This study aims to investigate how principals in Stockholm as recruiters talk about the recruitment process and ethnicdiversity and how these statements could affect the possibilities of a Romany acquiring a Student Aid position within theschool in question. The statements will be interpreted through a discursive perspective inspired by Foucault and Laclau &Mouffe with a special focus on the power aspect and its consequences in terms of inclusion and exclusion. The resultpresents that defining the right and wrong person for the job is the central theme (nodal point) in the discourse were theRomanies are seen as just almost right as their competence mainly works as a complement to the existing work-force.

The purpose of this paper is to examine how LKAB are portrayed in the newspaper Dagens Nyheter (DN). The methods that were used were: Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) combined with Critical Linguistic Analysis. These were used since they help to reveal the structures and unconscious meaning and power of word. It gives the tools to see how authority, power and meaning of words are constructed during social practice of the way they are used. To complement the method the theories that’s used are discourse analysis since CDA is both a method and a theory. A theory concerning journalism has also been included for the paper.As a result of the analysis, it shows that LKAB is portrayed as a large company with huge amount of economic resources. In articles with a positive attitude against the company they are regarded as a strong and active company in the Swedish economy during the financial crisis that generates a lot of money for the Swedish state. Articles that portrait LKAB in a negative way, regards them as a company that with the power of the state are allowed to look past the individuals that lives near the mines or the environment as long as it generates money for them and the state. The people living near the mines will have to accept the thing that’s happening to them. This paper also shows that the articles that were analyzed, all of them confirm and legitimize the power to certain sources used for facts which confirms that journalists needs certain sources to appear as secure but that also let the sources with power keep their power.

For the past decades, culture has been given a role as a factor for local and regional development. But what is meant by development and in what ways culture can be of importance in this aspect can be unclear. This thesis examines the perception of the role for local and regional development of one specific cultural place and network – the cultural cooperative Not Quite in Fengersfors, Sweden. I study the way the role as developer is expressed and interpreted in the discourse of the cultural workers who are members of the network and in the discourse of public cultural policy in the region Västra Götaland and in Åmål municipality. The study shows that there are both similarities and differences between the discourses concerning how the role as developer is expressed. What differs is the focus on economic growth, which is expressed to be of great importance in the public cultural policy discourse. The cultural workers within Not Quite express a lack of interest in economic growth, or even a negative attitude towards it. They instead express a ”discourse of meaning”. For them, the main purpose of their artistic work is to create meaning and value for other people rather than economic growth. However, the practical effects of the differences seem quite small. There seem to be a balance between the different kinds of development Not Quite is expected to contribute to, and the cultural workers express a relaxed attitude to goals and expectations from the Västra Götaland region and Åmål municipality.

A possible "discursive turn" is believed to have been observed within Swedish political science in later years. The purpose of this study is to examine whether or not such a turn has actually taken place, in order to further determine if a resulting theoretical homogeneity poses a risk to the ability of Swedish political science to identify and respond to its full width of possible research problems, and to determine its perspectives on both these problems and the results that are later communicated to the general society. To do so, the study poses the following primary research question: "Has a discursive turn occurred within Swedish political science?" This question is then broken down into two specified research questions. "Has discourse analysis become a more common approach for doctoral dissertations in political science during the period of 2000-2013?" "Have ideas corresponding with discourse theory become more common within doctoral dissertations in political science that are not pure discourse analyses during the period of 2000-2013?" These questions are then answered by examining all known 406 doctoral dissertations in political science published in Sweden during the 21st century up until (and including) the year of 2013, using two forms of content analysis, one manual and one computer-assisted. The study finds no clear evidence of a discursive turn in Swedish political science since the turn of the century. The results demonstrate, however, that while ideas corresponding with discourse theory do not appear to have become unambiguously more common in recent times, they do appear in some form in a majority of the examined dissertations, albeit most often on the margin. The study finds no significant indications of a theoretical homogenisation that might impede upon the ability of political science to identify and respond to its full width of research problems. Discourse analysis appears to have a stable presence within Swedish political science, but does not appear to risk contributing to a homogenous research climate that might damage the plurality of research. Instead, it might be seen as a contribution to this plurality.

Female and male managers in crisis - A qualitative study of how daily and evening newspapers produce female and male managers in crisis The purpose of this studie was to investigate how female and male managers are produced in daily and evening newspapers. The newspapers that has been used in this study is Dagens Nyheter, as a representation for daily newspapers, and Aftonbladet, as an representation for evening tabloids. To answer the purpose three issues has been formulated: what are the female and male managers importance in emergency situations in the articles? How are power attributed to women and men in the articles? What similarities and differences are there between the representations from Dagens Nyheter and Aftonbladet? The theories that has been used in this studie are mainly gender theory, critical discourse analysis (CDA). The results of the analysis showed that female managers in subjectivily presented articles reports are produced in a more negative way than male managers. Further could the male managers be interpreted to be attributed more power in the articles than the female managers.

The purpose of this study is that through a discourse theoretical perspective, analyze young girls 'statements about living with self-injuring by sexual behavior. The aim is to locate the discourses that surround them, visualize how discursive constructions affect these young girls' identity as victims and/or actors in relation to self-injury, the sexual violence and in meetings with the professionals within the health authorities. In addition discourse theory as an analyze method, the authors also use Nils Christie's (2001) theory of the ideal victim and Ingrid Landers (2003) theoretical perspectives on normative femininity. The authors of the study show a diversity of discourses that surround the young girls. All discourses contain normative actor- and victim’s positions that young girls constantly are obliged to relate to, which partially conflict with social constructions of the idea of victim and femininity. These positions are assigned, claimed or opposition to, and characterizes not only the young girls self-image, but also how professionals within the health authorities look at them and what support and assistance that’s offered or deprived. Finally, the authors argue for a broader approach to young girls who self-injuring by sexual behavior, they can be both victims and actors and advocates a questioning of oppressive norms to detect and identify the young girls who self-injure by sexual behavior, when it is a prerequisite to widen their options and discretion.

Syftet med denna uppsats var att beskriva hur socialarbetarens yrkesroll och yrkesidentitet kan konstrueras i uppdraget som biståndshandläggare och i förhållande till rådande diskurser inom området. Kunskapsläget inom fältet visade att arbetet som biståndshandläggare är komplext och att det därför kan vara svårt att arbeta på det sätt lagen föreskriver. Dels beroende på att den ideologiska och ekonomiska samhällsutvecklingen kan leda till lagändringar och organisatoriska förändringar, dels beroende på hänsynstagandet till det allmänna intresset. Studiens empiriska material utgörs av intervjuer med fem biståndshandläggare/socialsekreterare, varav den ena inte hade ett myndighetsutövande uppdrag. Ett diskursteoretiskt perspektiv användes som verktygslåda för att analysera socialsekreterarnas utsagor och för att besvara studiens syfte och frågeställningar. Studiens resultat visade på att yrkesrollen konstrueras diskursivt, avhängigt kontexten och i förhållande till organisationens uppdrag för den enskilde socialsekreteraren. Socialarbetaridentiteten/ identiteterna tillskrevs olika former av betydelser men också olika former av diskursiva krav och förväntningar på både beteende och handlande. / The aim of this study was to describe how the social worker’s professional role and work identity can be constructed in the case manager’s assignments and in relation to the existing discourses in the field. Previous research in this field has shown that a case manager’s work is complex and that it can be difficult to perform their assignments according to the law. Partly because of the ideological and economic development in society, which might lead to changes in the organization, and partly due to the consideration of public interest. The empirical part of the study consists of interviews with five social workers. One of these social workers did not have a regulatory exercise assignment. To reach the aim of the study, a theoretical discourse perspective was used. The result showed that the work identity of the case manager is constructed through the discourses of the context and in relation to the assignments given to each case officer from the organization. The social worker identity was assigned with different meanings and different discursive requirements and expectations regarding how to behave and act.

This master’s thesis considers the Official Report of the Swedish Government Transpersoner i Sverige (SOU 2017:92), and its ambitions to increase intelligibility for trans people. Using a discourse-theoretical framework, I study the report’s production of meaning regarding power, norms and knowledge. In my analysis, the constitution of meaning leads to the establishment, in the report, of a specific understanding of intelligibility and of how intelligibility for trans people can and should be increased. Further, I note that ‘knowledge’, in the report, is positioned as beyond power and mobilized to counter the defined problems of unintelligibility. In particular, the report promotes measurable knowledge as the means by which to amend problems concerning lacking descriptions of trans people’s situation. Using Spade (2015) and Butler (1997), I elaborate on the positioning of the state with respect to the report’s project of increasing intelligibility, and show that state power is naturalized. The main conclusion of the thesis is that several of the report’s suggestions serve to legitimize state regulation of gendered subjectivity, specifically with respect to legal genders and their utilization in measurement and surveillance.

The main objective of this investigation is to reflect upon how the teacher s and learners beliefs give meaning to teaching and learning process and how they interact with the choice of language learning strategies as well as attempts to find out how these beliefs affect their approach to language development. Having Bakhtin s language and ideologies concepts as a starting point, this investigation is grounded on studies developed in Discourse Analysis and Applied Linguistics. Data was collected at Casa de Cultura Britânica, the extension English school that belongs to Languages Faculty of Federal University of Alagoas. Datagathering procedures were conducted under the guise of ethnographical methodology and Discourse Theory. In order to pursue the beliefs that permeate EFL teaching and learning process, lesson observation is carried out once the classroom is the stage where discourses emerge. Discourses, in turn, give voice to the ideologies on which beliefs are founded. The corpus is constituted of audio recordings and respective transcription, questionnaires, interviews, field notes, articles from magazines and newspapers obtained via internet. / O principal objetivo deste estudo é refletir como as crenças do professor e alunos de língua inglesa dão sentidos ao processo de ensinar e aprender e como elas se relacionam com a escolha de estratégias bem como buscar entender como estas crenças afetam o seu fazer nesse processo. Tendo como ponto de partida conceitos de linguagem e ideologias de Bakhtin assim como bases teóricas nos estudos desenvolvidos pela Análise do Discurso e na Lingüística Aplicada, os dados foram coletados na Casa de Cultura Britânica, uma extensão da Faculdade de Letras da Universidade Federal de Alagoas. A coleta de dados foi conduzida sob a guia da metodologia etnográfica e da Teoria do Discurso. A fim de buscar as crenças que permeiam o ensino-aprendizagem de língua inglesa, observações de aula foram realizadas uma vez que a sala de aula é o palco onde os discursos que dão vozes às ideologias que as fundamentam emergem. O corpus se constitui de gravações de áudio e respectiva transcrições, questionários, entrevistas, notas de campo e artigos de revistas e jornais obtidos via internet.

Submitted by YUNA FONTOURA (yunareis@gmail.com) on 2015-12-18T14:09:58Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Final Thesis Yuna.pdf: 2767793 bytes, checksum: 75dc946b956c5160ac270cb45e4b4eb1 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by ÁUREA CORRÊA DA FONSECA CORRÊA DA FONSECA (aurea.fonseca@fgv.br) on 2015-12-18T15:27:27Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Final Thesis Yuna.pdf: 2767793 bytes, checksum: 75dc946b956c5160ac270cb45e4b4eb1 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Marcia Bacha (marcia.bacha@fgv.br) on 2015-12-21T18:21:43Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Final Thesis Yuna.pdf: 2767793 bytes, checksum: 75dc946b956c5160ac270cb45e4b4eb1 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-12-21T18:22:01Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Final Thesis Yuna.pdf: 2767793 bytes, checksum: 75dc946b956c5160ac270cb45e4b4eb1 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-07-27 / Since the international financial and food crisis that started in 2008, strong emphasis has been made on the importance of Genetically Modified Organisms (GMOs) (or 'transgenics') under the claim that they could contribute to increase food productivity at a global level, as the world population is predicted to reach 9.1 billion in the year 2050 and food demand is predicted to increase by as much as 50% by 2030. GMOs are now at the forefront of the debates and struggles of different actors. Within civil society actors, it is possible to observe multiple, and sometime, conflicting roles. The role of international social movements and international NGOs in the GMO field of struggle is increasingly relevant. However, while many of these international civil society actors oppose this type of technological developments (alleging, for instance, environmental, health and even social harms), others have been reportedly cooperating with multinational corporations, retailers, and the biotechnology industry to promote GMOs. In this thesis research, I focus on analysing the role of 'international civil society' in the GMO field of struggle by asking: 'what are the organizing strategies of international civil society actors, such as NGOs and social movements, in GMO governance as a field of struggle?' To do so, I adopt a neo-Gramscian discourse approach based on the studies of Laclau and Mouffe. This theoretical approach affirms that in a particular hegemonic regime there are contingent alliances and forces that overpass the spheres of the state and the economy, while civil society actors can be seen as a 'glue' to the way hegemony functions. Civil society is then the site where hegemony is consented, reproduced, sustained, channelled, but also where counter-hegemonic and emancipatory forces can emerge. Considering the importance of civil society actors in the construction of hegemony, I also discuss some important theories around them. The research combines, on the one hand, 36 in-depth interviews with a range of key civil society actors and scientists representing the GMO field of struggle in Brazil (19) and the UK (17), and, on the other hand, direct observations of two events: Rio+20 in Rio de Janeiro in 2012, and the first March Against Monsanto in London in 2013. A brief overview of the GMO field of struggle, from its beginning and especially focusing in the 1990s when the process of hegemonic formation became clearer, serves as the basis to map who are the main actors in this field, how resource mobilization works, how political opportunities ('historical contingencies') are discovered and exploited, which are the main discourses ('science' and 'sustainability' - articulated by 'biodiversity preservation', 'food security' and 'ecological agriculture') articulated among the actors to construct a collective identity in order to attract new potential allies around 'GMOs' ('nodal point'), and which are the institutions and international regulations within these processes that enable hegemony to emerge in meaningful and durable hegemonic links. This mapping indicates that that the main strategies applied by the international civil society actors are influenced by two central historical contingencies in the GMO field of struggle: 1) First Multi-stakeholder Historical Contingency; and 2) 'Supposed' Hegemony Stability. These two types of historical contingency in the GMO field of struggle encompass deeper hegemonic articulations and, because of that, they induce international civil society actors to rethink the way they articulate and position themselves within the field. Therefore, depending on one of those moments, they will apply one specific strategy of discourse articulation, such as: introducing a new discourse in hegemony articulation to capture the attention of the public and of institutions; endorsing new plural demands; increasing collective visibility; facilitating material articulations; sharing a common enemy identity; or spreading new ideological elements among the actors in the field of struggle.