade the voters viewers. For the analysis related to these themes, the research's main theoretical concepts are Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe's discourse theory. Seeking to support the discursive behavior of these candidates in this theoretical approach, this paper seeks to understand not only the construction of discourses, but also see its use specifically in television media. This dissertation as a whole, is a set of theories and empirical analyses that seek to approximate the areas of political science and media, to give an overview of marketing activity in the construction of political speeches to television and thus colaborating the understanding of this issue so present in contemporary democratic processes / O presente estudo tem como objetivo principal analisar as construções discursivas dos candidatos a Prefeito de Pelotas, Fetter Júnior e Fernando Marroni, no segundo turno da eleição municipal de 2008, no Horário Gratuito de Propaganda Eleitoral (HGPE) na mídia televisiva, especialmente relacionadas aos temas mais recorrentes na referida campanha: saúde e asfalto. O tema saúde, sempre destacado em campanhas eleitorais devido à importância na vida das pessoas, foi abordado de forma a ressaltar o que cada candidato fez enquanto esteve na posição de situação e o que seu oponente não realizou enquanto ocupou o cargo. Já o tema asfalto ganhou destaque devido a uma verba advinda de financiamento internacional, cuja autoria do projeto, bem como o seu conteúdo, foram o tema central dos discursos. Além de tentar compreender a prática articulatória usada por cada candidato para hegemonizar seu discurso e visualizar o corte antagônico existente, também são analisadas as estratégias retóricas utilizadas por cada um na tentativa de persuadir o eleitor telespectador. Para a análise em relação a estes temas, a pesquisa tem como principal referencial teórico os conceitos de Ernesto Laclau e Chantal Mouffe sobre teoria do discurso. Buscando apoiar o comportamento discursivo destes candidatos neste aporte teórico, o presente trabalho busca compreender não só a construção dos discursos, como também visualizar sua utilização especificamente na mídia televisiva. Esta dissertação como um todo, trata-se de um conjunto de teorias e análises empíricas que buscam aproximar as áreas de ciência política e comunicação social, de forma a dar uma visão geral da atividade do marketing político na construção de discursos para a televisão e, assim, colaborar com o entendimento desta temática tão presente nos processos democráticos contemporâneos

Made available in DSpace on 2014-08-20T13:48:05Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Jair Jonko Araujo_Tese.pdf: 3939736 bytes, checksum: 204491a851f1b133cdc37c5293888ba8 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-09-25 / This work discusses new meanings that are being produced in the curriculum policies for professional education at the Sul-rio-grandense Federal Institute of Education, Science and Technology (IFSul) during its institutional transformation in 2008. Considering educational policies in a complex way, as proposed by Stephan Ball and using the theoretical framework of Ernesto Laclau s Discourse Theory, we seek to identify some senses through official documents from the Ministry of Education (MEC), IFSul, as well as from interviews with IFSul s administrators and faculty. Different documents were organized into groups and analyzed with WordSmith Tools. By adopting the concept of curriculum/curricular policies as a discursive practice, as proposed by Lopes and Alice Elizabeth Macedo, we aim to analyze the different elements that compose the field of discursivity in Technological and Vocational Education, at local and national level, emphasizing historical conflicts and structural, cultural and discursive aspects which induce limits and possibilities for curricular policies at IFSul. In the process of analysis, we chose to identify, in different contexts, meanings and displacements around the significant teaching, research, extension and articulation. First it is verified that there is institutional priority for the teaching dimension, we find different forms of acceptance for discourses of integration and verticalization and we identify the myth that teaching is consolidated in the federal vocational education system and in this school. It is concluded that there are difficulties in fixing senses for research and extension and there is an acceptance of meanings for these dimensions similar to them in the university context, which does not seem to be consistent with an institution that acts predominantly on vocational education at high school level. Although there are advances in the administrative structure and research funding, the main expectation is that workers are able to institutionalize research and extension, although we found sensations of intensification on the part of teachers that now have to cope with the overlapping of work of the three dimensions in an institutional context that values formally only the time for teaching. The signifier articulation was identified as overdetermined of meanings, with the capacity to become an empty signifier for construction of hegemonic curriculum policies in the institution. / Este trabalho discute novos sentidos que estão sendo produzidos nas políticas curriculares para a educação profissional no Instituto Federal de Educação, Ciência e Tecnologia Sul-rio-grandense (IFSul), a partir de sua transformação institucional em 2008. Tendo por referência a necessidade de considerar políticas educacionais de forma complexa, conforme proposto por Stephan Ball, e utilizando os aportes teóricos da Teoria do Discurso de Ernesto Laclau, busca-se compreender estes sentidos por meio de documentos oficiais do MEC e do IFSul e também por meio de entrevistas com gestores e docentes da Instituição. Os diferentes documentos foram organizados em grupos e analisados com auxílio da ferramenta WordSmith. Ao adotar o conceito de currículo/política curricular como prática discursiva, conforme propõem Alice Lopes e Elizabeth Macedo, buscou-se trazer para a análise diferentes elementos que compõem o campo da discursividade da Educação Profissional e Tecnológica em nível nacional e local, destacando embates históricos e aspectos estruturais, culturais e discursivos os quais induzem limites e possibilidades para as políticas curriculares no IFSul. No processo de análise, opta-se por identificar, em diferentes contextos, sentidos e deslocamentos ao redor dos significantes ensino, pesquisa, extensão e articulação. Inicialmente verifica-se que há priorização institucional para a dimensão ensino, constata-se diferentes formas de acolhimento para os discursos da integração e da verticalização e conclui-se que há um mito de que o ensino está consolidado na rede federal e na instituição. Conclui-se também que há dificuldades de fixação de sentidos para pesquisa e extensão e que há o acolhimento de sentidos para estas dimensões na mesma perspectiva do contexto universitário, que entendo não ser condizente com uma instituição que atua predominantemente na EP de nível médio. Ainda que haja avanços na estrutura administrativa e no financiamento para pesquisa e extensão, a expectativa principal é que os servidores sejam capazes de institucionalizar estas dimensões, observando-se sensações de intensificação em parte dos docentes que passam a ter que dar conta da sobreposição de trabalho das três dimensões, num contexto institucional que valoriza formalmente apenas tempo dedicado ao ensino. Por fim, o significante articulação foi identificado como sobreterminado de sentidos, com capacidade de tornar-se um significante vazio para construção de políticas curriculares hegemônicas na Instituição.

Denna studie syftar till att studera hur jämställdhet fylls med innehåll i regeringens nationella strategi för regional hållbar tillväxt och attraktionskraft perioden 2015–2020 och handlingsplaner från tre valda regioner som alla ingår i projektet ”regional jämställd tillväxt”, samt vilka effekter det får för möjligheten att politisera kön. Detta görs utifrån Carol Bacchis metodologi för policyanalys som heter ”What’s is the problem represented to be?” Även den tidigare Alliansregeringen har drivit liknande projekt, men studien avgränsas till den nuvarande regeringens strategi. Utifrån Bacchis sex steg för policyanalys, som bygger på filosofen Michel Foucaults teori om styrning och makt som kallas för ”governmentality”, konstrueras tre forskningsfrågor som alla har en angränsande följdfråga: Hur representeras problemet av regeringen och regionerna och på vilka premisser dessa representationer bygger på? Hur legitimeras problemrepresentationerna och vad som lämnas oproblematiserat? Vilka effekter kan problemrepresentationerna innebära för jämställdhetsdiskursen, individernas liv och hur de ser på sig själv och andra, samt hur problemrepresentationen produceras, sprids, försvaras och hur den kan ersättas? För att kunna reflektera kring detta sista steg tillförs ytterligare teori i form av Chantal Mouffes och Ernesto Laclaus ”diskursteori”. Studien visar på att problemet är brist på kunskap bland de regionala aktörerna och kvinnors bristande kapacitet att verka på marknaden. Jämställdhet problematiseras inte utifrån ett rättviseperspektiv, utan ses som ett medel för ökad regional tillväxt. En problemrepresentation som legitimeras av en problematisk demografisk utveckling och globaliseringen. För att ta till vara på all tillväxtpotential framställs människor som kreativa, vars entreprenörskap ska främjas. En problemrepresentation som sprids genom stora internationella institutioner och framställs som moraliskt rätt. Problemrepresentationen kan ersättas genom att konstruera ett politiskt klimat där motståndares åsikter ses som legitima och därmed möjliggöra politisering av kön och även fler sätt för människor att identifiera sig på. / The purpose of this thesis is to study how gender equality is filled with meaning in the governments national strategy for a regional sustainable economic growth and attractiveness during 2015-2020 and in the strategies from three selected regions, that are all included in the project “regional economic growth with a gender equality perspective”, as well as it has on the ability to politicize gender. This is done with help of Carol Bacchis methodology for analyzing policy called ”What’s the problem represented to be?”. The former government Alliance for Sweden have been working with a similar project, but this thesis is delimited to the strategy of the current government. With starting point in Bacchis six steps for analyzing policy, based on the philosopher Michel Foucaults theory about governing and power called “governmentality”, there are three research questions constructed, and each one is associated with a follow up question: What is the problem represented to be by the government and by the regions and on what premises are they build upon? How has this problem representation been legitimized and what is not problematized? What effects can this problem representation generate for the gender equality discourse, the way the subjects think about themselves and others, their lives and how are this problem representation being produced, disseminated and defended and how can it be replaced? Too be able to reflect on this last step, Chantal Mouffes and Ernesto Laclaus “discourse theory” is applied. This thesis shows that the problem is represented as a lack of knowledge about gender equality among the regional actors, and women’s capacity to act on the market. Gender equality is not being problematized as a matter of justice, rather as a mean for an increased regional growth. The problem representation is legitimized by referring to a problematic demographic development and globalization. To take advantage of the potentials for economic growth, humans are being portrayed as creative, and their entrepreneurship needs to be promoted. This representation of the problem is spread through major international institutions and is being portrayed as morally correct. This problem representation can be replaced by create a political climate where other opponents opinions are seen as legitimate, which makes it possible to politicize gender and also for humans to identify in more ways.

Sweden, like Europe, has had an increased influx of people seeking asylum in recent years, instigating restrictive measures within the Swedish asylum regime. Simultaneously as the sustainability of settlement and housing policies for people seeking asylum has been the subject of large political debate, restrictive methods such as a minimum rights approach has been adopted, putting the Swedish asylum regime at the edge of the European Convention. In 2019, 25 years after its implementation, Sweden’s refugee reception system was amended. As of then, people seeking asylum who choose their own housing (EBO) in certain municipalities over assigned housing in accommodation facilities (ABO) are no longer entitled to state subsidies. Drawing on Michel Foucault’s discourse theory and Carol Bacchi’s policy analysis, What’s the Problem Represented to be, this thesis examines how the political discourse on refugee reception and EBO settlement has changed from the implementation of the LMA Act in 1994 to its amendment in 2019 by observing how the motifs of the implementation and amendment have been expressed, what underlying presumptions or assumptions such expressions hold, and what effects such discourse has. The study shows a discursive shift represented in the political discourse, portraying EBO settlement as contributing to societal degradation and in need of restrictions through reprisals. The main findings show that the discourse constructs an imagery of people seeking asylum as responsible for, and a threat to, Swedish welfare and societal structure. Moreover, the analysis displays a conceptualization of social sustainability as a matter of meeting the interest of the state, rather than the needs of the individual. In sum the study contributes in part to a deeper understanding of how political discourses shape the knowledge and conceptualization of people seeking asylum, the restrictive trajectory of Swedish asylum policy, and highlights the consequences of restrictive state bureaucracies for people seeking protection within Swedish borders.

This paper studies subjectivity in the Mail Online journalism with a focus on judgmental reporting from the male sphere. The Background research presents the current paradigm of what is acceptable when writing subjectively in journalism and concludes that it is acceptable and is no longer seen as the antithesis to objectivity. However, there remain rules as to what is too much subjectivity such as ‘falsehoods’. The background continues and discusses what the male sphere is, what it means to report from the male sphere, and how one must behave within this sphere to be a ‘true’ woman or ‘true’ man. The study located and categorised both Direct and Indirect Judgment from the male sphere in articles from the Mail Online. Articles about Shamima Begum and Mohammed Emwazi were chosen because of their similarities and because of the very different way reporters chose to present their stories. Locating and categorising Judgment using the framework Appraisal and Journalistic Discourse Theory worked well with the ideological focus of the male sphere. The theoretical framework allows for individual subjective utterances to be categorised as Direct Judgment as well as whole extracts to be analysed, and categorised as Indirect Judgment. The results show that in the case of Shamima Begum, negative Judgment was inferred from the male sphere in the form of Indirect Judgment which needed to be read in context. In the case of Mohammed Emwazi both positive and negative Judgment was inferred which was both Direct and Indirect. Both actor’s results directly correspond to Judgment of gendered characteristics from the ‘Male Sphere’ explained Background. This paper concludes with a discussion of the judgments from the male sphere of both actors with examples from the extracts, finishing with limitations of the study and future research considerations.

The invisible struggle for the purpose of leisure time pedagogy  - a study of discourses about leisure time pedagogy The aim of the study is to examine and highlight the discursive struggle about the main purpose of leisure time pedagogy in school in a democratic society. Thereby my aim is to deepen the discussion about what leisure time pedagogy is and should be. The examination of different purposes is based on Gert J.J. Biestas different educational concepts qualification, socialization and subjectification. The study is based on a webb survey answered by 71 leisure time pedagogues, and interviews answered by 6 leisure time pedagogues. Findings from the webb survey suggests that most of the respondents believe their administration think the most important duty of leisure time pedagogy is different from their own. Most of the respondents indicated socialisation or subjectification of students as their most important duty, while most of them think their administration designate the students qualification as most important. The interviews where recorded, transcribed, and later analysed in line with Ernesto Laclau ́s and Chantal Mouffe ́s discourse theory. From the interviews I was able to map out 3 different discourses about the main purpose of leisure time pedagogy according to leisure time pedagogues: the socially oriented discourse, the knowledge oriented discourse and the identity oriented discourse. I was also able to map out one discourse based on leisure time pedagogues views on how they think their administrations anticipation on leisure time pedagogy differ from their own beliefs. In conclusion most leisure time pedagogues believes their main purpose is to help students develop social skills and personal identity, while they believe their endeavor to do so, is interfered either by their administrations designated purpose with leisure time pedagogy or their anticipation on leisure time pedagogues to help teachers and to support pupils development of subject knowledge, rather than to plan and elaborate with leisure time pedagogy. The study suggests that the different discourses, while not properly articulated, may lead to misunderstandings and a false feeling of agreement when there is none. This is why there seems to be a need to really discuss and clarify different comprehensions of the meaning of the main concepts of leisure time pedagogy in order to articulate the discursive struggle. / Syftet med föreliggande studie är att undersöka och lyfta den diskursiva kampen om fritidspedagogikens roll och syfte inom skolan i ett demokratiskt samhälle. Genom detta är min förhoppning att studien kan bidra till att fördjupa diskussionen om vad fritidspedagogiken är och bör vara. Fritidspedagogikens syfte undersöks utifrån Biestas utbildningsfunktionskategorier kvalificering, socialisation och subjektifiering. Studien baseras på en webbenkät som besvarats av 71 fritidspedagoger och intervjuer med 6 fritidspedagoger. Resultatet från webbenkäten visar att de flesta av fritidspedagogerna tror att skolledningens uppfattning om fritidspedagogikens viktigaste uppdrag skiljer sig från deras egen. De flesta menade att elevernas socialisation eller subjektifiering var fritidspedagogikens viktigaste uppdrag, men att de trodde att skolledningen menade att fritidspedagogikens viktigaste uppdrag var elevernas kvalificering. Intervjuerna spelades in med ljudupptagningsapparat, transkriberades och analyserades därefter med hjälp av Ernesto Laclaus och Chantal Mouffes diskursteori. Utifrån intervjuerna kunde tre diskurser om fritidspedagogers egen uppfattning om fritidspedagogikens viktigaste syften kartläggas: en socialt orienterad diskurs, en kunskapsorienterad diskurs och en identitetsorienterad diskurs. Utöver dessa tre diskurser kartlades en diskurs baserad på fritidspedagogers uttalanden om hur skolledningens förväntningar på fritidspedagogikens syfte skiljer sig från deras egen uppfattning. Sammanfattningsvis anser de flesta fritidspedagogerna att deras viktigaste uppdrag är att stötta elever i deras utveckling av sociala förmågor och personliga identitet, men att deras strävan mot detta hindras antingen av att skolledningen menar att fritidspedagogiken har ett annat syfte, eller att de förväntar sig att fritidspedagoger främst skall arbeta för att stötta klassläraren och elevernas kunskapsutveckling, snarare än att planera och utveckla fritidspedagogiken. Studien tyder på att de olika diskurserna om fritidspedagogikens syfte kan leda till missförstånd och en falsk känsla av samstämmighet när så inte är fallet. Detta pekar på behovet av att diskutera och tydliggöra olika uppfattningar och tolkningar av fritidspedagogikens centrala begrepp samverkan, kompletterande uppdrag och värdegrundsarbete för att tydligare artikulera den diskursiva kampen.

This thesis investigates the continuance of the MeToo movement in the Swedish context via the digitalplatform Instagram, collective action and feminist organizations that are engaged to end sexual violence.It illuminates how the sisterhood impacted by the practice of challenging the rape script a conceptused to describe the discourse on how sexual violence should be like, and how victim-survivors should behave, how the engagement is made among the activists that engage to challenge the rape script and lastly, how since the MeToo movement started a discourse of rightlessness have been exposed through the sharing of experiences that the MeToo movement initiated. The ethnographic study is based on participant observation of feminist actions in real life and on Instagram as well as interviews with 13 activists from feminist organizations and with background as organisers of collective actions. It is found that the MeToo movement in Sweden is commonly practiced through an engagement in Feminist organizations that serve to keep the movement alive through continuous work to keep sexual violence on the agenda by keeping it visible, and that the engagement is driven by an experience of anger towards the societal discourse that sets the discourse on rape which affects the possibility to be recognized by the legal system. The thesis will overall suggest that there is a sisterhood built on a collective identity, and that the shared identity and oppression between non-men with an aspiration to support one another in the experience of oppression as well as organize safety nets for those who are sentenced for defamation as a consequence of speaking out.

Following thesis investigates the intertwined relationship between the rise of gang-violenceand right-wing populist parties, more specifically the True Finns and the Sweden Democrats. The purpose of this essay being, how the True Finns and the Sweden Democrats usegang-violence to legitimize xenophobia. Analysis are done by using a CDA-approach, the threedimensional model by Norman Fairclough. Materials used in this discourse analysis are material from the parliament, material from the parties websites and public media prior to the general elections in 2022 and 2023. The theoretical tools for analyses in this thesis rely oncombined theories from previous studies in Trygghet as issue ownership and discourses used by the Swedish Democrats and True Finns to legitimize their ideological standpoints. Through combining the theoretical framework and Fairclough’s threedimensional analysis,the empirical findings were analyzed to find which discourses are used when referring to gang violence to legitimize xenophobia. Main results of the analysis found that the parties use similar discourses when talking about gang violence, related to safety, a promised fullness to come and a feared doomsday to legitimize xenophobia. However there were also some culturally bound differences in how the parties legitimized xenophobia when discussing gangviolence. The main conclusion of the study was that some of the findings matched the theoretical framework, while some did not.

This is a qualitative actions research study of pre school teachers’ reflections about their choices and actions. The qualitative actions research study is combined with semistructured interviews, mind map-conversations and a videocamera in order to bring awareness about the pedagogs actions. The theory i use to analys the results is poststructural discourse. The aim is to understand and investigate how and if teachers in preschool change their analyses and reflections practice, during their action research process. Another purpose, during this process, is to understand how the pre school teachers reflect and value their knowledge in the context of their profession and practice. The questions i aim to answer are:1. In which ways does the action research process change the pre school teachers reflectionspractice?2. How do the pre school teachers reflect upon and value their knowledge about their profession within their practice?The conclusion is that action research, semistructured interviews, mind map- conversations and the observered material from the videocamera led the preschool teachers to develop at their own pace, and from their own problemed based questions and thoughts. They go from a structure view on the pedagogical practice to a subjective self evaluation view, where change is possible and their own knowledge about their profession becomes visible.