The present Bachelor thesis examines the medial representations of ”vulnerable areas” (Swedish:”utsatta områden”) and the people living in those areas. In order to achieve my purpose a qualitative discourse analysis is conducted by applying Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe's discourse theory. A total of 14 debate articles and editorial pages published in the two Swedish newspapers Aftonbladet and Expressen are analyzed. Three prominent discourses are identified in the analysis: a criminalization discourse, an ethnification discourse and a poverty discourse. The first two are found to be most prominent in the empirical material. The result shows that the construction of the collective identity of people living in ”vulnerable areas” substantially is fixated around ethnicity and criminality. This is believed to have an impact on the public debate about interventions in these areas. / <p>2019-02-19</p>

Submitted by Leoná Rodrigues (leonarodrigues@id.uff.br) on 2017-07-26T19:31:47Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação - Fernanda Zacarias.pdf: 766744 bytes, checksum: 750295602f7e514a6db9e83371609669 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Biblioteca da Faculdade de Direito (bfd@ndc.uff.br) on 2017-08-17T16:35:24Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação - Fernanda Zacarias.pdf: 766744 bytes, checksum: 750295602f7e514a6db9e83371609669 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-08-17T16:35:24Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação - Fernanda Zacarias.pdf: 766744 bytes, checksum: 750295602f7e514a6db9e83371609669 (MD5) / O presente trabalho tem como escopo a descrição das relações possíveis entre opinião pública e direito. A princípio, a pretensão se volta para a demonstração dos caminhos perpassados pela opinião pública, a partir das transformações sócio-políticas no âmbito da esfera pública burguesa, tal como descrita por Jürgen Habermas. Após a compreensão de elementos como a “publicidade”, a ser dada às questões de ordem pública, e a “acessibilidade”, a ser assegurada na reunião de um público que exerce livremente sua opinião, será possível antever algumas das concepções de justiça que se internalizaram nos indivíduos, inclusive sob uma ótica universalista que ultrapassa os interesses restritos aos litigantes, sob a perspectiva da moralidade. A explanação dará ensejo à caracterização da dimensão moral do direito. Em contrapartida, será realçada a função da discursividade procedimental necessária ao alcance do consenso e da fundamentação das regras de criação e aplicação normativa, mesmo nas ocasiões em que a argumentação se estabeleça por meio de discursos éticos ou pragmáticos, distanciando-se da ordem moral. Desse modo, a análise do direito sob a perspectiva discursiva presente na filosofia propositiva de Habermas terá o condão de estabelecer as nuances entre normatividade e racionalidade diante do caráter compromissório das normas, e como estas encontram sua legitimação a partir da formação política da opinião e da vontade. / This work is scoped to the description of the possible relations between public opinion and law. At first, the claim turns to the demonstration of the direction taken by public opinion, from the socio-political context of the bourgeois public sphere, as described by Jürgen Habermas. Understanding the elements as "publicity" to be given to issues of public policy, and "accessibility" to be provided at the meeting of a public holding their views freely, it is possible to anticipate some of the conceptions of justice that is internalized in people even under a universalist perspective that goes beyond the narrow interests to the litigants, from the perspective of morality. The explanation will give rise to the characterization of the moral dimension of law. On the other hand, will emphasize the role of procedural discourse necessary to reach consensus and rationale of the rules of creating and applying rules, even on occasions when the argument is established by ethical or pragmatic discourse, away from the moral order. Thus, the analysis of the discursive approach right under this purposeful philosophy of Habermas have the power to establish the nuances between normativity and rationality in face of mandatory standards, and how they find their legitimacy from the political formation of opinion and will.

O presente estudo trata do conceito de esfera pública (Öffentlichkeit) na sociedade moderna a partir da teoria social de Niklas Luhmann. Não se trata, contudo, de mera exegese. É certo que a teoria luhmanniana é utilizada como guia do argumento e como referencial teórico básico, mas sua utilização é feita através de uma abordagem interdisciplinar que visa a dialogar tanto com a macro teoria dominante acerca da esfera pública (de Jürgen Habermas) quanto com problemas teóricos levantados por teorias de médio alcance que, preocupadas com a pesquisa empírica, evidenciaram problemas e fenômenos contemporâneos que não parecem ser passíveis de enfrentamento pela teoria habermasiana. Por isso, os desenvolvimentos da teoria dos sistemas sobre o conceito de esfera pública enfrentarão dois momentos de tensão: no primeiro Parte I do trabalho um enfrentamento teórico conceitual em face da teoria de Jürgen Habermas sobre a esfera pública, e no segundo Parte II com alguns problemas contemporâneos levantados para literatura atual: sua relação com o Estado e o sistema político, com os Tribunais Constitucionais, com os meios de comunicação em massa, com movimentos de protesto e com as pretensões de inclusão na sociedade mundial (Weltgesellschaft). / This study concern the concept of the public sphere (Öffentlichkeit) of modern society in the social theory of Niklas Luhmann. It is not, however, an exegetic study. Niklas Luhmanns theory constitutes the main guide-line of this study and functions as its basal theoretical framework. Nevertheless, the arguments here presented are carried on by an interdisciplinary approach, in order to perform a dialog not only with the dominant theory of the modern public sphere (Jürgen Habermas), but also with theoretical problems raised by middle range theories which are concerned which empirical research; and with contemporary problems and phenomena that do not seem to be tacked properly by the habermasian theory. Therefore, the systems theory model of modern public sphere faces two moments of tension: In the first one Part I it faces Jürgen Habermas theory of the public sphere. In the second Part II contemporary problems and issues are addressed: the relation among the public sphere, the State and the political system; the mass communication system; protest movements and the inclusion claims carried on in the world society (Weltgesellschaft).

O presente estudo trata do conceito de esfera pública (Öffentlichkeit) na sociedade moderna a partir da teoria social de Niklas Luhmann. Não se trata, contudo, de mera exegese. É certo que a teoria luhmanniana é utilizada como guia do argumento e como referencial teórico básico, mas sua utilização é feita através de uma abordagem interdisciplinar que visa a dialogar tanto com a macro teoria dominante acerca da esfera pública (de Jürgen Habermas) quanto com problemas teóricos levantados por teorias de médio alcance que, preocupadas com a pesquisa empírica, evidenciaram problemas e fenômenos contemporâneos que não parecem ser passíveis de enfrentamento pela teoria habermasiana. Por isso, os desenvolvimentos da teoria dos sistemas sobre o conceito de esfera pública enfrentarão dois momentos de tensão: no primeiro Parte I do trabalho um enfrentamento teórico conceitual em face da teoria de Jürgen Habermas sobre a esfera pública, e no segundo Parte II com alguns problemas contemporâneos levantados para literatura atual: sua relação com o Estado e o sistema político, com os Tribunais Constitucionais, com os meios de comunicação em massa, com movimentos de protesto e com as pretensões de inclusão na sociedade mundial (Weltgesellschaft). / This study concern the concept of the public sphere (Öffentlichkeit) of modern society in the social theory of Niklas Luhmann. It is not, however, an exegetic study. Niklas Luhmanns theory constitutes the main guide-line of this study and functions as its basal theoretical framework. Nevertheless, the arguments here presented are carried on by an interdisciplinary approach, in order to perform a dialog not only with the dominant theory of the modern public sphere (Jürgen Habermas), but also with theoretical problems raised by middle range theories which are concerned which empirical research; and with contemporary problems and phenomena that do not seem to be tacked properly by the habermasian theory. Therefore, the systems theory model of modern public sphere faces two moments of tension: In the first one Part I it faces Jürgen Habermas theory of the public sphere. In the second Part II contemporary problems and issues are addressed: the relation among the public sphere, the State and the political system; the mass communication system; protest movements and the inclusion claims carried on in the world society (Weltgesellschaft).

<p>This study aims to investigate how principals in Stockholm as recruiters talk about the recruitment process and ethnicdiversity and how these statements could affect the possibilities of a Romany acquiring a Student Aid position within theschool in question. The statements will be interpreted through a discursive perspective inspired by Foucault and Laclau &Mouffe with a special focus on the power aspect and its consequences in terms of inclusion and exclusion. The resultpresents that defining the right and wrong person for the job is the central theme (nodal point) in the discourse were theRomanies are seen as just almost right as their competence mainly works as a complement to the existing work-force.</p>

<p>The aim of this thesis is to examine the fear of crime in old peoples lives. Notwithstanding that the age category is exposed to crime to a low degree, old people are experiencing a great fear of crime relative younger people. This is the paradox of fear, also recognized in gender studies. The question is how this paradox can be understood. To answer this, twelve elderly men and women have been interviewed and the reports about crime in the local newspaper, Norrköpings Tidningar, has been analyzed, through discourse analysis.</p><p>The discursive construction of fear is here discussed in terms of discourses of a fearful society, and stereotypes of old age. The hegemonic discourse of old age is collaborating with a discourse, in this paper called the discourse of a threatening society. Old peoples fear is produced, through the interplay of these discourses, because they are objectified and seen as victims alongside with a construction of an ever-present threat.</p>

<p>The present compiled dissertation explores culture jamming as a social movement in late capitalist information society. Culture jamming embraces groups and individuals practicing symbolic protest against the expansion and domination of large corporations and the logic of the market into public and private life. The central aim is to understand the meaning of culture jamming; its “model” of collective identification, and its protest and mobilizing strategies. International social movement research mostly focuses upon well established movements that are traditionally organized and directed against conventional political institutions. Studying culture jamming as a social movement therefore entails implications for social movement theory and research. For instance, concepts must be adjusted to cover emerging “individualized” forms of collective action and the effects of cyberspace on collective identification. Furthermore, attention is directed to emotions in culture jamming. It is thereby also argued that social movement research generally may have a lot to gain from incorporating emotion theory.</p><p>Data consists of texts and visuals from the organization Adbusters Media Foundation, and seven interviews with culture jammers. The groups represented in the interviews are Institute for Applied Autonomy, Reverend Billy’s Church of Stop Shopping, New York Surveillance Camera Players, Bureau of Inverse Technology, Rtmark, and the French Casseurs de Pub. The method of analysis is “abductive” qualitative text analysis inspired by hermeneutic qualitative analysis and the epistemological and ontological foundations of discourse theory and post-structuralism.</p><p>Analysis is carried out in five separate studies presented in text I-IV (previously published) and in chapter eight. Text I maps the Adbusters Media Foundation (AMF) along the lines of narrative, organization, ends, means, and strategy. Text II offers an analysis of the various nodal points in the AMF discourse and discusses the tensions inherent to the AMF effort to “hegemonize” the meaning of culture jamming. Text III offers an analysis of culture jamming as political activism from the thematic perspective of culture, place and identity, based on four of the interviews. In text IV the AMF visuals are analyzed from the perspective of emotions and social movement mobilization. Chapter eight brings together the seven interviews and the AMF material into an analysis of emotions in culture jamming.</p>

Denna avhandling har godkänts i Sydafrika och sedan publicerats av Svenska Institutet för Missionsforskning (SIM) i efterhand.

The present compiled dissertation explores culture jamming as a social movement in late capitalist information society. Culture jamming embraces groups and individuals practicing symbolic protest against the expansion and domination of large corporations and the logic of the market into public and private life. The central aim is to understand the meaning of culture jamming; its “model” of collective identification, and its protest and mobilizing strategies. International social movement research mostly focuses upon well established movements that are traditionally organized and directed against conventional political institutions. Studying culture jamming as a social movement therefore entails implications for social movement theory and research. For instance, concepts must be adjusted to cover emerging “individualized” forms of collective action and the effects of cyberspace on collective identification. Furthermore, attention is directed to emotions in culture jamming. It is thereby also argued that social movement research generally may have a lot to gain from incorporating emotion theory. Data consists of texts and visuals from the organization Adbusters Media Foundation, and seven interviews with culture jammers. The groups represented in the interviews are Institute for Applied Autonomy, Reverend Billy’s Church of Stop Shopping, New York Surveillance Camera Players, Bureau of Inverse Technology, Rtmark, and the French Casseurs de Pub. The method of analysis is “abductive” qualitative text analysis inspired by hermeneutic qualitative analysis and the epistemological and ontological foundations of discourse theory and post-structuralism. Analysis is carried out in five separate studies presented in text I-IV (previously published) and in chapter eight. Text I maps the Adbusters Media Foundation (AMF) along the lines of narrative, organization, ends, means, and strategy. Text II offers an analysis of the various nodal points in the AMF discourse and discusses the tensions inherent to the AMF effort to “hegemonize” the meaning of culture jamming. Text III offers an analysis of culture jamming as political activism from the thematic perspective of culture, place and identity, based on four of the interviews. In text IV the AMF visuals are analyzed from the perspective of emotions and social movement mobilization. Chapter eight brings together the seven interviews and the AMF material into an analysis of emotions in culture jamming.

In processes of economic integration, neoliberal discourse and corresponding notions of development comprise some of the most readily available imaginaries of political and social interaction and change. However, these processes are always also locally produced and negotiated. Engaging with discourse theory, Marxism and postcolonial feminist theory, this dissertation brings together “macro” and “micro” aspects of globalization. The aim is to interrogate discursive reinforcements of and challenges to global orders of production and divisions of labor. With a focus on representations of Free Trade Zones (FTZs), which are tax-exempted enclaves for export production, the study explores competing meanings attributed to the operation of transnational capital in Nicaragua. Based on policy documents, political speeches, promotional videotapes and interviews, the political rhetoric of two governments with competing agendas is analyzed: the neoliberal/conservative government of the Liberal Constitutionalist Party (2002–2007), which framed the FTZs in terms of national progress, and the leftist government of the Sandinista National Liberation Front (2007– ), which attempts to reconnect to the country’s revolutionary past. In this way efforts to formulate legitimate political agendas in the context of shifting relations between states and markets are detailed, together with constructions of citizens and workers along differentiations of class and gender. Relying on interviews with FTZ workers, the study examines ways to interpret, inhabit or resist imperative subject positions at the intersections of contending projects of nation-building and transnational orders of production, in conjunction with a discussion of the uneasy distinction between representation and appropriation that troubles transnational feminist research projects.